Academic literature on the topic 'Social sciences -> political science -> constitutions'
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Journal articles on the topic "Social sciences -> political science -> constitutions"
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Graber, Mark A. "Why Interpret? Political Justification and American Constitutionalism." Review of Politics 56, no. 3 (1994): 415–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500018908.
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This article offers a new understanding of political justification and American constitutionalism. Previous scholarship relies on philosophical justifications of constitutionalism which regard the American Constitution as the blueprint of the good society. Such claims fail to explain why persons should interpret a constitution that does not conform to their conception of political justice. Scholars could offer better reasons for interpreting an imperfect constitution if they placed greater emphasis on two other models of political justification. Institutional justifications of constitutionalism regard Constitutions as standard operating procedures for allocating the resources available for achieving the good society. Social justifications of constitutionalism regard constitutions as compromises among people of fundamentally different views. By combining philosophical, institutional and social perspectives, scholars might strengthen the case for constitutional obedience and provide better foundations for a theory of constitutional interpretation.
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NEGRETTO, GABRIEL L., and MARIANO SÁNCHEZ-TALANQUER. "Constitutional Origins and Liberal Democracy: A Global Analysis, 1900–2015." American Political Science Review 115, no. 2 (January 19, 2021): 522–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055420001069.
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A strong tradition in democratic theory claims that only constitutions made with direct popular involvement can establish or deepen democracy. Against this view, we argue that new constitutions are likely to enhance liberal democracy when they emerge through a plural agreement among political elites with distinct bases of social support. Power dispersion during constitution writing induces the adoption of institutions that protect opposition forces from the arbitrary use of executive power without unduly impairing majority rule. However, since incumbents may renege on the bargain, the democratizing effect of politically plural constitutional agreements is likely to be larger in the short term, when the identity of negotiating political forces and the balance of power between them tend to remain stable. We find support for these arguments using an original global dataset on the origins of constitutions between 1900 and 2015 and a difference-in-differences design.
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Cassola, Adèle, Amy Raub, and Jody Heymann. "Do constitutions guarantee equal rights across socioeconomic status? A half century of change in the world's constitutions." Journal of International and Comparative Social Policy 32, no. 3 (October 2016): 235–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21699763.2016.1237373.
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For those disadvantaged by bias and barriers based on socioeconomic status (SES), constitutions can provide a defense against discrimination and a foundation for greater equality in social, economic, and political life. In light of the near-global commitment to a multi-dimensional poverty reduction agenda and the increased inclusion of marginalized groups in constitution-drafting processes, this article examines how 193 constitutions address SES and how this has changed over time. The majority of constitutions guarantee equal access to primary education across SES (59%) and prohibit discrimination on this basis (58%). Fewer guarantee access to healthcare (20%), equal rights in employment (15%), eligibility for legislative office (4%), and voting rights (4%) across SES. Constitutions adopted after 1990 are considerably more likely to protect equal rights across SES than older ones. However, 25% of constitutions – including 17% of those adopted since 1990 – restrict political participation based on socioeconomic characteristics.
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Bekele, Henok Kebede. "Constitution as Social Contract in Contemporary Ethiopia: The Need to Re-construct Political Arrangements." Mizan Law Review 15, no. 1 (September 30, 2021): 41–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/mlr.v15i1.2.
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Constitutions represent social contracts that accommodate subjective interests of groups within the framework of impersonal shared interests among citizens of the society at large. This article examines the contemporary social contract theory in relation to the constitutional making process in Ethiopia. The lawmaking process of Ethiopia’s 1995 Constitution does not fulfil the procedural legitimacy of social contract because important sections of the society were neglected. The institutions created by the FDRE Constitution denote the subjectivist approaches to social contract theory thereby ignoring the impersonal interests of the society. To accommodate both the subjective ends and impersonal interests of the society, the Constitution should be reconstructed in light of the dualist contemporary social contract theory. This article argues that Ethiopia's contracting actors should consider both the subjective and impersonal interests of society. The article examines the conditions that make constitution a social contract. It also discusses the controversies concerning Ethiopia's Constitution in light of the theory of social contract, and tries to show what the Constitution should fulfil as a social contract in contemporary Ethiopia.
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Hirschl, Ran. "Constitutions and the Metropolis." Annual Review of Law and Social Science 16, no. 1 (October 13, 2020): 59–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-lawsocsci-051920-020619.
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Extensive urbanization and the consequent rise of megacities are among the most significant demographic phenomena of our time. Our constitutional institutions and constitutional imagination, however, have not even begun to catch up with the new reality. In this article, I address four dimensions of the great constitutional silence concerning the metropolis: ( a) the tremendous interest in cities throughout much of the social sciences, as contrasted with the meager attention to the subject in constitutional theory and practice; ( b) the right to the city in theory and practice; ( c) a brief account of what national constitutions actually say about cities, and more significantly what they do not; and ( d) the dominant statist stance embedded in national constitutional orders, in particular as it addresses the sovereignty and spatial governance of the polity, as a main explanatory factor for the lack of vibrant constitutional discourse concerning urbanization in general and the metropolis in particular.
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Benewick, Robert. "Towards a Developmental Theory of Constitutionalism: The Chinese Case." Government and Opposition 33, no. 4 (October 1998): 442–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1998.tb00461.x.
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CONSTITUTIONS, CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM AND CONSTITUTIONAL conflict are once again commanding attention. The celebrations of the bicentennial of the American constitution, the implementation of constitutional reform in Canada, the Labour government's programme for constitutional change in the United Kingdom, the seemingly intractable conflict in Northern Ireland, and transfers of sovereignty to the European Union from its constituent states, testify to this. Equally, if not more challenging, have been the upheavals in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union and its reconstituted states, the ‘third’ wave of democratization across the developing world, the experiment in participatory constitutionalism in South Africa and the return of Hong Kong to China. Of the 179 countries that elect their governments out of a total of 192 countries in the world, 176 have codified constitutions. Constitutions, however, that are not fully mature or operative and are not based on the principles or drafted with the advice of those nations that have developed and entrenched their constitutions tend to be disregarded, or even dismissed. Moreover, writing a constitution is one exercise, implementing, and interpreting it is a far more complex and delicate undertaking. So how are social scientists to evaluate the process?
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Ruiz Vieytez, Eduardo. "Constitutions, minorities and superdiversity." Age of Human Rights Journal, no. 19 (December 19, 2022): 187–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.17561/tahrj.v19.6770.
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Superdiversity is an interesting concept that needs to be incorporated into the field of legal sciences. A comparative analysis of the European Constitutions shows that constitutional references to culturally based minorities reflect the particular political context of each country, although there is a correspondence between the categories generally employed in comparative constitutional law and those in common use in international institutions. In addition to the cultural elements that characterise minorities (language, ethnicity, religion, nationality), other identity factors such as sex (gender), physical appearance (phenotype), opinions or convictions and social or economic status are generally included in anti-discrimination provisions. However, other elements that are relevant to the idea of superdiversity, such as place of residence within an urban environment and employment status, hardly appear in the European constitutional texts. If superdiversity is implemented without calibrating it to each context it may pose a threat to the fair and appropriate treatment of traditional minorities.
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Heckelman, Jac C., and John Dinan. "Don’t You be My Neighbor: Support for Racial-Exclusion Constitutional Provisions in Mid-19th Century Indiana and Illinois." American Politics Research 49, no. 5 (May 24, 2021): 504–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x211015346.
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Racially discriminatory provisions in the U.S. Constitution and southern state constitutions have been extensively analyzed, but insufficient attention has been brought to these provisions when included in northern state constitutions. We examine constitutional provisions excluding blacks from entering the state that were adopted by various northern states in the mid-19th Century. Previous scholarship has focused on the statements and votes of the convention delegates who framed these provisions. However, positions taken by delegates need not have aligned with the views of their constituents. Delegates to state constitutional conventions held in Illinois in 1847, Indiana in 1850 and 1851, and Oregon in 1857 opted to submit to voters racial-exclusion provisions separate from the vote to approve the rest of the constitution. We exploit this institutional feature by using county-level election returns in Illinois and Indiana to test claims about the importance of partisan affiliation, religious denomination, social-welfare policy concerns, labor competition, and racial-threat theory in motivating popular support for entrenching racially discriminatory policies in constitutions. We find greater levels of support for racial exclusion in areas where Democratic candidates polled better and in areas closer to slave-holding states where social-welfare policy concerns would be heightened. We find lower levels of support for racial exclusion in areas (in Indiana) with greater concentrations of Quakers. Our findings are not consistent with labor competition or racial-threat theories.
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Nelson, Matthew J., Aslı Bâli, David Mednicoff, and Hanna Lerner. "From Foreign Text to Local Meaning: The Politics of Religious Exclusion in Transnational Constitutional Borrowing." Law & Social Inquiry 45, no. 4 (April 14, 2020): 935–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lsi.2019.75.
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AbstractConstitutional drafters often look to foreign constitutional models, ideas, and texts for inspiration; many are explicit about their foreign borrowing. However, when implemented domestically, the meaning of borrowed elements often changes. Political scientists and scholars of comparative constitutional law have analyzed the transnational movement of constitutional ideas and norms, but the political processes through which the meaning of foreign provisions might be refashioned remain understudied. Sociolegal scholars have examined the “transplantation” and “translation” of laws and legal institutions, but they rarely scrutinize this process in the context of constitutions. Drawing on an examination of borrowed constitutional elements in four cases (Pakistan, Morocco, Egypt, Israel), this article builds on research in comparative politics, comparative constitutional law, and sociolegal studies to provide a nuanced picture of deliberate efforts to import “inclusive” constitutional provisions regarding religion-state relations while, at the same time, refashioning the meaning of those provisions in ways that “exclude” specific forms of religious, sectarian, doctrinal, or ideological diversity. Building on sociolegal studies regarding the translation of law, we argue that foreign constitutional elements embraced by politically embedded actors are often treated as “empty signifiers” with meanings that are deliberately transformed. Tracing the processes that lead political actors to engage foreign constitutional elements, even if they have no intention of transplanting their prior meaning, we highlight the need for detailed case studies to reveal both the international and the national dynamics that shape and reshape the meaning of constitutions today.
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Castro, Kamile. "Entre o Direito e a Ciência Política: uma relação com futuro?" Revista Portuguesa de Ciência Política / Portuguese Journal of Political Science, no. 15 (2021): 59–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.33167/2184-2078.rpcp2021.15/pp.59-74.
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with its various elements. Therefore, it is not surprising that the great link between Law and Political Science was due to Constitutional Law and the General Theory of the State. When today we study the configuration of the State, we pay attention not only to administrative, judicial and legislative institutions, but also to the legal and political status that must be observed by the State and its governors. Thus, in today’s democratic States, Law and Politics intersect in different ways. States, based on constitutional precepts, rest on their legitimacy and legality, on these precepts that contain, in turn, a double character: legal and political. Political Science and Law researchers and, desirably, from other areas of Social Sciences and even from other scientific areas, have the current challenge, to place their areas of study, on investigative platforms, which allow the development of these areas in multidisciplinary, interdisciplinary and transdisciplinary models. Keywords: constitution; law; justice; power; politic
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Social sciences -> political science -> constitutions"
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Dorman, Sara Rich. "Inclusion and exclusion : NGOs and politics in Zimbabwe." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2002. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:99281b24-8104-4699-8e4c-0cdc2a2c716e.
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The thesis explores the changing relations between the Zimbabwean state and local nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) after independence. It focuses on debates over the role of NGOs in democratization in developing countries, using Zimbabwe as an example. The thesis argues that the study of democratization is best accomplished through detailed empirical case studies, relying on historical narratives and participant-observation research. Such research reinforces our understanding of democratization as a complex and dynamic process. The thesis proposes a framework for understanding state and society relations in Zimbabwe, emphasizing the ruling party’s use of coercive and consent-generating mechanisms to establish hegemony over the new nation. It examines the changing relationship between NGOs and the state after independence, when the ruling party’s efforts to include most groups within its nationalist coalition extend to NGOs. Case studies of NGO coalitions show how activist NGOs fail to mobilize others owing to the unwillingness of many NGOs to challenge the ruling party’s control over policy-making. The establishment of the National Constitutional Assembly by some NGOs, churches and trade unionists set the stage for an increasingly tense engagement between NGOs and the state after 1997. The constitutional debate opened up the public sphere in new ways. As the ruling party attempted to retain control over the political sphere and the constitutional debate, NGO politics became increasingly polarized. The emergence of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change, and the prominence of NGO activists within its leadership, led to further conflict. After losing the February 2000 constitutional referendum, the regime sanctioned violent attacks on white farmers, businesspeople, and NGOs. While the ruling party attempted to shore up its support through nationalist rhetoric and financial incentives, groups perceived to oppose the state were excluded and vilified.
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Brulin, Rémi. "Le discours américain sur le terrorisme : Constitution, évolution et contextes d'énonciation (1972-1992)." Phd thesis, Université de la Sorbonne nouvelle - Paris III, 2011. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00764900.
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Depuis les attaques du 11 septembre 2001 contre New York et Washington, D.C. le terme de " terrorisme " a pris une place prépondérante dans le discours politique américain. Profondément péjoratif et s'accompagnant indéfectiblement d'une forte condamnation morale, il a été utilisé afin d'expliquer et justifier le recours à la force armée dans de multiples régions de monde et l'imposition de limites aux libertés civiles des citoyens américains, et ce malgré l'absence de définition claire de ce concept au niveau américain comme au niveau international. Le discours américain sur le terrorisme fit son apparition sur la scène politique durant la dernière décennie de la Guerre froide, l'Union Soviétique et ses alliés " totalitaires " étant décrits par Ronald Reagan comme recourant au " terroriste international " afin d'assouvir leurs velléités hégémoniques et de mener une véritable guerre contre l'ensemble du monde civilisé, d'abord en Amérique centrale puis, de plus en plus souvent, au Moyen-Orient. Le président américain, s'exprimant dans un contexte d'énonciation protégé, n'eut jamais à proposer de définition explicite de ce terme. Les débats devant le Congrès, l'Assemblée Générale et le Conseil de sécurité des Nations Unies révèlent eux par contre que ce concept était à l'époque fortement contesté au sein du pouvoir américain tout comme au niveau international, et que les représentants du gouvernement américain défendirent non pas un mais de multiples discours très différents les uns des autres et adaptés aux contextes d'énonciation propre à chacun de ces forums. Grâce à cette compartimentation rendue possible par l'absence d'une définition claire et acceptée par tous du " terrorisme ", mais aussi au rôle joué par les experts et les médias, le discours américain put ainsi s'imposer malgré ses contradictions flagrantes, et après l'interlude des années 1990, faire son retour triomphant après le 11 septembre 2001.
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Hill, Mark J. "Founding and re-founding : a problem in Rousseau's political thought and action." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b41e1417-05c9-4c46-bcad-f0f0bdc83dde.
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protein chemistry, unnatural amino acids, chemical biology, proteomicsThe foundation of political societies is a central theme in Rousseau's work. This is no surprise coming from a man who was born into a people who had their own celebrated founder and foundations, and immersed himself in the writings of classical republicans and the quasi-mythical histories of ancient city-states where the heroic lawgiver played an important and legitimate role in political foundations. However, Rousseau's propositional political writings (those written for Geneva, Corsica, and Poland) have been accused of being unsystematic and running the spectrum from conservative and prudent to radical and utopian. It is this seeming incongruence which is the subject of this thesis. In particular, it is argued that this confusion is born out the failure to recognize a systematic distinction between "founding" and "re-founding" political societies in both the history of political thought, and Rousseau's own work (a distinction in Rousseau which has rarely been noted, let alone treated to a study of its own). By recognizing this distinction one can identify two Rousseaus; the conservative and prudent thinker who is wary of making changes to established political systems and constitutional foundations (the re-founder), and the radical democrat fighting for equality, and claiming that no state is legitimate without popular sovereignty (the founder). In demonstrating this distinction, this thesis examines the ancient concept of the lawgiver, the growth and expansion of the idea leading up to the eighteenth century, Rousseau's own philosophic writings on the topic, and the differing political proposals he wrote for Geneva, Corsica, and Poland. The thesis argues that although there is a clear separation between these two types of political proposals, they remain systematically Rousseauvian.
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Teuteberg, Salome Marjanne. "The endurance of Lebanese consociational democracy." Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/6577.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2011.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The small Middle Eastern country of Lebanon was once recognised as the exemplar of power-sharing democracy, upholding a system that promoted peace and coexistence between Christians and Muslims. Power was divided proportionally amongst confessional groups, granting each sect power according to their demographic proportion. This division of power was aimed at promoting national unity, but changes in the Lebanese demography made the division undemocratic, and the constitution no longer accurately represented Lebanese society. The 1926 constitution, supplemented by the National Pact in 1943, which had upheld this division of power, baulked under the pressure of a 15-year civil war, to the surprise of many scholars who had praised the Lebanese system. While many place the blame on the outside influences, it has been determined that the problem lay within the system. The static characteristic of the system did not sufficiently provide for changing demographics, or a change in interest groups. The problem lay in the fixed nature of the proportionality of the consociational system. The prolonged civil war, sometimes referred to as a proxy war between Israel and Syria, came to an end with the signing of the Taif Accord in 1990. Though none were satisfied with its provision, the Accord brought an end to the escalating violence. The Accord paved the way for the rebuilding of state institutions, enabling parliamentary elections in 1992 and 1996; general municipal elections in 1998; the peaceful transfer of power between presidents; as well as the reconstruction of the Lebanese economy. The main objective of this study of Lebanon is to determine whether the amended Lebanese constitution of 1990 adheres to the principles provided in the theoretical framework regarding constitutional endurance. This study is in the form of a qualitative case study. It aims to describe, at length, and to form an in-depth understanding of the actors and events leading up to the Taif Accord, as well as the formation and implementation thereof. The research questions include: What factors relating to flexibility, specificity and inclusion contributed to the breakdown of the 1943 National Pact?; What steps were taken leading to the Taif Accord?; and Have the changes made in the Lebanese constitution by means of the 1990 Taif Accord facilitated the endurance of the constitution? The study aims to contribute through its application of the theoretical framework to a particular case study, namely that of Lebanon. By 'testing' this theoretical framework, this study also provides an in-depth analysis of the happenings in Lebanon over the past 80 years. It remains in question whether the Taif Accord‟s amendments to the constitution have sufficiently provided for the resilience of thereof. Twenty years of relative peace have not convinced Lebanese citizens of the legitimacy and efficacy of the Accord. While the over-centralisation of power within the system was curbed by shifting power away from the president to a cabinet equally divided between Christian and Muslims, the Accord failed to effectively deal with the preset nature of the proportionality within the system. 20 years of relative peace may be enough to ensure the endurance of the constitution, but regional factors as well as the presence of radicalised groups play an important role in destabilising the fragile balance within the country. Should the Lebanese state continue to be inclusive and flexible in the wake of a constantly changing environment, it may endure. However, the tumultuous nature of the region in which Lebanon finds itself may eventually provide external shocks that the Lebanese system fails to weather. The hope is that the system builds on sound, systemic foundations in order to be able to endure regional conflict.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die klein Midde-Oosterse land Lebanon, was vroeër 'n voorbeeld van 'n magsdelende demokrasie wat 'n stelsel gehandhaaf het wat vrede en naasbestaan tussen Christene en Moslems bevorder het. Mag is proporsioneel onder geloofsgroepe verdeel volgens hul demografiese verhouding tot die ander groepe. Hierdie verdeling van mag was gemik op die bevordering van nasionale eenheid, maar veranderinge in die Lebanese demografie het veroorsaak dat die grondwet nie meer verteenwoordigend was van die Lebanese samelewing nie. Die Lebanese Grondwet van 1926, tesame met die Nasionale Verdrag van 1943, wat hierdie verdeling gehandhaaf het, het onder die druk van 'n 15-jare Burgeroorlog inmekaar gestort, ten spyte van die vertroue wat in die stelsel was. Alhoewel die skuld soms op eksterne invloede geplaas is, is dit egter bepaal dat die probleem in die Lebanese stelsel self lê. Die statiese kenmerk van die stelsel het nie voldoende voorsiening gemaak vir 'n verandering in die demografie of belangegroepe nie. Die probleem lê in die statiese en onwrikbare aard van die konsosiatiewe stelsel. Die uitgerekte Burgeroorlog, soms gesien as 'n oorlog tussen Israel en Sirië op Lebanese grond, is tot 'n einde gebring met die ondertekening van die Taif Verdrag in 1990. Alhoewel geen betrokke party ten volle tevrede was met die bepalinge van die Verdrag nie, het dit 'n einde gebring aan die toenemende geweld. Die Verdrag het die weg gebaan vir die heropbou van staatsinstellings; parlementêre verkiesings in 1992 en 1996; algemene munisipale verkiesings in 1998; die vreedsame oordrag van mag tussen presidente; sowel as die heropbou van die Lebanese ekonomie. Die hoof doel van hierdie studie van Lebanon is om te bepaal of die gewysigde grondwet van 1990 voldoen aan die beginsels van die teoretiese raamwerk rakende grondwetlike uithouvermoë. Die studie is in die vorm van 'n kwalitatiewe gevallestudie. Dit het ten doel om te beskryf en 'n in-diepte begrip van die akteurs en die gebeure wat gelei het tot die Taif Accord, asook die vorming en implementering daarvan te vorm. Die navorsing vrae sluit in: Watter faktore met betrekking tot buigsaamheid, spesifisiteit en insluiting het bygedra tot die verval van die 1943 National Pact?; Watter stappe is geneem wat gelei tot die Taif Verdrag?; en Het die veranderinge in die Lebanese grondwet deur middel van die 1990 Taif Verdrag die langdurigheid van die grandwet gefasiliteer? studie het ten doel om by te dra deur middel van sy toepassing van die teoretiese raamwerk om 'n bepaalde gevallestudie, naamlik dat van die Lebanon. Hierdie studie verskaf ook 'n in-diepte analise van die gebeure in Lebanon oor die afgelope 80 jaar. Die vraag bly staan of die Taif Verdrag se wysigings aan die grondwet voldoende voorsiening gemaak het vir die oorlewing van die grondwet. Twintig jaar van relatiewe vrede het nog nie Lebanese burgers oortuig van die legitimiteit en doeltreffendheid van die Verdrag nie. Alhoewel die oor-sentralisering van mag binne die stelsel ingeperk is deur die verskuiwing van mag weg van die President, na 'n kabinet wat gelykop tussen Christene en Moslems verdeel is, het die Verdrag versuim om effektief met die proporsionele aard van die grondwet te handel. Dit is egter belangrik om op die uniekheid van die Lebanese geval te let, ten spyte van die vele faktore rondom die saak. Hoewel 20 jaar van vrede genoegsaam kan wees om die langdurigheid van 'n grondwet te verseker, speel streeksfaktore, sowel as die teenwoordigheid van radikale groepe 'n belangrike rol in die destabilisering van die fyn balans wat in die land voorkom. Indien die Lebanese staat voortgaan om inklusief en buigsaam te wees in die nasleep van 'n voortdurende, veranderende omgewing, sal dit kan voortleef. Maar die onstuimige aard van die streek waarin Lebanon homself bevind mag eksterne negatiewe faktore na vore bring wat die Lebanese stelsel nie kan hanteer nie. Die hoop is dat hierdie stelsel sal voortbou op sterk, sistemiese fondasies om in staat te wees om eksterne, sowel as interne, konflik te hanteer.
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Givens, John Wagner. "Suing dragons? : taking the Chinese state to court." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a016f84a-3df8-4df7-88bb-4475372022f0.
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This dissertation analyses the ability of Chinese lawyers to use administrative litigation to protect individuals and groups from an authoritarian state that frequently infringes on their rights. These plaintiffs fill administrative courts in China, opposing the overzealous tactics of police, challenging the expropriation of their land, and disputing the seizure and demolition of their homes. Empirically, it relies on several unique data sources in a mixed-methodological approach. Qualitative and small-n quantitative data from 126 interviews with a random sample of Chinese lawyers and 52 additional interviews are supplemented by documentary sources. These findings are then tested against official data and a large survey of Chinese lawyers. This research demonstrates that administrative litigation is part of a polycentric authoritarian system that helps the Chinese state to monitor its agents, allows limited political participation, and facilitates economic development (Chapter One). By giving ordinary Chinese a chance to hold their local governments accountable in court, administrative litigation represents a significant step towards rule of law, but its limited scope means that it has not been accompanied by dramatic liberalisation (Chapter Three). In part, this is because the most prolific and successful administrative litigators are politically embedded lawyers, insiders who challenge the state in court but eschew the most radical cases and tactics (Chapter Four). The tactics that allow politically embedded lawyers to successfully litigate administrative cases rely on and contribute to China’s polycentric authoritarianism by drawing in other state, quasi-state, and non-state actors (Chapter Five). Multinationals in China are largely failing to contribute to the development of China’s legal system because they readily accept preferential treatment from the Chinese state as an alternative to litigation (Chapter Six). While administrative litigation bolsters China’s polycentric authoritarianism in the short term, it offers tremendous potential for rationalisation, liberalisation, and even democratisation in the long term.
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Stephens, Otis H. Jr, John M. II Scheb, and Colin Glennon. "American Constitutional Law, Volume I and II: Civil Rights and Liberties." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2015. http://amzn.com/1285736923.
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AMERICAN CONSTITUTIONAL LAW, Volumes I and II, combines cases, decisions, and authorial commentary to maximize your learning and understanding in this course. These comprehensive volumes cover the entire range of topics in constitutional law. Volume I examines the institutional aspects of constitutional law; Volume II deals with civil rights and liberties. Each of the chapters includes an introductory essay providing the legal, historical, political, and cultural context of Supreme Court jurisprudence in a particular area of constitutional interpretation. Each chapter also contains several boxed features (labeled "Case in Point" and "Sidebar") to provide additional perspective and context for the set of edited decisions from the United States Supreme Court cases that follow. In selecting, editing, and updating the materials, the authors emphasize recent trends in major areas of constitutional interpretation, as well as many landmark decisions, some of which retain importance as precedents while others illustrate the transient nature of constitutional interpretation. Because the book provides a good balance of decisions and authorial commentary, this text appeals to instructors of law as well as instructors of political science.https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu_books/1021/thumbnail.jpg
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Taylor, Kristie A. "Constitutional alcohol Prohibition in the United States: Power, profit and politics." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/289817.
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Why was national alcohol Prohibition repealed in the United States? Prohibition's repeal is unique in several respects. Alcohol Prohibition is the only American drug prohibition to ever be repealed, and the only constitutional amendment to ever be repealed. Furthermore, the volatility of Prohibition policy serves as a useful case for political sociology, which tends to focus on stable policies and government agencies. Prohibition's repeal is important substantively because it is the only American drug prohibition to be repealed. The question of repeal requires examination of several theoretical issues. First, is the process of creating a new policy fundamentally different from the process of dismantling an existing policy? Second, what effect does an exogenous crisis (like World War I or the Great Depression) have on state actor's response to the demands of a social movement? Third, what is the role of elites in a social movement? Fourth, what effect does the implementation of a policy have on those constituencies supporting it? I examine the substantive and theoretical issues of Prohibition's repeal using a variety of primary and secondary sources. National Prohibition resulted from the combined effects of crisis and elite social movement activity. Both were necessary for passage of the 18th Amendment. Implementation of the amendment proved difficult and had a destabilizing effect on Prohibition's supporters. Repeal of Prohibition resulted from the combined effects of implementation and crisis. The passage and repeal of Prohibition were the result of very different processes, suggesting that dismantling a policy is a different kind of political project than creating a policy.
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Lilyblad, Christopher Marc. "The constitution of illicit orders." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b384b742-f218-4e10-8674-647d4cbb59d5.
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Within the context of a modern globalizing world, this thesis investigates governance in fragile areas where unconsolidated territorial-sovereign statehood offers niches for 'illicit' forms of social order to develop. Through recursive theoretical and empirical research rooted in the 'abductive' method of Pragmatism, the analysis has three overarching objectives: First, it offers a different conceptual approach by moving away from negative categorization of the phenomena, e.g. failed states, ungoverned spaces, limited statehood etc., towards a positive conceptualization, i.e. illicit orders. By casting off the legal-rational, sovereign-territorial lens, the pursuant conceptual reconfiguration of territory, authority, and institutions recognizes and more directly conveys the existence of local social organization apart from the modern state via the agency of social groups acting in violation of domestic and/or international legal norms, rules, and institutions. Second, it seeks to explain the constitution of 'illicit orders' by offering a sociologically-cognizant analytical framework capable of elucidating the 'micro' processes inherent to governance in territories where state institutions remain nominal and ineffective. Based on insights from theoretically-informed empirical fieldwork in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil's favelas, I maintain that inter-subjective relations of authority can be produced when a given actor asserts predominance in three co-constitutive domains; namely, organized violence, socioeconomic security, and social legitimacy. Resultant authority then gives rise to the 'structuration' of norms, rules, and institutions, which also recursively reinforces the institutionalization of authority - a process inherent to the constitution of social order in these circumscribed territories. Third, it provides an understanding of how inherently local 'illicit orders' at once form part of a diffuse mosaic of social, political, and economic structures that collectively constitute 'global society', while simultaneously existing in dramatic juxtaposition to the Western-led 'international order' of states within it. Such an understanding purports to further challenge 'neoutilitarian' and 'macro-structural' theoretical approaches predominant in contemporary International Relations discourses.
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Pachon, Buitrago Monica. "Cross-avenue politics the case of Colombia and Brazil /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3320554.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2008.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed September 23, 2008). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 166-174).
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Monyane, Chelete. "The kingdom of Lesotho : an assessment of problems in democratic consolidation." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1136.
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Thesis (DPhil (Political Science))--Stellenbosch University, 2009.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The main problem investigated in this study is why a homogeneous nation with a high literacy rate such as Lesotho has had so many breakdowns of democracy since independence in 1966. Lesotho is completely surrounded and economically dependent on South Africa and depends mostly on the external sources of income (migrant remittances, customs revenues and foreign aid). Why has this democracy not consolidated? For the assessment of the consolidation of Lesotho’s democracy, this study adopted the multivariate model of Bratton and Van de Walle. This model uses institutional as well as socio-economic variables. In the application of this model various other authors were used as well. Schedler dealt with the concept of breakdowns, whereas Linz and Stepan emphasised institutions and Przeworski et. al and Leftwich also utilised multivariate models, including socio-economic factors. Upon the attainment of independence, the King became a constitutional monarch within a parliamentary system. The monarchy was from the beginning of independence uncomfortable with this status that granted him limited powers. The democratic regime inaugurated with the 1965 elections lasted only till 1970, when the ruling party under Chief Leabua Jonathan which did not support the monarchy, declared the election results invalid and suspended the constitution after his ruling party lost to the opposition. But Chief Leabua Jonathan was toppled from state power in 1986 by the military. The military ruled for eight years. It was clear that the monarchy (eager for executive powers) and the military became factors in the survival of democracy in Lesotho. Democratic rule was relaunched in 1993. The 1993 and 1998 elections were followed by violent power struggles. This time the constituency-based electoral system served as catalyst for the political crises and was blamed. This is because seats did not reflect electoral support as opposition parties were not adequately represented in parliament. Constitutional reforms followed and in 2002 democratic rule was reintroduced. The 2002 and 2007 elections were conducted under the Mixed Member Proportional (MMP) system, which is a hybrid between constituencyiv based and proportional representation. Despite the electoral reforms, uncertainties still remained as the result of escalating socio-economic problems. This study addresses the ways in which the monarchy, the military, the electoral system and the socio-economic factors contributed to the breakdown of democracy in Lesotho. The original aspect of this study lies in the novel set of questions that have not been asked before. It fills the gap in the literature on the 2007 elections and the workings of the new electoral system by comparing the 2002 and the 2007 elections. Despite the constitutional reforms in 2002, the 2007 elections resulted in the new set of problems. The problem of the Lesotho MMP system is how it has to be operationalised and the lack of understanding among the politicians and electorates on how it works. This situation is exacerbated by the absence of legal and clear guidelines on how the translation of votes into seats– especially for candidates under proportional representation (PR) – has to be undertaken in cases where there are coalitions between parties. This institutional reform of the electoral system has not added any value for the development of democracy as losing parties have refused to adhere to the rules. Apart from the electoral system, some of the other core problems are older and institutional. The monarchy has over the years been at the root of some of the country’s democratic breakdowns. It also had influence in the military. The military instituted a period of authoritarianism and managed the transition to democratic rule in the early 1990s.The monarchy and the military continued to destabilise the post- 1993 democratic governments until 1998, after which the electoral system was reformed. But the problems are not only institutional. Lesotho is a democracy with low per capita income. It also has high levels of inequalities as well as high unemployment. Lesotho also has one of the highest HIV/Aids rates in Southern Africa. The country performs poorly when measured against aspects of the United Nations Human Development Index (HDI) such as life expectancy, mortality rates and standard of living. It is the poorest country, with the lowest HDI of Southern Africa’s “free nations”, according to Freedom House. These socio-economic problems have impacted negatively on the prospects of democratic consolidation. One positive aspect is the high literacy rate of over 80%. But this has not benefited Lesotho’s democracy in any meaningful way as most of its educated people are working in South Africa. The country does not have a sizeable middle class, while civil society, except for churches, is also weak. While the monarchy and military have been successfully depoliticised, Lesotho’s democracy remains unconsolidated because of weaknesses in the electoral system (lack of understanding of its operationalisation) and continuing problems of socio-economic development. Its ethnic homogeneity is not an asset either as other divisions have recurred all the time. The overall conclusion is therefore that although most institutional factors responsible for democratic breakdowns in the past have been overcome, the socioeconomic variables such as poverty, weak civil society, small middle class and socio-economic inequality will hinder consolidation for a long time to come.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die hoofprobleem wat in hierdie studie ondersoek word, is hoekom ’n homogene nasie met ’n hoë geletterdheidsyfer soos Lesotho, soveel onderbrekings (“breakdowns”) van die demokrasie sedert onafhanklikwording beleef het. Vir die beoordeling van konsolidasie van Lesotho se demokrasie is van ’n model van multivariëteit gebruik gemaak. Dit is gebaseer op die denke van Bratton en Van de Walle wat van sowel institusionele as sosio-ekonomiese veranderlikes gebruik maak. Die konsep van afbreuk (“breakdown”) is van Schedler afkomstig. Linz en Stepan maak uitsluitlik van institusionele veranderlikes gebruik, terwyl Przeworski et. al en Leftwich ook van multi-veranderlikes gebruik maak. Hulle denke het die teoretiese raamwerk van hierdie studie gevorm. Heeltemal omring deur, en afhanklik van Suid-Afrika, word die Koninkryk van Lesotho geteister deur politieke onstabiliteit. Die koning het ’n grondwetlike monargie binne ’n parlementêre stelsel geword. Die monargie was egter sedert die begin van onafhank-likheid ongemaklik hiermee. Die demokratiese regime het in 1965 met verkiesings tot stand gekom. Maar dit het slegs tot 1970 geduur toe die regerende party van Hoofman Leabua Jonathan die verkiesing verloor het, en die grondwet opgeskort het. Hyself is in 1986 in ’n staatsgreep deur die weermag omvergewerp. Dit was toe reeds duidelik dat die monargie en die militêre faktore in die oorlewing van demokrasie in Lesotho geword het. Demokratiese regering is in 1993 heringestel. Die 1993 en 1998 verkiesings het egter weer geweld opgelewer. Nou was die kiesafdeling-gebaseerde kiesstelsel geblameer omdat setels nie met steun vir partye gekorreleer het nie. Grondwetlike hervormings is ingestel waarna demokrasie weer in 2002 heringestel is. Die verkiesings van 2002 en 2007 het onder reëls van ’n hibriede stelsel van proposionele verteenwoordiging sowel as kiesafdelings plaasgevind. Daar was stabiliteit, maar onsekerhede was as gevolg van ingewikkeldhede van die stelsel wat nie opgelos is nie. Die studie ontleed die rol van die monargie, die weermag, die kiesstelsel en vlak van sosio-ekonomiese ontwikkeling in die opeenvolgende demokratiese ineenstortings in Lesotho. Die oorspronklikheid van hierdie studie is dat vrae gestel word wat nog nie voorheen met betrekking tot Lesotho gedoen is nie. Dit vul dus ’n gaping in die literatuur, ook wat die onlangse verkiesings van 2007 betref. Ten spyte van die grondwetlike hervormings van 2002, het die 2007 verkiesings nuwe probleme opgelewer. Die probleem is dat sowel die kiesers as die politici nie altyd verstaan hoe die formules van die hibriede stelsel werk nie. Daar is ook ’n afwesigheid van riglyne oor hoe om stemme in setels om te sit waar kaolisies deelgeneem het. Afgesien van die verkiesingstelsel, is van die ander probleme ouer, maar ook institusioneel van aard. Die monargie soos hierbo gestel, is deel van hierdie probleme. Dit het soos aangedui ook ’n invloed op die militêre gehad. Beide het die demokrasie gedestabiliseer tot ná 1993 en 1998, waarna die nuwe verkiesingstelsel nuwe probleme opgelewer het. Die probleme in Lesotho is egter nie net van ’n institusionele aard nie. Lesotho is ’n arm demokrasie met lae per capita inkome, hoë ongelykhede en werkloosheid, asook van die hoogste HIV/Vigs syfers in Suider Afrika. Lesotho vaar ook swak op die Verenigde Nasies se Menslike Ontwikkelingsindeks. Dit is ook die armste van Freedom House se nasies wat as “vry” geklassifiseer word. ’n Positiewe aspek is die hoë geletterdheidsyfer van 80%. Maar dit het Lesotho oënskynlik nie gehelp om die demokrasie volhoubaar te maak nie. Die land het byvoorbeeld nie ’n beduidende middelklas nie, terwyl die burgerlike samelewing met uitsondering van die kerke, ook swak is. Terwyl die monargie en die militêre deesdae gedepolitiseer is, is die demokrasie nog nie gekonsolideer nie. Die redes hiervoor is die probleme met die kiesstelsel en voortgesette lae ekonomiese ontwikkeling. Etniese homogeniteit is ook skynbaar nie ’n bate nie, want ander verdelings ontstaan deurentyd. Die hoofkonklusie van hierdie studie is dus dat alhoewel Lesotho die institusionele faktore wat vir demokratiese afbreuk in die verlede verantwoordelik was oorkom het, die sosio-ekonomiese veranderlikes soos armoede, swak burgerlike samelewing, klein middelklas en ongelykheid steeds konsolidasie nog vir ’n lang tyd sal belemmer.
Books on the topic "Social sciences -> political science -> constitutions"
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1944-, Glaessner Gert-Joachim, Reutter Werner, and Jeffery Charlie, eds. Verfassungspolitik und Verfassungswandel: Deutschland und Grossbritannien im Vergleich. Wiesbaden: Westdeutscher Verlag, 2001.
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Zanfarino, Antonio, and Salvatore Cingari. Politica costituzionale e scienza sociale alle origini della "Cesare Alfieri". Firenze]: Centro editoriale toscano, 2001.
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Dougherty, Keith L. The Calculus of Consent and Constitutional Design. New York, NY: Springer Science+Business Media, LLC, 2011.
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service), SpringerLink (Online, ed. Integration by Cooperation: A Constructivist Social Theory and a Theory of the State and the Law. Vienna: Springer-Verlag Vienna, 2012.
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Spitzer, Robert J. The politics of gun control. 4th ed. Washington, DC: CQ Press, 2007.
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Felsenthal, Dan S. Electoral Systems: Paradoxes, Assumptions, and Procedures. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2012.
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El-Karanshawy, Samer. Class, family and power in an Egyptian village. Cairo, Egypt: American University in Cairo Press, 1998.
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Tully, James. Une étrange multiplicité: Le constitutionnalisme à une époque de diversité. [Sainte-Foy, Québec]: Presses de l'Université Laval, 1999.
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Schwartz, Phyllis B. Critical challenges in law and government: Canada's constitutional crisis : a simulation. Vancouver: TC2/Critical Thinking Cooperative, 1998.
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Craig, Hemmens, ed. Legal guide for police: Constitutional issues. 9th ed. Burlington, MA: Anderson Pub., 2011.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Social sciences -> political science -> constitutions"
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Shan, Yafeng, and Jon Williamson. "Political Science." In Evidential Pluralism in the Social Sciences, 115–31. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003143000-11.
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Conkie, Craig. "7. Political science." In Information Sources in the Social Sciences, edited by David Fisher, Sandra Price, and Terry Hanstock, 266–305. Berlin, Boston: De Gruyter, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110949322-010.
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Wagschal, Uwe, and Felix Ettensperger. "Big Data in Social Sciences." In The SAGE Handbook of Political Science, 272–87. 1 Oliver's Yard, 55 City Road London EC1Y 1SP: SAGE Publications Ltd, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9781529714333.n19.
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Jenkins, Fiona. "Gendered Innovation in the Social Sciences." In Gender Innovation in Political Science, 41–59. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-75850-3_3.
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Agius, Christine. "Social Constructivist International Relations and the Military." In Handbook of Military Sciences, 1–16. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02866-4_105-1.
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AbstractCaptured by Alexander Wendt’s now-famous maxim “anarchy is what states make of it,” social constructivism is the idea that the world “out there” is not given, as realists would argue, but rather, “socially constructed.” In doing so, social constructivism places a focus on the importance of “mutual constitution”: international politics is shaped by both structures, such as anarchy, or agents, such as states and other actors. Structures and agents influence each other. Moreover, social constructivism emphasizes social relations in global politics, and sees security and international politics as determined by ideas as well as material factors. The identity of agents such as states matter because identity helps determine national interests. As states interact with other actors in the international system, their ideas and identity can change over time, which can produce a more dynamic understanding of international relations. This chapter will take the reader through the key ideas of social constructivism – also referred to as “constructivism” in this chapter – showing how norms, culture, and ideas about identity shape actors, condition their relations with each other, and can impact the so-called “given” nature of international relations and transform understandings of power relations. Social constructivism can also help make sense of security and military phenomena, such as alliances and threat perceptions, or why states go to war. This chapter will also cover the different branches of constructivist thought and the main critiques of constructivism to highlight its key contributions and the problems it also raises.
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Sylvan, David J. "The Qualitative-Quantitative Distinction in Political Science." In The Qualitative-Quantitative Distinction in the Social Sciences, 79–97. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-3444-8_6.
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Ayee, Joseph R. A., and Maame A. A. Gyekye-Jandoh. "The Vicissitudes of Political Science in Ghana." In Changing Perspectives on the Social Sciences in Ghana, 159–92. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-8715-4_9.
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Dix, Josh. "Neuronopolitics: The Brainy Approach to Political Science." In Grand Theories and Ideologies in the Social Sciences, 171–90. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230112612_11.
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Powell, Shelliann. "Psychoanalysis and the Study of Political Science." In Grand Theories and Ideologies in the Social Sciences, 97–112. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230112612_6.
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Rauhut, Heiko, and Fabian Winter. "On the Validity of Laboratory Research in the Political and Social Sciences: The Example of Crime and Punishment." In Experimental Political Science, 209–32. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137016645_10.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Social sciences -> political science -> constitutions"
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Hristovska, Jelena Trajkovska. "The Political concept of the Constitution and the Concepts of Hidden Constitution, Modest Constitution and, Behind –the-Scenes” Constitution." In International Conference on Advanced Research in Social Sciences and Humanities. Acavent, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.33422/icarsh.2019.03.193.
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Li, Wen, and Yifan Ruan. "Constitutional Education: The Core of German Political Education." In 2020 International Conference on Advanced Education, Management and Social Science (AEMSS2020). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.200723.130.
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Rudenko, Valentina. "Anti-Corruption Policy, the Constitution, and Human Rights in Poland." In The Public/Private in Modern Civilization, the 22nd Russian Scientific-Practical Conference (with international participation) (Yekaterinburg, April 16-17, 2020). Liberal Arts University – University for Humanities, Yekaterinburg, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.35853/ufh-public/private-2020-23.
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The aim of the article is to investigate the relationship between the anti-corruption policy and the implementation of human rights in Poland. The following basic legal and political science research methods were used: axiological- normative, systematic, historical, comparative, institutional, structural-functional, formal-juridical methods. The article analyses the socio-political environment in which an anti-corruption policy in Poland was formed and the strategies for its implementation. Significant institutional changes of the system of anti-corruption agencies and legal regulation of anti-corruption activities of governmental authorities were addressed. The role of social supervision in the field of corruption control in Poland was analysed. Polish anti-corruption policy peculiarities were highlighted, which increase the risk of violations and the disproportionate restriction of human rights. Particular attention was paid to the analysis of the scope of competencies and credentials of the Central Anti-Corruption Bureau, and its place in the system of anti-corruption agencies. Based on the analysis of anti-corruption policy in Poland, it was concluded that human rights are one of the most important criteria for the success and effectiveness of anti-corruption policy implementation. The issue of balance between anti-corruption policy and human rights implementation in modern democratic states shall be solved via a system-based approach within the framework of constitutional principles of democratic states, namely: the rule of law, human dignity as a basic value of a democratic state, respect for human rights and the admissibility of their restriction only within the limits and forms permitted by the Constitution, the principle of separation and balance of powers, the supremacy of people.
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SHASIVARI, Jeton. "CONSTITUTION AND POLITICAL OPPOSITION IN THE REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA: EXPECTATIONS AND DILEMMAS." In 5th SGEM International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conferences on SOCIAL SCIENCES and ARTS SGEM2018. STEF92 Technology, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2018h/11/s02.042.
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Cviklova, Lucie. "DIRECT POPULAR VOTE FOR PRESIDENT AND CZECH CONSTITUTIONAL POLITICS." In 4th International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conference on Social Sciences and Arts SGEM2017. Stef92 Technology, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2017/12/s02.055.
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Shasivari, Jeton. "THE PARLIAMENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA BETWEEN CONSTITUTIONAL NORMS AND REAL ROLE IN THE CONSTITUTIONAL AND POLITICAL SYSTEM-DILEMMAS AND CHALLENGES." In 4th International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conference on Social Sciences and Arts SGEM2017. Stef92 Technology, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2017/12/s02.095.
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Sevara, Abdimannobova. "KONSTITUTSIYAVIY ISLOHOTLAR – YOSHLAR HUQUQINING KAFOLATLARI." In GOALS OF SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT IN THE INTEGRATION OF SCIENCE AND EDUCATION. International Scientific and Current Research Conferences, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/goal-01.
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In this article, the personal, political, economic, social, cultural and environmental rights of young people defined in the Constitution and Laws, as well as the reforms being implemented in our country today to protect such rights, freedom and legal interests of young people are highlighted. Also, the legal guarantees of young people guaranteed by legislation, methods of finding effective solutions to problems in the field of youth are expressed in the article.
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Soehartono, Harjono, Zakki Adlhiyati, Ismawati Septiningsih, and Itok Dwi Kurniawan. "Pros and Cons: Legal Status of Dispute in Election of Village Head in the Perspective of Indonesian Constitutional Law (A Case Study in Klaten District)." In 6th International Conference on Social and Political Sciences (ICOSAPS 2020). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.201219.041.
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McMillan III, George. "THE UNIFICATION OF THE PHILOSOPHICAL AND BEHAVIORAL SOCIAL SCIENCES." In Law & Political Science Conference, Vienna. International Institute of Social and Economic Sciences, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.20472/lpc.2017.001.005.
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Ambarkov, Nikola. "BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA 25 YEARS AFTER DAYTON – BETWEEN THE CLASSICAL LIJPHART’S CONSOCIATION AND HIS NEWLY INTRODUCED TERM FOR CONSENSUAL DEMOCRACY." In SECURITY HORIZONS. Faculty of Security- Skopje, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.20544/icp.11.01.20.p07.
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In 2020, Bosnia and Herzegovina marks 25 years since the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement. The arrangement that was set for the country in Dayton 1995 is referred to the consociational model, which in the policy and science of conflict management was launched by Arend Lijphart. The most important consociational pillars - the grand coalition government, decentralization, adequate representation of the three constituent nations (Serbs, Croats, and Bosniaks) and the veto right, can be recognized in the Dayton political system in Bosnia and Herzegovina. As a political project of passive coexistence and agreement among ethnic elites, the consociational democracy proved to be a very important creator of socio-political processes in many post-conflict regions, regardless of the fact that even its most frenetic supporters confirm that this approach is not perfect. However, in his more recent works, the founding father of this model, Arend Lijphart, abandons the problem of divided societies, and redefines this model of consociational democracy in a way that makes it refer to any society in which there are pluralistic interests. In accordance with the change, he introduces the term - consensual democracy. The core of this consensual model still encompasses the above-mentioned consociational pillars (multiparty government, decentralization, and proportional representation - proportional electoral system) but, now, those are complemented with some new indicators such as interest groups corporatism, bicameralism, constitutional rigidity, developed judicial review, independent central bank and executive – legislative balance. The purpose of this paper is to give an overview of the political system of Bosnia and Herzegovina, 25 years after Dayton, through the prism of these parameters, in a way that shows that, Bosnia and Herzegovina not only meets the classical consociational criteria, but also the parameters of the newly introduced Lijphart’s concept for consensual democracy which can be noted to a large degree in its political order.
Reports on the topic "Social sciences -> political science -> constitutions"
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Arora, Saurabh, Arora, Saurabh, Ajit Menon, M. Vijayabaskar, Divya Sharma, and V. Gajendran. People’s Relational Agency in Confronting Exclusion in Rural South India. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), December 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/steps.2021.004.
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Social exclusion is considered critical for understanding poverty, livelihoods, inequality and political participation in rural India. Studies show how exclusion is produced through relations of power associated with gender, caste, religion and ethnicity. Studies also document how people confront their exclusion. We use insights from these studies – alongside science and technology studies – and rely on life history narratives of ‘excluded’ people from rural Tamil Nadu, to develop a new approach to agency as constituted by two contrasting ways of relating: control and care. These ways of relating are at once social and material. They entangle humans with each other and with material worlds of nature and technology, while being mediated by structures such as social norms and cultural values. Relations of control play a central role in constituting exclusionary forms of agency. In contrast, relations of care are central to the agency of resistance against exclusion and of livelihood-building by the ‘excluded’. Relations can be transformed through agency in uncertain ways that are highly sensitive to trans-local contexts. We offer examples of policy-relevant questions that our approach can help to address for apprehending social exclusion in rural India and elsewhere.
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Nguijoi, Gabriel Cyrille, and Neo Sithole. Civilizational Populism and Religious Authoritarianism in Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and the Maldives. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), February 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0051.
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This report gives a summary of the 9th session of the ECPS’s monthly Mapping Global Populism panel series titled “Civilizational Populism and Religious Authoritarianism in Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and the Maldives,” which took place online on January 25, 2024. Moderated by Dr. Syaza Shukri, Associate Professor at the Department of Political Science, Kulliyyah of Islamic Revealed Knowledge and Human Sciences, International Islamic University Malaysia, the panel featured speakers by Mr. Bobby Hajjaj, Department of Management, North South University, Bangladesh, Dr. Maidul Islam, Assistant Professor of Political Science, Centre for Studies in Social Sciences, Calcutta, Dr. Rajni Gamage, Postdoctoral Fellow, Institute of South Asian Studies (ISAS), National University of Singapore, and Dr. Mosmi Bhim, Assistant Professor at Fiji National University.
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Kokurina, Olga Yu. SOCIETAL-METABOLIC SYSTEM OF THE STATE: EXPERIENCE OF SYNTHETIC RESEARCH. THE ELECTRONIC MANUAL. SIB-Expertise, December 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.12731/er0756.18122023.
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This electronic manual presents a number of theoretical and methodological tools based on the key concept: “societal (social) metabolism.” In summary, the synthetic concept of societal metabolism goes beyond the perspective of traditional social sciences by contextualizing the biophysical dimension of metabolic exchange between society and nature. Distancing from reductionist approaches, the interdisciplinary concept of societal metabolism recognizes the importance of mutual connections and interactions of factors of material and social exchange, within the framework of established individual and group social practices in the life of society. The electronic manual will be useful to undergraduate and graduate students studying social and political sciences, and to anyone interested in the theory and practice of applying interdisciplinary approaches to social science problems.
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Kokurina, Olga Yu. STATE SOVEREIGNTY AND PUBLIC RESPONSIBILITY OF GOVERNMENT IN THE LIGHT OF A SYSTEMIC-ORGANIC APPROACH: INTERDISCIPLINARY RESEARCH. SIB-Expertise, December 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.12731/er0755.18122023.
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This electronic resource contains a critical summary of the problems of sovereign statehood and the responsibility of public authority in the light of an interdisciplinary systemic organic approach. The author reveals the essence and content of the categories “sovereign statehood” and “responsibility of public authority” as key factors of the state legal system for ensuring the life of the Russian Federation in the conditions of the emergence of a new world order. It is shown that the multi-valued category of “statehood” (statehood, stateness, nationhood, nationness) reflects the complexity of the concept, which characterizes the status and ability of the state to carry out its functions, and on the other hand, reflects the cultural-historical and spiritual-ideological unity of society, which is the deepest internal semantic content both preceding the state and completing its sociohistorical formation in the course of state development and historical transformations. Based on the systemic-organic approach and within the framework of the structure of the Aristotelian tetrad, the author reveals an integral model of the political and legal phenomenon of “statehood”, in which the final cause (ethion) is determined by “sovereign statehood”, which presupposes unity, integrity, actual autonomy, independence, independence and self-sufficiency states in making decisions that ensure the historical existence and development of the country. The work presents a theoretical understanding of social (public) solidarity as a legal construct and instrument of social harmony and integrity of the state-legal body of the Russian Federation. It is shown that public solidarity, as a constitutional and administrative-legal phenomenon in its positive and negative forms, creates the necessary basis for the implementation of the principle of mutual responsibility of the individual, society and state. An idea of the responsibilities of the state, its bodies and officials to the individual and society is given, the role and place of public legal responsibility of holders of power in the solidary social mechanism is outlined. In general, the results of interdisciplinary research are aimed at identifying key factors in social theory and practice that contribute to the acquisition of true independence and self-sufficiency of Russian statehood and the preservation of the civilizational foundations of a multinational Russian society. The manual will be useful to undergraduate and graduate students studying social and political sciences, and anyone interested in the theory and practice of government.
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Ryazantsev, Sergey, and Tamara Rostovskaya. I Russian-Iranian Sociological Forum. Conference Proceedings (Moscow, 16 – 18 November 2020) / Eds.-in-chief S.V. Ryazantsev, T.K. Rostovskaya, FCTAS RAS. – M.:, 2020. – 560 p. ООО Издательско-торговый дом «ПЕРСПЕКТИВА», November 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.38085/978-5-905-790-45-4-2020-1-560.
Full textAbstract:
The collection contains conference papers of the participants of the I Russian-Iranian Sociological Forum, organized by the ISPR and IDR FCTAS RAS with the support from the Ministry of Science and Higher Education of the Russian Federation (16 – 18 November 2020, Moscow). The collection is addressed to sociologists, political scientists, economists, students, postgraduates, teachers, and everyone who is interested in the development of international cooperation between Russia and Iran in the field of social sciences.
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Ryazantsev, Sergey, and Tamara Rostovskaya, eds. I Russian-Iranian Sociological Forum. Conference Proceedings (Moscow, 16 – 18 November 2020) / Eds.-in-chief S.V. Ryazantsev, T.K. Rostovskaya, FCTAS RAS. – M.:, 2020. – 560 p. Perspectiva Publishing, November 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.38085/978-5-905-790-47-8-2020-1-560.
Full textAbstract:
The collection contains conference papers of the participants of the I Russian-Iranian Sociological Forum, organized by the ISPR and IDR FCTAS RAS with the support from the Ministry of Science and Higher Education of the Russian Federation (16 – 18 November 2020, Moscow). The collection is addressed to sociologists, political scientists, economists, students, postgraduates, teachers, and everyone who is interested in the development of international cooperation between Russia and Iran in the field of social sciences.
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Schneider, Carsten. Advanced Applications of QCA (Qualitative Comparative Analysis) in R. Instats Inc., 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.61700/4fghv0ob2x5de469.
Full textAbstract:
This seminar on advanced set-theoretic methods for the social sciences focuses on applied Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA). This method is used in fields as diverse as political science, public policy, international relations, sociology, business and management, organizational studies, and even musicology. This seminar will enable participants to produce cutting edge QCA-based research through hands-on coverage of the most recent advances in QCA. All applied components of the seminar are performed in the R software environment, using RStudio and R packages QCA and SetMethods. An official Instats certificate of completion is provided at the conclusion of the seminar, along with 2 ECTS Equivalent points.
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Schneider, Carsten. Advanced Applications of QCA (Qualitative Comparative Analysis) in R. Instats Inc., 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.61700/qdu1nxlyz9e6c469.
Full textAbstract:
This seminar on advanced set-theoretic methods for the social sciences focuses on applied Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA). This method is used in fields as diverse as political science, public policy, international relations, sociology, business and management, organizational studies, and even musicology. This seminar will enable participants to produce cutting edge QCA-based research through hands-on coverage of the most recent advances in QCA. All applied components of the seminar are performed in the R software environment, using RStudio (Cloud) and R packages QCA and SetMethods. An official Instats certificate of completion is provided at the conclusion of the seminar. For European PhD students, the seminar offers 2 ECTS Equivalent points.
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Schneider, Carsten. Introduction to QCA (Qualitative Comparative Analysis) with R. Instats Inc., 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.61700/85r1sesxjhke3469.
Full textAbstract:
This seminar introduces applied set-theoretic methods for the social sciences, focusing on Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA). This method is used in fields as diverse as political science, public policy, international relations, sociology, business and management, organizational studies, and even musicology. This seminar will enable participants to produce a publishable QCA of their own. To achieve this, the seminar provides both the formal set-theoretical underpinnings of QCA as well as the technical and practical research skills necessary for performing a QCA. All applied components of the seminar are performed in the R software environment, using RStudio and R packages QCA and SetMethods. An official Instats certificate of completion is provided at the conclusion of the seminar, along with 2 ECTS Equivalent points.
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Schneider, Carsten. Introduction to QCA (Qualitative Comparative Analysis) with R. Instats Inc., 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.61700/umqeben6y0b41469.
Full textAbstract:
This seminar introduces applied set-theoretic methods for the social sciences, focusing on Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA). This method is used in fields as diverse as political science, public policy, international relations, sociology, business and management, organizational studies, and even musicology. This seminar will enable participants to produce a publishable QCA of their own. To achieve this, the seminar provides both the formal set-theoretical underpinnings of QCA as well as the technical and practical research skills necessary for performing a QCA. All applied components of the seminar are performed in the R software environment, using RStudio (Cloud) and R packages QCA and SetMethods. An official Instats certificate of completion is provided at the conclusion of the seminar. For European PhD students, each seminar offers 2 ECTS Equivalent points.