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1
Buttel, Frederick H., and Philip McMichael. "Sociology and Rural History: Summary and Critique." Social Science History 12, no. 2 (1988): 93–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200016072.
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It is revealing and important to preface this paper by noting the fact that a paper of this sort could hardly have been written as recently as 15 years ago. In sociology at large, historical methods and approaches were quite uncommon from the 1940s through the early 1970s. Further, mainstream American sociology organizations have distinguished themselves worldwide by their neglect of matters rural and agricultural. In part, this is because American rural sociologists have had their own professional association, the Rural Sociological Society, since 1937. There has accordingly been a fairly substantial separation and division of labor between “general” and rural sociology/sociologists, with “non-rural” sociologists having their major allegiance to the American Sociological Association (ASA) and regional disciplinary groups, while rural sociologists have had their closest identification with the Rural Sociological Society. Further, in American rural sociology prior to the late 1970s and 1980s, there had never been a major tradition of work along the lines of “historical sociology” as the notion is commonly understood today.
2
Longmore, Paul K. "“Good English without Idiom or Tone”: The Colonial Origins of American Speech." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 37, no. 4 (April 2007): 513–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh.2007.37.4.513.
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The interplay between modes of speech and the demographical, geographical, social, and political history of Britain's North American colonies of settlement influenced the linguistic evolution of colonial English speech. By the early to mid-eighteenth century, regional varieties of English emerged that were not only regionally comprehensible but perceived by many observers as homogeneous in contrast to the deep dialectical differences in Britain. Many commentators also declared that Anglophone colonial speech matched metropolitan standard English. As a result, British colonials in North America possessed a national language well before they became “Americans.” This shared manner of speech inadvertently helped to prepare them for independent American nation-hood.
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Neem, Johann N. "Taking Modernity's Wager: Tocqueville, Social Capital, and the American Civil War." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 41, no. 4 (March 2011): 591–618. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_a_00157.
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Alexis de Tocqueville watched with horror as American society and politics changed in the two decades following the publication of Democracy in America. During the 1840s and 1850s, the factors that Tocqueville had earlier identified as sustaining the republic—its land and location, its laws, and its mores—had begun to undermine it. Recent work on civil society, the public sphere, and social capital is congruent with a Tocquevillian analysis of the causes of the Civil War. The associational networks that had once functioned as bridging social capital fractured under the stress of slavery, becoming sources of divisive regional, bonding social capital.
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Flavell, Julie M., and Gordon Hay. "Using Capture-Recapture Methods to Reconstruct the American Population in London." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 32, no. 1 (July 2001): 37–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/00221950152103892.
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The capture-recapture method, which ecologists, demographers, and social scientists utilize to estimate the size of contemporary populations that cannot be subjected to conventional enumeration or census-taking procedures, has never been applied to the study of a historical population. Using it to uncover the size and characteristics of the colonial American community in London finds regional variations in the demographic patterns of provincial Americans who traveled to London during the late colonial period, challenging the presumption of a common colonial reaction to metropolitan culture on the eve of American independence.
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Heinicke, Craig, and Wayne A. Grove. "Labor Markets, Regional Diversity, and Cotton Harvest Mechanization in the Post-World War II United States." Social Science History 29, no. 2 (2005): 269–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200012955.
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As hand-harvest labor disappeared from the American cotton fields after World War II, labor market dynamics differed between two key production regions, the South and the West. In the South, predominantly resident African Americans and whites harvested cotton, whereas in the West the labor market was composed of white residents, domestic Latino migrant workers, and Mexican nationals temporarily immigrating under the sponsorship of the U.S. government (braceros). We use newly reconstructed data for the two regions and estimate for the first time the regional causes of the demise of the hand-harvest labor force from 1949 to 1964. Whereas cheaper harvest mechanization substantially affected both regions, the downward trend in cotton prices and government programs to control cotton acreage played important roles in the disappearance of hand–harvested cotton in the South, but not in the West.
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Gagan, D. P., P. J. George, and E. H. Oksanen. "Ontario Members of Parliament: Determinants of Their Voting Behavior in Canada’s First Parliament, 1867–1872." Social Science History 9, no. 2 (1985): 185–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200020447.
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The historiographical hegemony of the “new” social history in recent years reflects, and undoubtedly has contributed to, the decline of scholarly interest in nineteenth-century Canadian political history. What we know now of federal and provincial parties, politics, politicians, electorates, political leadership, and parliamentary behaviour in Victorian Canada derives from the studies of a generation of scholars whose major contributions to the literature were made in the 1960s, the work of a handful of more recent commentators notwithstanding. But as Allan Bogue has observed in a study of the recent historiography of American political history, new sources, methodologies, and intellectual preoccupations have created new opportunities for the re-examination and re-interpretation of political history. He cites “middle-range” re-interpretations of local and regional political elites, based on pro-sopographical analyses, as a necessary first step toward more “behavioral” studies (Bogue, 1980: 243–245). Elsewhere, students of British political history have been much interested in the intersections of the “new” social history and political history, especially in the relationship between the structures and attitudes of local societies and the political characteristics and parliamentary behaviour of their elected representatives (Aydelotte, 1977; Moore, 1967; Clarke, 1971).
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Quiroga-Villamarín, Daniel Ricardo. "‘An Atmosphere of Genuine Solidarity and Brotherhood’: Hernán Santa-Cruz and a Forgotten Latin American Contribution to Social Rights." Journal of the History of International Law / Revue d'histoire du droit international 21, no. 1 (May 30, 2019): 71–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718050-12340103.
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Abstract Latin America played a crucial role in furthering the cause of human rights at the nascent United Nations (UN) when great powers were mostly interested in limiting the scope to issues of collective security. Following this line of thought, this article aims to understand the Latin American contributions to the promotion of ESCRs in both global and regional debates by tracing the figure of the Chilean diplomat Hernán Santa-Cruz and his efforts as both a drafter of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) and founder of the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC). In Santa-Cruz’s silhouette we can find a vivid example of Latin American thought regarding social rights, marked by the intersections and contradictions of regional discourses such as social Catholicism, socialist constitutionalism, and developmentalist economic theories.
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Widdis, Randy William. "Crossing an Intellectual and Geographic Border." Social Science History 34, no. 4 (2010): 445–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200011408.
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The Canadian-American borderlands have been configured and reconfigured by dynamic flows of trade, investment, migration, family connection, cooperation, and community across the border. One can view this and other borderlands as a dynamic spatiotemporal network with flows, gateways, corridors, and places or as a matrix: a complex web of interactions and dependencies that can in many places at different times be seen to be embedded in unequal economic relations. This article focuses specifically on migration flows in the Canadian-American borderlands during the turn-of-the-twentieth-century period. Flows of people during this period integrated communities on both sides of the border, but such movements varied among the regions that make up the borderland zone. The article uses Canadian and American border-crossing records to show that Canada-U.S. migration must be viewed in relation to patterns of regional transborder development.
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Grubb, Farley. "Colonial American Paper Money and the Quantity Theory of Money: An Extension." Social Science History 43, no. 1 (November 23, 2018): 185–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2018.30.
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The quantity theory of money is applied to the paper money regimes of seven of the nine British North American colonies south of New England. Individual colonies, and regional groupings of contiguous colonies treated as one monetary unit, are tested. Little to no statistical relationship, and little to no magnitude of influence, between the quantities of paper money in circulation and prices are found. The quantity theory of money does not explain the value and performance of colonial paper monies well. This is a general and widespread result, and not a rare and isolated phenomenon.
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Grantseva, Ekaterina. "Charity in Latin America: Tradition and Modernity." ISTORIYA 14, no. 5 (127) (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840026800-9.
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The article deals with the historical traditions of charity in Latin America and their relationship with the main organizational forms of modern charity (religious, corporate, private, international). The author examines the main goals of modern Latin American charitable initiatives and the possibilities of the influence of charitable organizations on social changes in the region, and also analyzes the links between the sphere of charity, government institutions and civil societies in Latin American countries. The analysis carried out allows us to conclude that at the present stage, the scale of Latin American charity has grown, despite the difficulties and regional specifics, and the range of social problems it solves has also expanded. However, most of the philanthropic activity remains dispersed and relatively ineffective when it comes to sustainable development and activities aimed at qualitative social change. The existing positive examples in the field of charity cannot yet become widespread practices due to the lack of widespread support for charitable initiatives aimed at reducing social gaps, difficulties in interacting with the public sector and difficulties in coordinating ways to solve social problems in the Latin American region.
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Loewen, Royden. "Beyond the Monolith of Modernity: New Trends in Immigrant and Ethnic Rural History." Agricultural History 81, no. 2 (April 1, 2007): 204–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00021482-81.2.204.
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Abstract This article suggests that the idea of "modernization," the uni-linear transition from peasantry to commercial agriculture, has shaped much of the writing of rural immigrant communities during the twentieth century. It also suggests that the history of immigrant and ethnic farm communities has begun to take a different tack during the last decade. This change reflects trends in the broader historiography of settlement society, including a shift from social history to cultural history. Modernity is no longer seen as an unrelenting force, natural and dominant in character. Rather postmodernity’s concern with fragmentation and asymmetry, and the linguistic turn with its fixation on cultural invention and created mythology, seemed evident. Regional, national, and international-based studies alike reflect this new research agenda, and this article highlights seven books in particular. Three, focusing on settler society and rural culture in regional, national, and transnational variations, describe modernity in particular; they see the very idea of change, once seen as inevitable and inexorable, as constructed, invented, and contrived. Three others are local studies of specific ethnic rural groups in which the immigrant or ethnic farm community stands at a cross current to a commercializing countryside, contesting and subverting the very intentions of the agents of the market economy and state interests. The final book is the author’s own recent work in comparative history, Diaspora in the Countryside: Two Mennonite Communities and Mid-Twentieth Century Rural Disjuncture. The two central words "diaspora" and "disjuncture" suggests that these communities, one located in Canada and the other in the United States, responded to economic changes through a diversity of lifeworlds, including farm commercialization, urbanization, and a conservative recreation of an old order agraria. These Mennonites created a set of contradictory mythologies and master narratives that sought to bring teleological sense, social order, and meaning to inchoate and fragmented cultures. The seven books thus acknowledge quotidian complexity, ethnic variation, and national and regional difference. They are representative of what appears to be a wider trend in the academy of North American rural history.
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Gerber, Larry G. "Corporatism and State Theory." Social Science History 19, no. 3 (1995): 313–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200017399.
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Over the last twenty years political scientists and sociologists concerned primarily with western European developments since 1945 have attempted to define corporatism as an ideal model for use in analyzing this region's political economies. Several influential American historians in recent years have also employed the concept of corporatism in examining the development of the modern American political economy. Although these historians have not ignored the contemporary European-oriented social science literature, the relationship between the work of historians describing the evolution of America's political economy and the theoretical literature based primarily on more recent European experiences and European concerns remains problematic.
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Manning, Susan. "Industry and Idleness in Colonial Virginia: A New Approach to William Byrd II." Journal of American Studies 28, no. 2 (August 1994): 169–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875800025445.
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The inception of American regionalism is routinely identified by scholars in either Robert Beverley or William Byrd II, both native Virginians who wrote intensely local works (The History and Present State of Virginia, 1705 ; The History of the Dividing Line Betwixt Virginia and North Carolina, Run in the Year of Our Lord 1728) which are amongst the enduring literary products of colonial America. The regional base of both works is immediately apparent in their subjects and setting; but to stop here is to leave critical questions unanswered, questions which have in recent years begun to be addressed by ethnographers and historians such as David Bertelson, Michael Zuckerman and Kenneth Lockridge. In particular, Lockridge's study, meshing biography, history and social psychology, has proposed an illuminating “reconstruction of Byrd's personality” from his writings, an account which stresses Byrd's cultural predicament as a provincial Virginian who strove to be an English gentleman. My purpose in this paper is not to challenge such an interpretation, nor to propose an alternative historical viewpoint, but rather to add the perspective of literary criticism to our reading of Byrd's prose itself. I shall argue that the “ southernness” of Byrd's writing is a characteristic less of his subject matter — his Virginian material — or of his biographical limitations, than of his style, and that the History of the Dividing Line charts enduring preoccupations of Byrd's writing career which reached perfectly self-conscious apotheosis in this, his most carefully composed and corrected work.
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Mamelund, Svenn-Erik, Lisa Sattenspiel, and Jessica Dimka. "Influenza-Associated Mortality during the 1918–1919 Influenza Pandemic in Alaska and Labrador." Social Science History 37, no. 2 (2013): 177–229. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200010634.
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Some of the most severely affected communities in the world during the 1918–19 influenza pandemic were in Labrador and Alaska. Although these two regions are on the opposite ends of North America, a cultural continuum in the Inuit populations extends throughout the North American Arctic. Both regions contain other population groups, however, and because of these similarities and differences, a comparison of their experiences during the pandemic provides new insights into how culture and environment may influence patterns of spread of infectious disease. We describe here analyses of the patterns of influenza mortality in 97 Alaska communities and 37 Labrador communities. The Alaska communities are divided into five geographic regions corresponding to recognized cultural groups in the region; the Labrador communities are separated into three regions that vary in the degree of admixture between European and indigenous (primarily Inuit) groups. In both Alaska and Labrador mortality was substantially higher than the worldwide average of 2.5–5 percent. Average mortality ranged from less than 1 percent to 38 percent at the regional level in Alaska and from 1 percent to 75 percent at the regional level in Labrador with up to 90 percent mortality in some local communities in both Alaska and Labrador. A number of factors influencing this heterogeneous experience are discussed, including the impact of weather and geography; attempts to protect communities by implementing quarantine policies; accessibility of health care; nutritional deficiencies; cultural factors, such as settlement patterns, seasonal activities, and ethnicity; and exposure to earlier outbreaks of influenza or other diseases that may have increased or lessened the impact of influenza in 1918–19.
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Milner, Anthony. "Localisation, regionalism and the history of ideas in Southeast Asia." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 41, no. 3 (September 7, 2010): 541–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463410000305.
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Much analysis of Asian regional relations and institutions is written in an historical and cultural vacuum. The impression is often given that security or economic arrangements are comparable with physical structures — creations of engineers rather than social scientists (or even architects). The writings of Amitav Acharya, now Professor of International Affairs at American University in Washington, DC, are a distinguished exception. Already the author of major books on security architecture and community identity in Southeast Asia – including his Constructing a Community in Southeast Asia, which has just come out in a new edition – Acharya has produced a careful study of the diffusion of security ideas and norms in the Asian region, particularly Southeast Asia. He concentrates in particular on the establishing in Asia of the norm of ‘cooperative security’ (as against ‘common security’) and the institution of the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF). It is a study – dealing especially with the last half century or so – which draws not just on the historical record of Southeast Asia but also on the theoretical insights of historians of that region. Acharya is genuine in his cross-disciplinary endeavour, and, in my view, has developed a methodology that invites a response from historians as well as practitioners in his own field of security studies.
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Lynch, John. "The Institutional Framework of Colonial Spanish America." Journal of Latin American Studies 24, S1 (March 1992): 69–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00023786.
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The colonial stateSpain asserted its presence in America through an array of institutions. Traditional historiography studied these in detail, describing colonial policy and American responses in terms of officials, tribunals, and laws. The agencies of empire were tangible achievements and evidence of the high quality of Spanish administration. They were even impressive numerically. Between crown and subject there were some twenty major institutions, while colonial officials were numbered in their thousands. The Recopilación de leyes de los reynos de las Indias (1681) was compiled from 400,000 royal cedulas, which it managed to reduce to a mere 6,400 laws.1 Thus the institutions were described, classified, and interpreted from evidence which lay in profusion in law codes, chronicles, and archives. Perhaps there was a tendency to confuse law with reality, but the standard of research was high and derecho indiano, as it was sometimes called, was the discipline which first established the professional study of Latin American history.This stage of research was brought to an end by new interests and changing fashions in history, and by a growing concentration on social and economic aspects of colonial Spanish America. Institutional history lost prestige, as historians turned to the study of Indians, rural societies, regional markets, and various aspects of colonial production and exchange, forgetting perhaps that the creation of institutions was an integral part of social activity and their presence or absence a measure of political and economic priorities. More recently, institutional history has returned to favour, though it is now presented as a study of the colonial state.
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García, Magaly Rodríguez. "Constructing Labour Regionalism in Europe and the Americas, 1920s–1970s." International Review of Social History 58, no. 1 (December 18, 2012): 39–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859012000752.
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AbstractThis article provides an analysis of the construction of labour regionalism between the 1920s and 1970s. By means of a comparative examination of the supranational labour structures in Europe and the Americas prior to World War II and of the decentralized structure of the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU), I attempt to defend the argument that regionalism was a labour leaders' construct that responded to three issues: the quest for power among the largest trade-union organizations within the international trade-union movement; mutual distrust between labour leaders of large, middle-sized, and small unions from different regions; and (real or imaginary) common interests among labour leaders from the same region. These push-and-pull factors led to the construction of regional labour identifications that emphasized “otherness” in the world of international labour. A regional labour identity was intended to supplement, not undermine, national identity. As such, this study fills a lacuna in the scholarly literature on international relations and labour internationalism, which has given only scant attention to the regional level of international labour organization.
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Leroux, Darryl. "‘We’ve been here for 2,000 years’: White settlers, Native American DNA and the phenomenon of indigenization." Social Studies of Science 48, no. 1 (January 9, 2018): 80–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306312717751863.
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Relying on a populace well-educated in family history based in ancestral genealogy, a robust national genomics sector has developed in Québec over the past decade-and-a-half. The same period roughly coincides with a fourfold increase in the number of individuals and organizations in the region self-identifying with a mixed-race form of indigeneity that is counter to existing Indigenous understandings of kinship and citizenship. This paper examines how recent efforts by genetic scientists, working on a multi-year research project on the ‘diversity’ of the Québec gene pool, intervene in complex settler-Indigenous relations by redefining indigeneity according to the logics of ‘Native American DNA’. Specifically, I demonstrate how genetic scientists mobilize genes associated with Indigenous peoples in ways that support regional efforts to govern settler-Indigenous relations in favour of otherwise white settler claims to Indigenous lands.
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Fernández Rodríguez, Manuela. "La Integración jurídico-institucional de Sudamérica en el campo de la defensa el Consejo de Defensa Suramericano." Araucaria, no. 48 (2021): 513–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/araucaria.2021.i48.23.
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Estudio sobre la creación del Consejo de Defensa Suramericano en 2008 en el marco de Unión de Naciones Suramericanas como un organismo de cooperación en materia de defensa de la región. En el texto se tratan cuestiones como la membresía de doce Estados, el papel destacado de Brasil en su creación que buscaba consolidar su liderazgo regional, la buena acogida por parte de Estados Unidos, su funcionamiento, las actuaciones principales –cooperación militar, acciones humanitarias, operaciones de paz, desarrollo de tecnología, formación– y la crisis que llevó a la suspensión de sus actividades, menos de diez años después de su creación.
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Pacifico, Andrea P., Johnatan Da Costa Santos, and F. L. Silva Silva. "Venezuelan Forced Migrants and Refugees in Brazil and Ecuador: Security Issues and Social Provision during the COVID-19 Pandemic." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 22, no. 3 (December 15, 2022): 554–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2022-22-3-554-570.
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The worsening economic and social crisis in Venezuela has led to a massive flow of Venezuelan migrants to neighbouring Latin American countries. The influx of forced migrants from Venezuela has challenged the regional security of Latin American countries, which were already experiencing structural and social problems. Brazil and Ecuador, where a significant number of Venezuelan nationals arrived, faced great obstacles in providing the arriving migrants with access to health care and education for their children, jobs, while at the same time meeting the needs and social problems of the local population. After the upheaval of the COVID-19 pandemic in March 2020, social problems such as health, education, job access, security, and governance have proven to be the most challenging in the region. However, as the pandemic situation showed, regional leaders were negligent in their response to the disease and refused to cooperate in addressing the problem, with dire consequences. This article analyses the impact of the Brazilian and Ecuadorian immigration laws and asylum policy on the protection of Venezuelans’ forced migrants and refugees who entered Brazil and Ecuador before and during the COVID-19 pandemic. As a regional security issue, the protection of Venezuelans is the basis for regional stability, which can only be achieved through cross-issue persuasion. The article, therefore, concludes that Brazil and Ecuador, after having created rules and implemented public policies before and after the pandemic, in cooperation or not with diverse international and national actors, to host and integrate Venezuelan citizens in both countries, have followed their commitment in accordance with previously adopted international and regional agreements, and domestic laws.
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Lentz, Carola. "Doing being middle-class in the global South: comparative perspectives and conceptual challenges." Africa 90, no. 3 (May 2020): 439–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972020000029.
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AbstractLike many key terms in history and the social sciences, ‘middle class’ is at once a category ‘of social and political analysis’ and a category ‘of social and political practice’, in Rogers Brubaker and Frederick Cooper's terms – two aspects that were, and continue to be, entangled in complex ways. Since the end of the eighteenth century, the term ‘middle class’, or the ‘middling sorts’, has been a catchword in political discourse, and it became one long before scholars defined it in any systematic fashion. Once it became a more or less well-established conceptual tool of research, however, it began to take on an academic life of its own, with scholars also using it to describe people who did not invoke this category for their own self-description. But scholarly terms could – and indeed did – also feed back into folk understandings of social stratification. In particular, the recent global popularity of the term ‘middle class’ seems to be at least in part a result of the appropriation of academic categories by policymakers. This article contributes to the discussion on African middle classes by tracing the genealogy of theoretical perspectives on class and by outlining some findings from studies of the history of European and American middle classes as well as recent research on middle classes in the global South. I discuss both the history of scholarly debates on the middle classes and what empirical studies tell us about people's contested self-categorizations, and how their understandings and practices of being middle-class have changed over time. The article argues that future research on the dynamics of African social stratification has much to gain from a regional and historical comparative perspective.
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Kyrchanoff, Maksym W. "(DE)CONSTRUCTION OF THE HISTORICAL NARRATION OF MODERN AMERICAN MEDIEVALISM: THE “INVENTION” OF THE SOCIAL AND POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE SEVEN KINGDOMS OF WESTEROS." Sovremennye issledovaniya sotsialnykh problem 14, no. 3 (October 31, 2022): 48–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.12731/2077-1770-2022-14-3-48-73.
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Purpose. The purpose of the article is to deconstruct the constructed “historical” narrative in contexts of the social, political and economic features of the feudalism of the world of the Seven Kingdoms, imagined in the imitated narration of the American writer George Martin, presented in his novels that make up the “A Song of Ice and Fire” cycle.
The novelty of the article lies in the study of the features of the social and economic history of the imagining medieval world of the Seven Kingdoms.
Methodology. Methodologically, the article is based on the principles of interdisciplinary historiography proposed in intellectual and cultural histories, as well as in the study of medievalism as a synthetic form of mass ideas about the Middle Ages in modern consumer society.
Results. It is assumed that George Martin proposed a model for the development of medieval society. The political relations and institutions described by G. Martin have parallels with those social forms of organization that arose and developed in the Medieval West. Therefore, in contexts of social history, the society described by George Martin can be defined as feudal. Critically analyzing George Martin’s texts as sources and deconstructing the narratives that form them, the author presumes that in the Seven Kingdoms the processes of feudal revolution led to the formation of a system of relations of vassalage and suzerainty. George Martin’s texts are a source on the history of the institutions of royalty, describing both the history of regional dynasties and the features of their subordination and integration into the state established as a result of the conquest of Westeros by Aegon I.
Conclusions. The article shows that 1) George Martin became constructor of a parallel version of the social and political histories of the Middle Ages and feudalism, 2) George Martin proposed an image of the Middle Ages, genetically ascending in the history of Medieval Europe, 3) the analyzed texts can be identified as a source on the social, economic and political history of the Seven Kingdoms.
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Zh.Y., Nurbayev, and Kiyubek Zh.Zh. "Concepts of historical memory and the politics of memory in the context of social and historical-humanitarian studies (historiographic analysis)." Bulletin of the Karaganda university History.Philosophy series 107, no. 3 (September 30, 2022): 152–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.31489/2022hph3/152-162.
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The article presents a historiographic review of historical memory and, based on this, examines the meaning and features of the process of rethinking national histories. The relevance of the presented work lies in the fact that today there is a “memorial boom”, which leads to a critical analysis of the past, a revision of the main plots of the history of the state and society. Since gaining independence, the post-Soviet countries have been embraced by the search for national identity. In this search, an important role was played by the reevaluation of one’s own history; based on new methodological approaches, the colonial experience, postcolonial transformations are being investigated. Thus, this paper aims to analyze a wide range of theoretical and historiographic material, the works of the founders of the concept of memory, fundamental works of researchers, from whom new directions came, such as the “politics of memory” or “trauma of memory”, etc. The authors of this article consider the theoretical foundations of memory, which have become significant in such sciences as sociology, history, philosophy, political science, etc. The study uses historical-genetic, historical-comparative, historical-systemic methods, as well as methods of retrospective and prospective analysis. The historiographic review of foreign and domestic authors helped to consider and analyze such concepts as historical memory and historical politics. In the works of French, German, American researchers, the theoretical and methodological foundations of the category of memory were studied. Russian and Kazakh historiography are represented by modern research, which is aimed at studying the processes associated with mythologizing, politicizing these processes, commemorative practices, local and regional aspects
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Amberg, Stephen. "Varieties of Capitalist Development." Social Science History 30, no. 2 (2006): 231–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200013456.
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Wages, benefits, and workers’ rights in the American South lagged behind the national average throughout the New Deal era even after southern states industrialized after the Second World War. This article deepens arguments about a distinctive regional variety of capitalism. It emphasizes how the institutions that define rights and authority over such economic decisions as what kind of jobs to create and how industries should compete constitute the industrial order. The article focuses on the Texas apparel industry and shows that low labor standards were an outcome of choices made by business owners and managers who claimed, and were given, the authority to carry out their visions of economic development. In contrast to previous explanations that have focused on labor exploitation and resistance, I address alternative ways to organize work and market products and the influence of choices from these alternatives on the development of distinctive labor-management relations. The apparel industry developed an efficient form of production that took advantage of an oligarchic political order whose institutional features dated to an earlier era.
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Will, W. Marvin. "A Nation Divided: The Quest for Caribbean Integration." Latin American Research Review 26, no. 2 (1991): 3–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100023748.
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Recognizing that the traditional five-state subregion of Central America departed from European colonialism as a federated entity, Ralph Lee Woodward subtitled his seminal history of Central America 'A Nation Divided.“ In his view, ”the social and economic history of the isthmus suggests that its peoples share considerably in their problems and circumstances, even though their political experience has been diverse. But it is also clear that their social and economic unity has been limited by their political disunity“ (Woodward 1985, vii). Following a period of colonial tutelage equal to that of Hispanic Central America, the Commonwealth Caribbean or English-speaking Caribbean also began to edge away from colonization as a federation of ten nations: Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago, Barbados, Antigua, Dominica, Grenada, St. Kitts–Nevis–Anguilla, St. Lucia, St. Vincent, and Montserrat. Applying Woodward's criteria, these former British colonies in the West Indies appear to have an even stronger claim than Hispanic Central America to substantial past and future national integration. According to Jamaican-American historian Franklin Knight and theorist Gordon Lewis, this subregion demonstrates more cultural and physical commonalities than differences (Knight 1978, x–xi; G. Lewis 1983). Despite the frictions induced by negotiations for independence, substantial regional integration of the nation-states of the English-speaking Caribbean was achieved during the late 1960s and early 1970s. These efforts atrophied in the years prior to 1987, however, because of internal divisions and external pressures.
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Wissow, Lawrence S., John Walkup, Allison Barlow, Raymond Reid, and Scott Kane. "Cluster and regional influences on suicide in a Southwestern American Indian tribe." Social Science & Medicine 53, no. 9 (November 2001): 1115–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0277-9536(00)00405-6.
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Ferrandino, Vittoria, and Valentina Sgro. "Italian Migration and Entrepreneurship’s Origins in the United States of America: A Business History Analysis from the Post Second World War Period to the Present Day." European Journal of Social Sciences 4, no. 2 (January 15, 2021): 148. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/813dbe72f.
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The opening of international markets following World War II highlighted the differences between territories at regional and national level in terms of the attractiveness of economic activities, investment and human resources. In this context, an important aspect concerned the entrepreneurial process: businesses and entrepreneurs have played a leading role in the activation of the paths of economic growth on the product value, employment and international competitiveness. From this perspective, the study of entrepreneurial dynamics - who the entrepreneurs are, their formation, the path followed for the creation of the enterprise, socio-economic and institutional context in which they acted - becomes crucial to understand the influence of economic and social conditions in the countries of origin as well as the employment and market opportunities, infrastructures and attractiveness of the destination countries. From this point of view, the entrepreneurial path is linked to the migration process and requires a study to highlight the relationship between these two phenomena and their impacts on the development and territorial competitiveness. Starting from the analysis of the literature and researches available at national and international level, in this paper we present the first results of a quantitative and qualitative research at the Archives of the American Chamber of Commerce in Italy, as well as in other American economic institutions. The study aims to highlight the scale of the phenomenon in the Italian-Americans economic relations after World War II, the characteristics of firms with immigrant entrepreneurs, as well as the relationship between immigrant entrepreneurship and entrepreneur training. Even though the two authors share the article’s setting, please note that introduction and paragraph 1 are by Vittoria Ferrandino and paragraphs 2, 3 and 4 are by Valentina Sgro. Both of the authors wrote the conclusions.
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O'Brien, Robert. "North American Integration and International Relations Theory." Canadian Journal of Political Science 28, no. 4 (December 1995): 693–724. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900019351.
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AbstractAlthough North American integration has been the topic of heated public debate, it has not yet received adequate theoretical attention from the field of international relations. This article reviews the movement to codify North American integration, and explores the implications for integration and international relations theory. The first section reviews the intellectual history of integration theory as it developed in the European context. The second considers the North American experience of codifying integration, 1982–1994. The third part returns to integration theory and international relations, offering some amendments and suggestions considering the North American experience. The article argues that the clearest understanding of regional integration in the 1990s can be achieved through an approach which stresses developments in the global political economy as catalysts for change, and looks to national and transnational institutions and social forces to explain variations in integration projects. Because other international relations theories such as neofunctionalism and interstate bargaining are unable to integrate these levels of analysis, they offer an incomplete view of present dynamics.
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Schultz, Jaime, Dunja Antunovic, Adam Berg, Justine Kaempfer, Andrew D. Linden, Thomas Rorke, Colleen English, and Mark Dyreson. "A Brief Taxonomy of Sports that Were Not Quite American National Pastimes: Fads and Flashes-in-the-Pan, Nationwide and Regional Pastimes, the Pastimes of Other Nations, and Pan-National Pastimes." International Journal of the History of Sport 31, no. 1-2 (January 22, 2014): 250–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09523367.2013.868439.
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Ozbilgin, Mustafa, and Geraldine Healy. "“Don’t mention the war” – Middle Eastern careers in context." Career Development International 8, no. 7 (December 1, 2003): 325–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/13620430310505278.
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Mainstream work on careers tends to be situated within an individualistic paradigm and against a North American/Western European context (although frequently unacknowledged). This paper throws new conceptual and contextual insights on the career concept through its exploration of careers in the Middle East. It draws on articles included in two special issues on career development in the Middle East published in Career Development International, and demonstrates how careers are intertwined with history, politics, organisational practices and structures as well as the individual self. Importantly it identifies the interconnectedness of the Middle East with the rest of the world and how this impacts on individual careers. Through this regional lens, the complexity and diversity of the career concept is brought into sharp focus.
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Buzhilova, Alexandra P. "Anthropology in the focus of social time. Part 1. Pioneers and founders of science." Moscow University Anthropology Bulletin (Vestnik Moskovskogo Universiteta. Seria XXIII. Antropologia), no. 1 (June 23, 2022): 5–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.32521/2074-8132.2022.1.005-022.
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A series of articles is devoted to the analysis of the formation and transformation of anthropology as a fundamental science. The study uses a social time scale, which makes it possible to assess the reasons for the transformations, ups and downs of science in different countries, depending on social events that form the challenges of society. At present, anthropology, like no other science, has a different "content" depending on the country in which it is formed. At the same time, like all sciences, it has a common history, common tasks and methods. Whether this is a consequence of the internal contradiction of anthropology (a single science or a collection of separate human sciences), or the reason for regional characteristics is the result of the influence of the society in which it develops. It is proposed to begin the discussion of issues important for determining the status of modern anthropology by plunging into its history, to which the first part of the work is devoted. The article discusses the achievements of the initial stage of anthropology, when in Paris it became possible to found a professional Society, a journal, a School and Laboratory, as well as an Anthropological Museum. Why did it work for P. Broca in France, and did not become possible for another scientist in another country. Why did the brilliant works of K. von Baer not give rise to the formation of the Russian school of anthropology. How did it happen that A. Hrdlička and D. N. Anuchin, who received the same skills and knowledge in Paris and founded essentially the same schools of anthropology in America and Russia, did not become guarantors of the same development of anthropology in these countries. What can cross out science in a particular country, bringing a negative connotation to the term "anthropology" for many years. What could be the catalyst for the revival of interest in the natural history of man. How fundamental science acquires applied aspects and becomes “attractive” for the economy of a particular country. These and many other questions are presented in a polemical review of the many-sided anthropology.
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Barkawi, Tarak, Christopher Murray, and Ayşe Zarakol. "The United Nations of IR: power, knowledge, and empire in Global IR debates." International Theory 15, no. 3 (November 2023): 445–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1752971923000167.
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AbstractThis paper critiques a core premise of Global IR: the association of knowledge with geography, which we term geo-epistemology. It argues that ‘American’ and Global IR share a Eurocentric spatial imaginary, one that was a product of Western expansion and empire. Through its geo-epistemology, Global IR enables a conservative appropriation of the critique of Eurocentrism in IR. Globality becomes a matter of assembling sufficient geographic representation rather than an analysis of the discipline's political, historical, and spatial assumptions. Anglo-American policymakers and intellectuals invented the national/international world to replace the world of empires and races that came apart in the era of the world wars. This UN world of sovereign nation-states and their regional groupings was the foundational move of both what Stanley Hoffman called ‘the American social science’ – IR – and the American-centred world order. The paper uses the reception and legacy of Hoffman's classic essay to show how culture replaced power and history in the study of the discipline, obfuscating the Eurocentrism of Global IR.
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Schwartz, Robert M. "Rail Transport, Agrarian Crisis, and the Restructuring of Agriculture." Social Science History 34, no. 2 (2010): 229–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200011226.
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During the late nineteenth century the transport revolution and growing agricultural output, especially in North America, engendered an agrarian crisis (1878–96) when intensifying international competition in foodstuffs led to dramatic price declines, particularly in wheat and other cereals. This comparative study of the process in Britain and France examines regional and local patterns of rural change in relation to the expansion of railways, the agrarian crisis, and the responses to the crisis by the governments and farmers of the two countries. Using spatial statistics and geographically weighted regression (GWR) to identify spatially varying relationships, it offers a new approach and results. Case studies of Dorset County in England and the Allier Department in France show that railways facilitated the shift from cereal production to livestock and dairy farming during the era of agrarian crisis. In Dorset the analysis using GWR provides an explanation for patterns of the agricultural depression that a pioneering article identified but could not explain and thus illustrates the promise of blending narrative and spatial history. Further, it argues that in France railway expansion and the construction of a secondary network reduced regional disparities in rail service and likely in agricultural productivity, too. More broadly, it concludes that the differing political economies of Britain and France led to different trade and railway policies during the crisis and to different agrarian outcomes in which agricultural productivity declined in Britain and improved in France.
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Salvatore, Ricardo D. "Market-oriented Reforms and the Language of Popular Protest: Latin America from Charles III to the IMF." Social Science History 17, no. 4 (1993): 485–523. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200016898.
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The market imperative—that is, the need to institute market mechanisms as solutions for a variety of social problems—seems to dominate current political debate in Latin America. Administrations as diverse as those of Collor de Mello, Fujimori, Menen, and Salinas de Gortari have been implementing economic reforms based on neoconservative principles. Privatization of public enterprises, national economies opened to foreign competition, the freeing of financial markets, and the compliance with International Monetary Fund (IMF) guidelines are now accepted goals among parties and leaders that, just a decade ago, contributed to building interventionist, redistributionist, and developmentalist coalitions. Broad segments of the political class now believe that only the wholesome implementation of free-market principles can lift Latin America from its decade-old crisis. Among the left, this apparent hegemony of market ideology has engendered confusion and pessimism. The heritage of authoritarian regimes, the protracted regional economic crisis, and, more recently, the revolutions of Eastern and Central Europe seem to have defeated the viability of alternative discourses about the crisis and its solutions.
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Bensel, Richard. "Southern Leviathan: The Development of Central State Authority in the Confederate States of America." Studies in American Political Development 2 (1987): 68–136. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x00000432.
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War has probably been the single most important influence on the development of central state authority in the United States. Although the state-centered mobilization of economic resources and manpower that accompanies military conflict is commonly conceded to have had this effect throughout American history, the centralizing influence of the Civil War on the southern Confederate government has not been accorded the precedent-setting importance it deserves. The consolidation of economic and social controls within the central government of the Confederacy was in fact so extensive that it calls into question standard interpretations of southern opposition to the expansion of federal power in both the antebellum and post-Reconstruction periods. Southern reluctance to expand federal power in those periods has been attributed variously to regional sympathy for laissez-faire principles, the “precapitalist” cultural origins of the plantation elite, and a general philosophical orientation hostile to state development.
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Bensel, Richard. "Southern Leviathan: The Development of Central State Authority in the Confederate States of America." Studies in American Political Development 2 (1987): 68–136. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x00001735.
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War has probably been the single most important influence on the development of central state authority in the United States. Although the state-centered mobilization of economic resources and manpower that accompanies military conflict is commonly conceded to have had this effect throughout American history, the centralizing influence of the Civil War on the southern Confederate government has not been accorded the precedent-setting importance it deserves. The consolidation of economic and social controls within the central government of the Confederacy was in fact so extensive that it calls into question standard interpretations of southern opposition to the expansion of federal power in both the antebellum and post-Reconstruction periods. Southern reluctance to expand federal power in those periods has been attributed variously to regional sympathy for laissez-faire principles, the “precapitalist” cultural origins of the plantation elite, and a general philosophical orientation hostile to state development.
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Morales, Gustavo. "Comparative analysis of the emerging projects in Latin America after the crisis of the neoliberal modernity project in the early 21st century." Thesis Eleven 149, no. 1 (December 2018): 48–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513618813382.
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This article provides a comparative and interpretative analysis of the emerging projects in Latin America after the crisis of the neoliberal modernity project. It offers a critical interpretation of the current tendencies in Latin American politics at the national level, while suggesting some hints to understand the current neoliberal crisis in Western countries after Trump’s electoral triumph. The purpose is to figure out the collective meanings behind the new national projects in Latin America (postcolonial indigeneity, confrontational populism, defective neoliberalism, and social liberalism) that are constructing a new regional order. The work examines how the neoliberal modernity project came to be dominant in the late 1980s, only to enter into a period of crisis in the current century. That crisis, in turn, provides the basis for exploring four different alternative projects of modernity, based on the kind of rationality and agency promoted by them.
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Edelman, Marc. "Transnational Peasant Politics in Central America." Latin American Research Review 33, no. 3 (1998): 49–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100038425.
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Since the late 1980s, peasants throughout Central America have begun to coordinate political and economic strategy. Agriculturalists from the five republics that constituted “la patria grande” of Spanish Central America (Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica) as well as representatives from Panama and Belize have founded regional organizations that meet to compare experiences with free-market policies, share new technologies, develop sources of finance, and create channels for marketing their products abroad. They have also established a presence in the increasingly distant arenas where decisions are made that affect their livelihood. Small-farmer organizations now lobby at the United Nations, the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, the European Union, and regional summit meetings. Central American campesinos have attended numerous regional gatherings of agriculture ministers and presidents, as well as events like the 1992 Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro, the 1995 Western Hemisphere Presidents' Summit in Miami, the 1995 World Summit for Social Development in Copenhagen, and the 1996 Food Security Summit in Rome.
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Chen, Michelle. "Radical Defence: The American Committee for Protection of Foreign Born and the Movement for Deportation Resistance and Immigrants’ Rights." Journal of Migration History 9, no. 1 (March 24, 2023): 106–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-09010005.
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Abstract The American Committee for Protection of Foreign Born was a Communist-affiliated legal advocacy organisation that operated from the 1930s through to the 1970s, that witnessed several periods of ideological and social change in immigration policy and politics. As a radical campaign group, it developed as an outgrowth of the twentieth-century American left, and created a distinct platform devoted explicitly to defending the rights of immigrants. Using the courts, popular protest, policy advocacy and other innovative campaign strategies, the group and its regional affiliates, along with allied leftist organisations, pioneered a framework of constitutional rights and legal protections for the immigrants who were persecuted and threatened with deportation due to their links to the labour left. During the early Cold War, their work defending foreign-born radicals against deportation gradually expanded to include other immigrant communities, and to broach broader issues of civil and human rights.
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Alibalaev, Muradin M., and Denis A. Kuznetsov. "Latin American Experience of Paradiplomacy: The Case of Mercocities." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 22, no. 3 (December 15, 2022): 537–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2022-22-3-537-553.
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At present, the nature and scope of paradiplomacy vary depending on the level of political activeness of the regions, local challenges and the willingness of both states and sub-national entities to implement paradiplomacy strategies. Latin America, taken as an object of study, is no exception. Over the past three decades, Latin America has gained considerable experience of interaction at the level of cities and sub-national regions. The aim of the research is to identify the key features and problems that shape the development of paradiplomacy in South America, using Mercociudades (Mercocities) as an example. This network includes cities of MERCOSUR member states, while remaining open to other cities. Mercociudades might be regarded as the largest and most influential actor of that nature, whose aim is to develop regional units. Relying on case study, document analysis, comparative analysis and SWOT technique, the authors reveal some problems of institutional and organizational nature, differences in legal frameworks of different actors and irrelevance of separate Mercociudades projects and structures for tackling common challenges. Many of the shortcomings of Mercociudades lie in the very nature of the network, determined by its structure and the policies of MERCOSUR member states. At the same time, it is argued that the Mercociudades network can be considered one of the most advanced paradiplomacy cases. Its experience is relatively successful, contributing to the economic, social and political development of the member cities and states concerned. The research is based on official documents and respectful academic sources.
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Beinin, Joel. "MERIP and Political Economy in Middle East Studies." Review of Middle East Studies 55, no. 2 (December 2021): 241–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rms.2022.7.
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AbstractThe Middle East Research and Information Project (MERIP) was founded in 1971 as a project of the American New Left in solidarity with and drawing inspiration from the Beirut-centered Arab New Left and anti-imperialist struggles for national liberation in the Middle East and North Africa. The question of Palestine was a central, but certainly not exclusive, concern. From its origins MERIP was committed to political economy as a key method to understanding the Middle East and North Africa. It highlighted the importance of oil in the regional power structure and to the emergent U.S. empire. Many of its articles featured analyses of the social relationships of class and capital. MERIP was wary of “Arab socialism” and pan-Arab nationalism as official state ideologies. Its analysis of the 1979 Iranian revolution won MERIP and its emphasis on the importance of political economy a respected place in Anglo-American academia. Political economy never disappeared from MERIP's orientation, although its salience declined from the mid-1980s to the mid-2000s. The financial crisis of 2008 drew renewed attention to the structure of global capitalism. MERIP's history positioned it to participate in the renewed attention to class, capital, markets with more attention to the racialized and gendered character of these relationships.
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ARNOLD, DAVID, and ERICH DeWALD. "Everyday Technology in South and Southeast Asia: An introduction." Modern Asian Studies 46, no. 1 (November 4, 2011): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x11000540.
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That technology matters—and matters profoundly—to the humanities and social sciences is no longer in dispute. But exactly how it informs our understanding of society, now and in the past, remains a matter of scholarly contention. It might be argued that, as the history and sociology of technology moves away from its principal point of origin in the study of Euro-American societies, the questions that technology poses have, if only by virtue of their relative novelty, a particular resonance for the constituent regions of modern Asia—and not least for the societies of South and Southeast Asia that form the subject of this special issue. It is not a question of adopting an approach as unsubtle and outmoded as technological determinism, or of simply extending to one corner of the Asian landmass a set of ‘global’ theories and histories, with technology as their underpinning, already established and familiar in other contexts. Rather, it is a case of finding and developing a perspective on technology which helps to illuminate the inner histories and local narratives of these regions and which brings to the wider discussion of technology something distinctive, distilled from the outlook and experience of one part of the non-Western world. A desire to move beyond scholarship's still-dominant paradigms of colonialism, nationalism, and development, to explore the multivalent nature of ‘everyday life’ and enquire into ‘the social life of things’ as locally constituted, to examine modernity's diverse material forms, technological manifestations, and ideological configurations, to locate the regional roots as well as the exogenous origins of social change and cultural transformation, to situate subaltern experience alongside middle class mores and elite appropriation—all these interlocking considerations have begun to form part of a collective inquiry into the technological histories and cultures of South and Southeast Asia. A scholarly search is clearly under way to establish new methodologies and meanings, new contexts, and conjunctures, which will inform and reinvigorate the history, sociology, anthropology, and geography of these regions and redefine their place within the burgeoning field of science and technology studies.
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Checkmarev, A. "The Actualization of the Cuban Model of Social and Economic Development and Its Impact on National Foreign Policy." Analysis and Forecasting. IMEMO Journal, no. 4 (2022): 84–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/afij-2022-4-84-96.
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The ‘actualization’ of the Cuban social and economic model is a set of measures taken by the Cuban government to improve the country's socio-economic situation by attracting foreign capital and developing the private sector of the economy. These reforms are unprecedented in the history of socialist Cuba, since the country's leadership has never resorted to such comprehensive and profound reforms before. These measures include partial revision of tenets of Cuban statehood that previously seemed immutable. Such metamorphoses executed by Havana, despite their domestic political nature, have had a significant impact on the country's foreign policy, its bilateral relations with key world actors, and have changed Cuba's role and status both at the global and regional levels. ‘Actualization’ was a well-timed response of the Cuban government to the revision of the foundations of U.S. regional policy in Latin America under B. Obama, which subsequently allowed the parties to begin the so-called ‘Cuban thaw’ in bilateral relations. The transformation affected relations between Havana and the European Union, which were institutionalized due to the Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement and turned the EU into Caribbean state’s important investment and trade partner. China and countries of Latin America have also felt the effects of Cuba's socio-economic transformation. The evolution of Russian-Cuban relations which have undergone significant changes over the past two decades deserves particular attention in the context of ‘actualization’. A fold increase in bilateral trade turnover and the development of political dialogue between Moscow and Havana are markers of positive dynamics. However, it cannot be claimed that the Russian side has totally benefited from the Cuban socio-economic reforms, given the unique potential that Russia has in regard to Cuba.
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Ramirez, Amelie G., Lucina Suarez, Larry Laufman, Cristina Barroso, and Patricia Chalela. "Hispanic Women's Breast and Cervical Cancer Knowledge, Attitudes, and Screening Behaviors." American Journal of Health Promotion 14, no. 5 (May 2000): 292–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.4278/0890-1171-14.5.292.
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Purpose. This study examined breast and cervical cancer knowledge, attitudes, and screening behaviors among different Hispanic populations in the United States. Design. Data were collected from a random digit dial telephone survey of 8903 Hispanic adults from eight U.S. sites. Across sites, the average response rate was 83%. Setting. Data were collected as part of the baseline assessment in a national Hispanic cancer control and prevention intervention study. Subjects. Analysis was restricted to 2239 Hispanic women age 40 and older who were self-identified as either Central American (n = 174), Cuban (n = 279), Mexican American (n = 1550), or Puerto Rican (n = 236). Measures. A bilingual survey instrument was used to solicit information on age, education, income, health insurance coverage, language use, U.S.-born status, knowledge of screening guidelines, attitudes toward cancer, and screening participation. Differences in knowledge and attitudes across Hispanic groups were assessed by either chi-square tests or analysis of variance. Logistic regression models assessed the influence of knowledge and attitudes on screening participation. Results. The level of knowledge of guidelines ranged from 58.3% (Mexican Americans) to 71.8% (Cubans) for mammography, and from 41.1% (Puerto Ricans) to 55.6% (Cubans) for Pap smear among the different Hispanic populations. Attitudes also varied, with Mexican Americans and Puerto Ricans having more negative or fatalistic views of cancer than Cuban or Central Americans. Knowledge was significantly related to age, education, income, language preference, and recent screening history. Overall, attitudes were not predictive of mammography and Pap smear behavior. Conclusions. Factors related to mammography and Pap smear screening vary among the different Hispanic populations. Limitations include the cross-sectional nature of the study, self-reported measures of screening, and the limited assessment of attitudes. The data and diversity of Hispanic groups reinforce the position that ethno-regional characteristics should be clarified and addressed in cancer screening promotion efforts. The practical relationships among knowledge, attitudes, and cancer screening are not altogether clear and require further research.
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Vecellio Segate, Riccardo. "The Dis-Embedded Arbitrator: Releasing Arbitration from Corruption-Shaped Environments in the Wake of the Odebrecht Arbitral Ordeal in Peru." Social Sciences 12, no. 4 (April 13, 2023): 232. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci12040232.
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Despite local instances of single arbitrators’ corruption not having proven completely absent from arbitration chronicles over the last decades, one may safely argue that until very recently, no scandal had ever been severe enough to shake the foundations of arbitration communities on a regional, let alone global, level. However, this eventually occurred in 2019 in Peru as the outcome of one of the countless parallel investigations stemming from the 2016 Odebrecht corruption saga, propagated from Brazil to the whole of Latin America, the Caribbean, sub-Saharan Africa, and beyond, and labelled by many as the largest scandal of its kind in recent history. Peru’s vicissitudes revolved around a number of corrupted arbitrators who systematically accepted bribes and political favours from Odebrecht in return for favourable awards upholding the repricing of public-procurement contracts. This story can teach us about more than the simple evidence that arbitrators, too, might fall for corruption; criminologically, it suggests that arbitration as a dispute-resolution mechanism can find itself embedded within regionalised networked systems of corruption-prone regulatory capture, and even play an active role in their normalised perpetuation. To prevent this, while having regard for safeguarding the independence and confidentiality of arbitral proceedings to the highest possible extent, the enactment of context-sensitive binding regulation is advised.
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Andriukaitiene, Regina, and Jorge Villasmil Espinoza. "CELAC in International Relations of Latin America (2010-2023)." Eminak, no. 4(44) (January 13, 2024): 282–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.33782/eminak2023.4(44).687.
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The purpose of the research paper is to highlight the formation, development, and results of CELAC’s activities, as well as to define its place in international relations at both the regional and global levels.
The scientific novelty is in the comprehensive analysis of the place and role of the regional international organization CELAC, its failures, and successful initiatives. The authors analyze the formation of CELAC as a representative body in relations with key world political actors – China, the EU, and Russia.
Conclusions. CELAC continues to be an important factor in international relations, especially in the context of the desire of Latin American and Caribbean countries to strengthen cooperation and coordination. The establishment of CELAC was one of the vivid manifestations of the ‘left turn’ with its state-nationalist bias and emphasized interest in solving pressing social problems in domestic politics by the state from the top-down and ensuring its independence from global actors, primarily the United States. CELAC is not a replacement for the cooperation and integration groups – Mercosur, CARICOM, ALCA, etc. The desire for CELAC to be an alternative body – especially to the OAS (The Organization of American States) – does not enjoy regional consensus and it would be difficult to achieve with the resources this body currently has at its disposal.
Although in general, CELAC’s activities were ineffective (most of the region’s problems had not been solved, including poverty, corruption, crime, etc.), there were examples of successful implementation of its decisions in 2013-2018. In recent years, we have observed the intensification of CELAC’s international activities, aimed, first of all, at establishing mutually beneficial and partnership relations with the key actors of world politics and economy – the EU, the USA, and China. But Russia’s aggression towards Ukraine, its desire for self-isolation, the sanctions of the Western world, and the condemnation of aggression by the UN – all this pushes the Caribbean countries away from Russia, although it does not completely negate their cooperation.
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Mashevskyi, O. "UKRAINE IN EUROPEAN HISTORICAL PROCESSES. REVIEW OF THE MONOGRAPH MANUSCRIPT: Vidnianskyi, S. (Ed.). (2020). Ukraine in the History of Europe of the 19th – Early 21st Century: Historical Essays. A Monograph. Kyiv: Instite of History of Ukraine of National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 145 (2020): 85–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2020.145.15.
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The chronological boundaries of the collective monograph cover a long historical period, which extends to the era of European Modernism and continues to the modern (current) history of European Postmodernism. The key thesis of the team of authors of the monograph is the idea of systemic belonging of Ukraine to European civilization as its component, which interacts with other parts of the system. The first chapter of the peer-reviewed collective monograph "European receptions of Ukraine in the XIX century" shows the reflection of the Ukrainian problem in the German-language literature of the first half of the XIX century, taking into account new archival document, the development of Ukraine’s relations with other Slavic peoples is traced, and the peculiarities of Ukrainian-Bulgarian relations are considered as a separate case study. An interesting paragraph of the collective monograph devoted to cultural, educational and scientific cooperation of Dnieper Ukraine with European countries. This information illustrates well how the Industrial Revolution radically changed the face of the planet, brought new scientific experience that gave room for the development of the capitalist system, and with them, the Industrial Revolution brought social problems, environmental disasters that still cannot be solved. Thomas Malthus (1766-1834) formulated the "iron law of wages", according to which workers can receive only a living wage. The second chapter of the collective monograph "The Ukrainian Question and Ukraine in the European History of the Twentieth Century" presents an integrated narrative of Ukrainian national history in the light of the European history of the two world wars and their consequences. The First World War, or the Great War, undoubtedly became a turning point in European history and, accordingly, in the national histories of European countries. The historical experience of the Ukrainian national liberation struggle of the Ukrainian people for the right to European development is covered in the paragraph of the collective monograph "Ukrainian Diplomatic Service 1917-1924". The vicissitudes of Stalin's industrialization and collectivization and their impact on the Ukrainian SSR's relations with European states in the 1920s and 1930s are highlighted in terms of continuity of ties with Europe. A separate regional example of the situation is covered on the example of the history of Transcarpathia on the eve of World War II. The third chapter of the collective monograph "Independent Ukraine in the European integration space" highlights the features of Ukraine's current positioning in Europe. After the collapse of the USSR, ideological obstacles to the development of globalization were overcome. The American political scientist F.Fukuyama in his work "The End of History" concluded the final victory of liberal ideology. This section of the peer-reviewed collective monograph also highlights the position of the international community on the Crimean referendum in 2014, analyzes the policy of Western European countries on the Ukrainian-Russian armed conflict on the example of the policy of Germany, France and Austria. The research result is a separate model of reality, which is reproduced with the help of a certain perception and awareness of the historian. In this sense, the author's team of the monograph has achieved the goal of creating a meaningful narrative that highlights the place of Ukraine at different stages of modern and postmodern European history. From the point of view of the general perception of the narrative offered to the reader, the authors of the collective monograph managed to harmonize individual stylistic features in a conceptually unified text, the meanings of which will be interesting to both professional historians and students and the general readership.
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Roniger, Luis. "Caciquismo and Coronelismo: Contextual Dimensions of Patron Brokerage in Mexico and Brazil." Latin American Research Review 22, no. 2 (1987): 71–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100022056.
Full textAbstract:
The Latin American middlemen known as caciques in Mexico and coronéis in Brazil are one of the most widespread sociopolitical features of Mexico and Brazil in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The pervasive institutional arrangements established by such political entrepreneurs at local and regional levels, within the framework of the most “center-dominant” polities of Latin America, are well documented in the literature. In this case, pervasiveness does not imply mere continuity. As changes in structure, meanings, and significance have occurred with the passing of time, the phenomena termed caciquismo and coronelismo have undergone social and semantic transformation. It would therefore be useful to begin by reviewing these historical metamorphoses.
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Gildersleeve, Jessica. "Thea Astley’s modernism of the ‘Deep North’, or on (un)kindness." Queensland Review 26, no. 2 (December 2019): 245–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/qre.2019.30.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractAlthough she is often perceived as a writer of the local, the rural or the regional, Thea Astley herself notes writing by American modernists as her primary literary influence, and emphasises the ethical value of transnational reading and writing. Similarly, she draws parallels between writing of the American ‘Deep South’ and her own writing of the ‘Deep North’, with a particular focus on the struggles of the racial or cultural outsider. In this article, I pursue Astley’s peculiar blend of these literary genres — modernism, the Gothic and the transnational — as a means of understanding her conceptualisation of kindness and community. Although Astley rejects the necessity of literary community, her writing emphasises instead the value of interpersonal engagement and social responsibility. With a focus on her first novel, Girl with a Monkey (1958), this article considers Astley’s representation of the distinction between community and kindness, particularly for young Catholic women in Queensland in the early twentieth century. In its simultaneous critique of the expectations placed on women and its upholding of the values of kindness and charity, Astley considers our responsibilities in our relations with the Other and with community.
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Fitzsimons, Alejandro Luis, and Guido Starosta. "Global capital, uneven development and national difference: Critical reflections on the specificity of accumulation in Latin America." Capital & Class 42, no. 1 (February 17, 2017): 109–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309816817692126.
Full textAbstract:
A recent Special Issue in this journal devoted its pages to discuss the varied forms of capitalist development in different countries and regions across the globe. Specifically, the contributions offered a critical assessment of the hegemonic ‘neo-institutionalist’ approach to the study of national diversity of capitalism, with particular focus on the ‘varieties of capitalism’ approach. This article critically engages with the different alternatives to the varieties of capitalism approach that were put forward and shows that these other perspectives also fall short of providing a convincing framework to address the problematique of national or regional particularities as posed in the debate. In order to offer a more solid explanation of the phenomenon of ‘capitalist variety’, the article draws upon Marx’s fundamental insight into the determination of capital as a materialised social relation which becomes the immediate alienated subject of the organisation of the process of social life and also moves some way beyond it so as to cast fresh light on global transformation and uneven development in recent decades. More concretely, the article further submits that the specificity of the Latin American ‘variety of capitalism’ must be grounded in the constitution and dynamics of the international division of labour which results from the underlying essential unity of the production of relative surplus value on a world scale by the global total social capital. In other words, we grasp the emergence of national specificities as the immanent result of the global unfolding of the ‘law of value’.