Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Social sciences -> philosophy -> post-structuralism'

The historical success of sciences and their tendency to extendt hemselves universally to all of realityis a fact. In order to understand their sense, they should be referred to acultural (rational) project, whose presuppositions ought to be judged in accordance with a reason conceived both as practical (ethical-political) and speculative (philosophical). E. Weil's rigorous thought is here compared in all of these points with high-ranging positions: only after going through Hegelian, Marxian and Weberian positions he intends an original reappropiation of Kantian insights.
El éxito histórico de la(s) ciencia(s)y su extensión tendencialmente universal a toda realidad es un hecho. Comprender su sentido exige que se le refiera a un proyecto cultural (racional) cuyos supuestos han de ser juzgados conforme a una razón inseparablemente práctica (ético-política) y especulativa (filosofía). Sobre todos estos puntos, el pensamiento riguroso de E. Weil se compara y se contrasta aquí con posiciones de alto vuelo: solamente después de atravesar los planteamientos hegelianos, marxianos y weberianos, es como intenta retomar,de manera original, orientaciones kantianas.

This research proposes that it is possible to meaningfully examine the differences between subjects' perceptions of concepts at two different levels of analysis. The central theory, called "fractionation", is derived from structuration theory. The theory suggests that there is an important and particular difference between subjects' perceptions of key concepts at the value (abstract) level, as differentiated from the policy (action) level. The key concepts provided here are capitalism and democracy. Three major stages of data gathering and analysis were conducted. The first stage, carried out in several phases, surveyed 337 college students to gather words commonly associated ·with two key concepts: capitalism and democracy. These words were then used as items in a multidimensional scaling and cluster analysis. The results were used to represent the relationship between the two key concepts at the value level of analysis. The second stage consisted of gathering policy fragments from two mainstream newspapers. Television advertising was selected as the focal point of this search, to represent one area where democracy and capitalism co-exist. Fragments were taken from the newspapers and compiled into "fragment topics", or pieces of argument about the relationship between capitalism and democracy in television advertising. Stage III was carried out by surveying seventy-three subjects who were presented with the argumentative statements developed in each fragment topic. An assessment was made of the relationship between capitalism and democracy at the policy level based on the argument choices made by the subjects. Stage I resulted in a clear distinction between the two key concepts of capitalism and democracy at the value level, while Stage III resulted in a conflict between the two at the policy level. The comparison of results between the first stage of the research and the third stage represents the fractionation that was being sought.

xi, 249 p. : ill. (some col.)
Globalization has inaugurated many rapid changes in local communities throughout the world. The globalization of media, both electronic and print, has introduced new pressures for local communities to confront while also opening up new imaginative possibilities. As many observers have noted, transnational media transform local public cultures, or shared imaginative spaces, but never in predictable, totally hegemonic ways. This dissertation focuses on the efforts of a small Hindu community called the Hindu Prachar Kendra located in Trinidad, West Indies, as they develop critical strategies that help their children read, negotiate, and in some cases contribute to local and global public cultures. I argue that though many Hindu parents and teachers of the Kendra share anxieties about the effects of local and global popular cultures on their children, they also use many features, ideas, and texts emerging from imaginative media in creative ways. Furthermore, their concerns about media shape their interpretation and instruction of Hindu practice.
Committee in charge: Philip Scher, Chair; Lynn Stephen, Member; Lamia Karim, Member; Deborah Green, Outside Member

Rêver d'un monde parfait caractérise la pensée de l'homme. C'est l'utopie. Le rêve de ce monde idéal inspire les écrivains ainsi que les philosophes dont Ernst Bloch qui appelle à qu'une vie autre qui commence. C'est par une attitude de contestation et de révolution qu'il accède à réaliser son rêve. Or nous nous demandons si l'utopie exprime les rêves comment pourrait-elle être un outil pour appréhender le monde réel ? Pour dépasser cette objection à l'utopie, il faut la considérer comme refus positif de l'ordre institué et ouverture à des possibilités de création historique. C'est-à-dire une utopie concrète. L'œuvre de Bloch et essentiellement Le principe espérance en offre un soubassement précieux. L'insatisfaction face à l'existant et le sentiment tristement éprouvé que " quelque chose manque " forment cet apport d'où émerge la conscience utopique. Celle-ci marque une projection dans un futur grâce à la pensée et l'imagination ; une projection qui témoigne d'une capacité proprement humaine.

Since the 1990’s, the retreat of multiculturalism has been described as an integration policy trend across European states. There is however much disagreement among scholars on how this phenomenon should be understood and whether it actually exists. As previous research suggests that the Netherlands is perceived as an extreme example of the withdrawal of multiculturalism, this thesis seeks to critically examine integration in a Dutch governmental context. This is being done by making use of a post-structural policy analysis, which is aimed at understanding the discursive construction of a policy document. More specifically, it has been chosen to utilize Bacchi’s “What is the problem represented to be?” approach, as it focuses on how problems are being represented and understood instead of solely focusing on solving problems. Thus, the theoreotical framework is based on Bacchi’s WPR methodology in combination with previous literature on multiculturalism and assimilationism. The object for analysis is the official Dutch integration policy document of 2007 “Make sure you belong”. By critically examining this document, it can be concluded that Dutch integration is indeed withdrawing from multiculturalism and showing strong features of assimilationism. It can additionally be concluded that the government has a powerful role in constructing meanings.

Through discursive essays and poetic narrative, Antithetical Commentaries on X, Y and the Disruption of Being explores the tenuous relationship between modes of measurement and the struggle for human relevance in the post-contemporary digital age. In the introductory essay, “Not the Feather, but the Bird”, I give an overview of the inherent problems of object-oriented ontology, and how it relates to aesthetics and social issues of our times. In the Developmental Overview, I detail how I developed my installation approach and techniques, particularly with regard to the three-way dynamic of the artist:work:viewer relationship and how it can encourage a ‘transgression’ that leads to the possibility of a transformative awareness of being. Subsequently, I present a series of ‘antithetical’ commentaries that neither explain nor expand the installation, rather, they create a non-binary duality that, through an entirely non-linear anti-narrative, work to erode the overlay of personal, civic and collective grids present in the memory space/time referenced in the video, TAG. Finally, in “Grid: Towards a Transgressive Humanism.” I propose a path by which installation art might serve to create transgressive opportunities for viewers, rather than the transcendence sought through religious rituals, which often reinforce stigmas, fears and authoritarian social dynamics, or worse, the reductive loop, of many contemporary approaches to art which proclaim their detachment in wordy displays, essentially leading to a form of aesthetic nihilism. This Transgressive Humanism is not presented as a dogma, but rather a revitalization of the work as a vessel of possibilities, an agent of creative growth for the artist and the viewer.

This thesis examines national identity in the context of the empirical case of German foreign policy. In this way, the relationship between identity and foreign policy is analyzed. The thesis does not focus on a specific scenario but rather aims at illustrating the development of the relationship by comparing the time periods of 1990-1994 and 2017-2019. Therefore, the purpose of this thesis is to answer the presiding question of how we can understand the relationship between German foreign policy-making and the formation of national identity seen within the context of its evolution since 1990. Subsequently, this thesis will take on the discursive approach of post-structuralism as well as its non-fixed conceptualization of identity. Furthermore, it will put forward the argument that identity is relational and discursive by demonstrating its constitutive and discursively constructed relationship to foreign policy. As a result, this paper presents the underlying structures of German foreign policy discourse that do not only indicate shifts but also construct German national identity. At the same time, the identity perception influences the country’s discourse on foreign policy by legitimizing specific objectives as well as general directions. While the discourse shows shifts in cases such as Othering, new framings of leadership and the ideas towards Europe, a certain continuity in regard to the German conceptualization of identity can be observed.

The thesis examines the governmental construction of national identity through its citizenship education policy in England, the country with heightened tensions in diversity and identity re-construction aligning with its mandatory citizenship classes since 2002. Theoretically framing the study on the Foucauldian post-structuralism, the thesis utilises Foucauldian-influenced ‘What is the problem represented to be?’ (WPR) method by Bacchi that presents the government as a problem-producer. Conducting qualitative research methods, the study analyses the current National Curriculum in England with the explanatory and foundational state documents of Crick and Ajegbo Reports. The thesis identifies that the government primarily aims to re-construct the inclusive and integrative national identity based on the acknowledgement of multiple identities and a plurality of nations in the citizenship education curriculum in England. The study, however, also reveals that the English citizenship education policy implicitly presents a few assimilationist elements in the national identity discourse through exclusion andunrepresentativeness of the ethnic and racial identities, hierarchical establishment between native English and minorities, and the division of ‘whites’ and ‘non-whites’. Comparatively examining the documents, the thesis, therefore, concludes that the government has a powerful position in socially and politically re- constructing the discourses, concepts, and meanings over time.

How can you as a planner tackle messy realities without losing sight of possible problematic outcomes of what you put in practice? This study explores the value of everyday frictions as a resource for phronetic planning, i.e. the ability to make situated ethical judements of what is ’better’ or ’worse’ in a particular setting. The intent is to offer a situated gaze of frictions from the perspective of a civil servant of the well organised and innovative municipality of Botkyrka in the metropolitan area of Stockholm, Sweden. From this outset, an autoethnographical methodology from a poststructural approach, is used to explore the frictions that the author has experienced as a practicing planner. The study shows that frictions can be used as 'weak signals' to identify possible tricky consequences of the creation and the staging of planning 'simplifications'. Based on this insight a 'seismological' approach to planning is proposed. The argument is that planning practice should on the one hand utilize frictions when they arise and, on the other hand, actively challenge existing 'simplifications'. To achieve this, practical tools are offered to 'evoke', 'narrate' and 'diffract' on frictions and 'trickster-objects' within the constraints of the planner’s role as a municipal civil servant.
Denna avhandlings syfte är att utforska skavningars möjliga värde som resurs för praktisk klokhet inom svensk kommunal planeringspraktik. Med praktisk klokhet avses förmågan att göra situerade etiska bedömningar om 'bättre' och 'sämre' på ett reflexivt sätt i ett visst sammanhang. Studiens teoretiska ram utgörs av poststrukturell subjektteori och arbetet bygger på en metodologisk ansats grundad i autoetnografi. Avsikten är att erbjuda en situerad ’inifrån blick’ om vardagliga skavningar i planering i en svensk kommunal förvaltningskontext baserat på författarens egen yrkespraktik från en kommun. I analysen framkommer att skavningar ofta kan uppstå när planeraren ikläder sig i grunden motsatta sätt att uppträda som planerare; i studien identifierat som en central, entreprenöriell och kommunikativ persona. Det som då sker är att olika idéer om ‘hur saker funkar’, olika typer av praktiska tekniker för att uppnå uppsatta mål och olika etiska ramverk om vad som är 'rätt' införlivas och 'krockar' inom planeraren. En slutsats är att skavningar kan ses som ’svaga signaler’ för att förnimma eventuella problematiska konsekvenser av de 'förenklingar’ som av nödvändighet görs inom planeringspraktik. En medvetenhet om sådana signaler kan bidra till en beredskap om existerande konfliktytor som den kommunala organisationen kan adressera i sin planering och verksamhetsutveckling. Den typ av planerarroll som har bäst förutsättningar att inrymma skavningar är en central persona, men för att den möjligheten ska realiseras krävs att skavningar uppvärderas som en av flera komponenter för att stärka planerarens bedömningsförmåga. I ljuset av studiens lärdomar tecknas ett utkast till vad som benämns en ’seismologisk’ ansats till planering. Argumentet som förs fram är att planeringspraktik å ena sidan bör tillvarata skavningar när de väl uppstår, och å andra sidan aktivt utmana existerande 'förenklingar’. För att uppnå detta föreslås exempel på praktiska verktyg som planeraren och organisationen kan använda för att 'framkalla', '(åter)berätta' och 'diffraktera' kring skavningar inom gränserna för planerarens ansvar.

QC 20171017

Urban gardening is a phenomenon that increasingly occupies the limited space in cities. In discourse, urban gardening is constructed as a positive element and as something that can build a productive environment in urban areas. However, using urban space for gardening raises questions about the delimitations of public space. This thesis examines the boundaries for gardening practices in urban public space by mapping out the dominant descriptions of the phenomenon and then analyzing how some articulations make it possible for citizens to claim urban space for gardening. The study uses an ethnographic approach and the empirical material includes participant observations at an urban garden in Stockholm as well as articulations found in the media, interviews, and social media posts as well as participant observations at urban gardens, expos and seminars on urban gardening. The theoretical framework is informed by poststructuralist discourse theory, psychoanalysis and critical geography. The main results show that urban gardens renegotiate boundaries of property due to their semi-public character. Furthermore, affective bindings in the garden create a fantasy of an authentic relationship with nature, which gives force to the positive discourse of urban gardening and makes it possible for urban gardens to inhabit urban public space.

In the printed version of the thesis the series names Linköping Studies in Arts and Sciences, Licentiate Thesis and Faculty of Arts and Sciences Thesis are incorrcet. Correct series name is FiF-avhandling - Filosofiska fakulteten – Linköpings universitet. The series namnes are corrected in the online version of the thesis.

Notwithstanding the promises of an end to the Françafrique era, France remains the desired external security actor in francophone Africa. The purpose of this thesis is to examine the discursive legitimation strategies of Emmanuel Macron on France’s military activism in Mali, inquiring ‘How did the French President Emmanuel Macron discursively legitimize France’s military presence in Mali before the announcement of the end of Operation Barkhane?’. The aim is further to explore the construction of the French Self and the Malian Other in the legitimation discourse, asking ‘How did Macron construct a French ‘Self’ and a Malian ‘Other’ in his discourse as legitimate reasons for maintaining the intervention?’. By applying an interpretivist, post-structuralist discourse analysis to official statements published between 2017 and 2021, the thesis concludes that Macron’s discursive legitimation strategies remain approximately similar, yet the greater emphasis on rhetorical themes of equal partnership, non-interference in internal affairs, democracy and an ever-increasing multilateralism have taken place in the face of Paris’ damaged legitimacy. Focusing on the construction of the Self and the Other affirms that Macron constructs the MalianOther as significantly different from the French Self even though the country is seen as capable of transformation and cooperation, requiring the compliance of Western advice.

Partant d'un questionnement sur la logique de la pratique comme enjeu central de la vie intellectuelle française des années 1960, ce travail propose d'articuler une rencontre entre les pensées de Foucault et de Sartre. Sans minimiser leurs divergences, par quoi on a coutume de les opposer dans le cadre de la querelle de l'humanisme, il s'agit de faire apparaître un enjeu commun aux deux auteurs : la proposition d'une mise en intelligibilité de la pratique, entée sur un matériau historique dûment circonscrit. Cette rencontre permet de revisiter les notions de praxis, de généalogie, de politique de la vérité. Cela implique tout un renouvellement du geste théorique du côté d'une pensée en situation commune à l'intellectuel universel et à l'intellectuel spécifique, d'une pratique " historico-philosophique " soucieuse de saisir à bonne distance son objet - les " ensembles pratiques " - sans le déréaliser ni le surplomber, dans un rapport complexe entre passé et présent. L'espace théorique ainsi ouvert entre Foucault et Sartre sur cette question de l'intelligibilité de la pratique est également l'occasion d'une confrontation avec Marx et les marxismes (Althusser principalement), ainsi qu'avec les sciences sociales (Bourdieu surtout).

Le travail est sous-représenté dans les débats sur la justice sociale. La thèse contribue à combler cette lacune, en considérant le problème de la justice du travail avec une attention particulière aux inégalités du travail.Premièrement, la thèse montre que les théories de la justice ne sont que partiellement équipées pour considérer la justice du travail. La thèse analyse des modèles normatifs de plusieurs traditions : justice distributive, théorie critique, égalitarisme relationnel, perspectives normatives du travail. La thèse considère chaque modèle à la fois comme un interlocuteur critique et comme une ressource potentielle dans la conceptualisation de la justice du travail. On considère trois cas paradigmatiques d’inégalité du travail, évalués à travers un « test de justice contributive » : le « sale boulot », la division genrée du travail, et l’« hétéromation » technologique. L’analyse montre que sans une conception d'égalité, on n'a pas d’outils pour répondre à des formes contestables de division du travail. Si l’on veut éviter de défendre une perspective de « meaningful work pour quelques-uns », il faut que l’autonomie et la liberté s’accompagnent de considérations d’égalité.Deuxièmement, la thèse propose une perspective alternative centrée sur la norme de « parité contributive ». Selon cet idéal, les formes de travail injustes doivent être transformées lorsqu’elles empêchent aux individus de contribuer à la coopération sociale en tant que pairs, et non parce qu’elles ne se conforment pas un sens intrinsèque du travail ou une idée prédéfinie de nature humaine (pluralisme). De cette façon, cette conception de justice du travail prévient les conséquences paternalistes et le solipsisme moral de certaines théories du « meaningful work », tout en défendant la justice du travail. Globalement, cette norme contribue à recentrer le débat de problèmes concernant le sens intrinsèque du travail et la réalisation de soi, au problème de la juste coopération.Puisque les conditions de la justice du travail ne peuvent pas être satisfaites que par les principes de libre choix de l’occupation ou la redistribution, mais concernent aussi les relations sociales, les processus décisionnels, et la nature des tâches et des occupations, la thèse défend une conception multidimensionnelle de justice du travail. La parité contributive demande que pour que tous puissent contribuir à la coopération sociale en tant que pairs, au moins quatre dimensions de justice du travail doivent être satisfaites : économique-distributive (égale liberté du besoin matériel pour un réél libre choix de l’occupation, et juste accès au produit de son travail et de la richesse sociale) ; sociale-relationnelle (être traité.e.s comme égaux soit dans les interactions soit dans les structures du travail) ; politique-démocratique (prendre part aux décisions concernant son travail), et contributive (la qualité et la quantité du travail). La parité contributive est mieux réalisée quand ces dimensions de justice du travail sont réalisées conjointement.Le concept de parité contributive est une réinterprétation dans le contexte de la justice du travail de la norme de « parité participative » proposée par Nancy Fraser (2003). La thèse amende et développe autonomement certaines de ses intuitions, dans la direction d’une conception de justice du travail multidimensionnelle, égalitaire, déontologique, et pluraliste, alors qu’elle incorpore des intuitions de l’égalitarisme relationnel et de la justice distributive dans un cadre plus compréhensif. Globalement, au lieu d’offrir une véritable théorie de justice du travail, l’idéal de parité contributive se propose d’offrir un standard critique-normatif aidant à évaluer formes existantes de division du travail et stratégies de justice du travail en compétition, et donc à envisager des formes de travail alternatives
Despite its relevance, work is underrepresented in debates about social justice. In this way, political philosophy remains distant from real people’s lives, and cannot address objectionable forms of work. The thesis contributes to fill in this gap, addressing the problem of labor justice with particular attention to labor inequalities.First, the thesis shows that the resources provided by most contemporary views of justice are only partly equipped to address problems of labor justice. Normative models belonging to various traditions are scrutinized: distributive justice, critical theory, relational egalitarianism, contemporary normative debates about work. The thesis considers each of these models both as a critical interlocutor and as a potential resource in the conceptualization of labor justice. Three paradigmatic cases of labor inequality are thus considered to assess these models through a “contributive justice test”: “dirty work”, the gendered division of labor, and technological heteromation. The analysis shows that without some conception of equality, we have no tools to address objectionable forms of division of labor. And in order to avoid a view of “meaningful work for the few”, concerns for autonomy and freedom are to be complemented with concerns for equality.Second, the thesis suggests an alternative perspective based on the norm of “contributive parity”. According to this ideal, unjust forms of work are to be changed when they prevent people from contributing to social cooperation as peers, not because they do not meet some inherent meaning of work or fail to fulfill some predefined idea of human nature (pluralism). This way, this conception of labor justice avoids the paternalistic consequences and moral solipsism of some theories of meaningful work, while still defending the need for justice at work. Overall, this norm contributes to shift the focus of the debate from problems of the inherent meaning of work and self-realization, to the problem of fair cooperation.Since requirements of labor justice cannot be met by free occupational choice or income redistribution alone, but relate also to social relationships, decision-making processes, and the nature of tasks and occupations, the thesis advocates a multidimensional conception of laborjustice. Contributive parity requires that in order for all to contribute to social cooperation as peers, at least four dimensions of labor justice should be satisfied: economic- distributive (equal freedom from material need for real free occupational choice, and fair access to the product of one’s labor as well as to social wealth), social-relational (being treated as equals both in labor interactions and in labor structures), political-democratic (taking part in decisions that concern one’s work), and contributive (the quality and quantity of one’s labor). Contributive parity isbest realized when these dimensions of labor justice are realized jointly: it is not sufficient that wage is fair, one should consider also workers’ status, voice and contributive justice (multidimensionality). This way, concerns for distributive justice are not merely dismissed, but rather integrated into a more comprehensive framework. The concept of contributive parity is a reinterpretation in the context of labor justice of the norm of “participatory parity” proposed by Nancy Fraser (2003). The thesis autonomously amends and develops some of her intuitions into thedirection of a multidimensional, egalitarian, deontological, and pluralist view of labor justice, while incorporating insights from relational egalitarianism and distributive justice into a more comprehensive framework. Overall, far from offering a fully-fledged theory of labor justice,the ideal of contributive parity is intended to provide a critical-normative standard that helps to assess existing forms of division of labor and competing strategies of labor justice, and therefore to envisage alternative, fair forms of work

This thesis focuses on politically active women within The Swedish Social Democratic Women’s Association, also known as S-women. By applying discourse analysis to interviews with active s-women and to meeting conversations between the association’s members, the study approaches ideas of feminism, feminist politics and political commitment. “Solidarity” – the central concept of the labour movement – serves as the point of departure for a feminist discussion about class, gender, ethnicity and age/generation. Political inclusion and exclusion are other keywords when the power relations within feminism in general and this women’s association in particular are examined. The theoretical framework of the thesis covers post-structuralist feminism, intersectionality and discourse psychology.

This work offers a framework for researchers by linking service-dominant (S-D) logic to an intersubjective stream of philosophy of science. Service-dominant logic has resonated in marketing, but no existing research has attempted to link S-D logic with basic meta-theory to provide a framework. Since the range of philosophies of science (isms) referred to in the marketing literature is broad, varying from ‘realism’ to ‘relativism’, from ‘positivism’ to ‘constructivism’ and from ‘structuralism’ to ‘post-structuralism/postmodernism’, first the different isms are grouped into four main groups/streams and then S-D logic is analyzed and classified according to these streams. The four streams are: object-orientation (realism, positivism, empiricism, and so on); subject orientation (constructivism, interpretivism, and so forth); intersubjective orientation (social constructionism, pancritical rationalism, methodological constructivism, and so on); and sign orientation (post-structuralism, postmodernism, and variations). S-D logic is mainly underpinned by an intersubjective orientation and has a huge potential for further development both in and for marketing if seen from a sign-orientated, post-structural perspective and linked to the theory of practices.

This work offers a framework for researchers by linking service-dominant (S-D) logic to an intersubjective stream of philosophy of science. Service-dominant logic has resonated in marketing, but no existing research has attempted to link S-D logic with basic meta-theory to provide a framework. Since the range of philosophies of science (isms) referred to in the marketing literature is broad, varying from ‘realism’ to ‘relativism’, from ‘positivism’ to ‘constructivism’ and from ‘structuralism’ to ‘post-structuralism/postmodernism’, first the different isms are grouped into four main groups/streams and then S-D logic is analyzed and classified according to these streams. The four streams are: object-orientation (realism, positivism, empiricism, and so on); subject orientation (constructivism, interpretivism, and so forth); intersubjective orientation (social constructionism, pancritical rationalism, methodological constructivism, and so on); and sign orientation (post-structuralism, postmodernism, and variations). S-D logic is mainly underpinned by an intersubjective orientation and has a huge potential for further development both in and for marketing if seen from a sign-orientated, post-structural perspective and linked to the theory of practices.

Despite its relevance, work is underrepresented in debates about social justice. In this way, political philosophy remains distant from real people s lives, and cannot address objectionable forms of work. The thesis contributes to fill in this gap, addressing the problem of labor justice with particular attention to labor inequalities. First, the thesis shows that the resources provided by most contemporary views of justice are only partly equipped to address problems of labor justice. Normative models belonging to various traditions are scrutinized: distributive justice, critical theory, relational egalitarianism, contemporary normative debates about work. The thesis considers each of these models both as a critical interlocutor and as a potential resource in the conceptualization of labor justice. Three paradigmatic cases of labor inequality are thus considered to assess these models through a contributive justice test : dirty work , the gendered division of labor, and technological heteromation. The analysis shows that without some conception of equality, we have no tools to address objectionable forms of division of labor. And in order to avoid a view of meaningful work for the few , concerns for autonomy and freedom are to be complemented with concerns for equality. Second, the thesis suggests an alternative perspective based on the norm of contributive parity . According to this ideal, unjust forms of work are to be changed when they prevent people from contributing to social cooperation as peers, not because they do not meet some inherent meaning of work or fail to fulfill some predefined idea of human nature (pluralism). This way, this conception of labor justice avoids the paternalistic consequences and moral solipsism of some theories of meaningful work, while still defending the need for justice at work. Overall, this norm contributes to shift the focus of the debate from problems of the inherent meaning of work and self-realization, to the problem of fair cooperation. Since requirements of labor justice cannot be met by free occupational choice or income redistribution alone, but relate also to social relationships, decision-making processes, and the nature of tasks and occupations, the thesis advocates a multidimensional conception of labor justice. Contributive parity requires that in order for all to contribute to social cooperation as peers, at least four dimensions of labor justice should be satisfied: economic- distributive (equal freedom from material need for real free occupational choice, and fair access to the product of one s labor as well as to social wealth), social-relational (being treated as equals both in labor interactions and in labor structures), political-democratic (taking part in decisions that concern one s work), and contributive (the quality and quantity of one s labor). Contributive parity is best realized when these dimensions of labor justice are realized jointly: it is not sufficient that wage is fair, one should consider also workers status, voice and contributive justice (multidimensionality). This way, concerns for distributive justice are not merely dismissed, but rather integrated into a more comprehensive framework. The concept of contributive parity is a reinterpretation in the context of labor justice of the norm of participatory parity proposed by Nancy Fraser (2003). The thesis autonomously amends and develops some of her intuitions into the direction of a multidimensional, egalitarian, deontological, and pluralist view of labor justice, while incorporating insights from relational egalitarianism and distributive justice into a more comprehensive framework. Overall, far from offering a fully-fledged theory of labor justice, the ideal of contributive parity is intended to provide a critical-normative standard that helps to assess existing forms of division of labor and competing strategies of labor justice, and therefore to envisage alternative, fair forms of work.

This thesis examines the methods used by the Ministerium für Staatssicherheit (MfS), more commonly known as the Stasi, or East German secret police, for extraction of information from citizens of the German Democratic Republic for the purpose of espionage and covert operations inside East Germany, as it pertains to the deliberate brainwashing of East German citizens. As one of the most efficient intelligence agencies to ever exist, the Stasi’s main purpose was to monitor the population, gather intelligence, and collect or turn informants. They used brainwashing techniques to control the people of the GDR, keeping the populace paralyzed with fear and paranoia. By surrounding themselves with a network of informants they prevented actions against the dictatorial communist regime. Using the video testimonies of former prisoners, and former confidential informants who worked closely with and collaborated with Stasi agents, in combination with periodicals and previous historical studies, this work argues that the East German Police State’s brainwashing techniques had long and lasting consequences both for German citizens, and for the psychiatric health of former GDR citizens. The scope and breadth of the techniques and data compiled for use by the Stasi were exhaustive, and the repercussions of their use are still being felt and discovered twenty five years after the fall of the Berlin Wall. This study aims to show the lasting effects brainwashing had on former informants and the Stasi’s victims.

By asking the question “How do young, urban, professional Kenyans make connections between tribal identity, colonialism, and the lived experience of nationhood?,” the researcher engages with eight participants in exploring their relationships with their tribal groups. From this juncture the researcher, through a co-constructed process with participants, interrogates the idea of nationhood by querying their interpretations of the concepts of power and resistance within their multi-ethnic societies. The utility of KuPiga Hadithi as a cultural responsive methodology for data collection along with poetic analysis as part of the qualitative tools of examination allowed the researcher to identify five emergent and iterative themes: (1) colonial wounds, (2) power inequities, (3) tensions, (4) intersection, and (5) hope. Participant discussion of these themes suggests an impenetrable link between tribal identity and nationhood. Schooling, as first a colonial and then national construct, works to mediate that link. Therefore, there is the need for a re-conceptualization of the term ‘nation’ in the post-Independence era.

Community development and in particular participatory development is about people. This means that the person who studies or practices participatory development or any other of the participatory pratices should have a particular way of thinking about people. The main aim motivating this study was to investigate the paradigm/s about people on which participatory practices are based. This included a literature research on five participatory practices namely participatory development; participatory communication; participatory learning; participatory research; and participatory management. A guideline for paradigm analysis was developed by using Schriver's (1995) and Capra's (1996) descriptions of a paradigm as well as ideas of hermeneutics. From the paradigm analysis on the participatory practices two themes emerged: A shift from modernism to post modernism in the thinking processes and participatory practices. From the participatory practices the same concepts repeatedly emerged indicating a similar paradigm for all the participatory practices. Three post modern theories were therefore applied to enhance the description of the different concepts. The end result of this study is the development of an evolving paradigm for participatory practices in order to give enhanced meaning to concepts in the participatory vocabulary. Finally a critical reflection was done on the post modern research process.
Text in Afrikaans
Social Work
D.Phil. (Social Work)

This thesis examines the banning of a communist speaker. Lieutenant E.A.H. Laurie, at Melbourne Teachers' College in July, 1944 and argues that the decision to ban Laurie was unwarranted and politically motivated. The banning, which was enforced by the Minister for Public Instruction, Thomas Tuke Hollway, appears to have been based on Hollway's firm anti-communist views and political opportunism. A. J. Law, Principal of the Teachers' College, was also responsible for banning Laurie. However, Law's decision to ban Laurie was probably directed by Hollway and supported by J. Seitz, Director of Education.

This thesis mobilizes a feminist critique to examine the ways in which New Public Management (NPM) represents a gendered discourse. Using Foucauldian discourse analysis, NPM is mapped as a discursive field in order to tease out its dominant and subordinate discourses. The tensions between the dominant discourses and between the dominant and subordinate discourses are examined. The discursive themes of NPM are then engaged using a feminist post-structuralist framework in order to develop a feminist critique. From this critique, it is argued that NPM discourses reinscribe dominant masculinity as well as challenge the Weberian model of bureaucracy by reconstructing a gendered division of labour that takes place entirely within the public sphere.

This qualitative study uses narrative inquiry (Connelly & Clandinin, 1988, 1990, 2001) and self-study to investigate ways to further understand and facilitate the integration of holistic philosophies of education with media literacy pedagogies. As founder and director of the Youth Media Literacy Project and a self-titled Imagitator (one who agitates imagination), I have spent over 10 years teaching media literacy in various high schools, universities, and community centres across North America. This study will focus on my own personal practical knowledge (Connelly & Clandinin, 1982) as a culture jammer, educator and cancer survivor to illustrate my original vision of a ‘holistic media literacy pedagogy’. This research reflects on the emergence and impact of holistic media literacy in my personal and professional life and also draws from relevant interdisciplinary literature to challenge and synthesize current insights and theories of media literacy, holistic education and culture jamming.