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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Social rights – Europe'
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1
Milli, Ece. "Assessing The Human Rights Regime Of The Council Of Europe In Terms Of Economic And Social Rights." Master's thesis, METU, 2012. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12615020/index.pdf.
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This thesis seeks to answer the question whether economic and social rights have the same status with civil and political rights under the human rights regime of the Council of Europe. To this end, the thesis examines the assumptions with regard to the nature of economic and social rights, on the one hand, and civil and political rights, on the other. Second, it seeks to find out whether the nature of economic and social rights is different from that of civil and political rights. Third, it examines how the protection of and approach to the two sets of rights developed in the Council of Europe. Finally, it assesses the contemporary protection of economic and social rights in the Council of Europe in comparison to protection of civil and political rights.
2
Bindman, Eleanor Frances. "Economic and social rights within EU-Russia relations : a missed opportunity?" Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2013. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/4702/.
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In recent years the EU’s strategy towards promoting human rights in Russia has been the focus of considerable internal and external attention, much of it critical. Despite longstanding programmes for funding human rights projects in Russia and the launch of biannual EU-Russia human rights consultations in 2005, the subject of human rights remains contentious within EU-Russia relations. One striking aspect of the EU’s policy towards Russia is its focus on issues such as prison reform, freedom of speech and prevention of torture which can broadly be characterized as civil and political rights issues. The purpose of this thesis is to explore an area of human rights theory and practice which tends to receive far less attention, namely economic and social rights issues such as the right to housing, health, access to social security and workers’ rights. Utilising data gathered from interviews with EU and Member State officials and Russian NGOs and a discourse analysis of EU policy documents on human rights, the thesis examines how EU institutions, Member States and Russian civil society actors conceptualise the meaning and significance of economic and social rights in both a general and specifically Russian context. The study situates these understandings of economic and social rights and the State’s role in guaranteeing them in Russia in the historical context of the Soviet legacy of emphasizing such rights over civil and political rights. It also highlights enduring public expectations of what the State should provide and the policy of the various presidential administrations since 2005 of reasserting the State’s role in relation to the apparent realisation of economic and social rights through social service provision. It explores the differing approaches taken by human rights and more socially-oriented NGOs to engagement with various State structures and State-affiliated structures such as the regional human rights ombudsmen, and the privileged position Russian human rights NGOs appear to enjoy in terms of their relationship with the EU. The thesis argues that the EU’s closeness to this very specific type of civil society organisation and its apparent lack of internal and external consensus on the importance of economic and social rights issues hinders its ability to raise issues relating to these rights in its interactions with Russia. At the same time, the fact that economic and social rights continue to enjoy a relatively high degree of visibility and importance in Russia make cooperation on economic and social rights issues an area where more fruitful engagement on human rights could take place between the EU and Russia.
3
Yorke, Jon. "The Council of Europe and the death penalty : the relationship of state sovereignty and human rights." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2008. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/4106/.
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This study investigates the processes of the removal of the death penalty within the Council of Europe and its Member States. An evaluation is conducted of the relationship of sovereignty and the death penalty in this region, and the significance of the Council's attempts to penetrate this relationship is analysed. The foremost motivation of this study is to understand how solid the removal of the death penalty is, and to reveal what can be learned from the legislative activity of the Member States and the various Parliamentary Assembly and Committee of Ministers' enactments, and the case-law of the European Commission of Human Rights and the European Court of Human Rights. It is my hope that this study will help ensure that the death penalty remains removed from this European region.
4
Arikan, Burcak. "Assyrian Transnational Politics: Activism From Europe Towards Homeland." Master's thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12612893/index.pdf.
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ASSYRIAN TRANSNATIONAL
POLITICS: ACTIVISM FROM EUROPE TOWARDS HOMELAND
ARIKAN BURÇAK Department of International Relations Supervisor: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Sabine Strasser January 2011, 105 pages This thesis examines the transnational political practices Assyrian diaspora undertakes in Europe to generate a positive change in the minority rights of Assyrians in Turkey. Based on inductive reading of existing literature on transnational migration and transnational politics and my own research I conducted in the form of expert interviews in Germany, Sweden and in Turkey with transmigrants and the representatives of Assyrian organisations I discuss the reasons, the contexts and the actual transnational political practices Assyrians undertake in Europe. The thesis argues that Assyrian transnational political practices intensified 2000 onwards after Assyrian community have developed a self representation of their emigration experience and have been through an identity building process in Europe which is referred to as &ldquo
Europeanization&rdquo
in this study. The thesis considers Mor Gabriel Case, which started to be seen in 2008 in Turkey, awakening a milestone in the fresh history of transnational political activism of this community
since the solidarity and transnational political networking towards this case are unprecedented in the Assyrian diaspora&rsquo
s half century of history in Europe. By focusing on the activities carried out with regards to this case, the study lastly attempts to reveal the inner tensions vested within the transnational political network and argues for further critical examination of the complex relations among Assyrian diaspora, the place of origin and the receiving countries.
5
Kuzmarov, Betina. "Constructing a basis of corporate liability for massive violations of human rights : using the common core of European private law." Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=78218.
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In a three point argument, it is asserted that general principles of law can be used to establish liability of corporations for massive violations of human rights. First, there is a lacuna in the law in this subject. Second, the constructivist approach to international relations contends that international norms are obeyed when they are internalized, so, conversely, the assertion is made that domestic law could be used to identify international norms, expanding the usefulness of general principles of law. Thirdly, general principles of law can be identified by comparative law methodology, so using one comparative method, The Common Core of European Private Law, should uncover principles of corporate liability. Lastly, an adaptation of this methodology is then applied to four countries.
6
Jäglin, Joel. "Discrimination with regard to economic and social rights of Roma : A study of the international obligations of Serbia in the human rights system of the Council of Europe." Thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för juridik, psykologi och socialt arbete, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-52720.
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Pagnac, Romain. "Droits sociaux et dynamiques d’activation des politiques sociales en Europe." Thesis, Bordeaux 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013BOR40061/document.
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Depuis un certain nombre d’années, se manifeste tout spécialement en Europe l’influence de la thématique de l’activation des dépenses sociales dites « passives ». Ce discours politique imprègne les systèmes nationaux et se diffuse sur le plan normatif, conduisant à de nouvelles articulations entre logiques de protection sociale classique (indemnisation ou aide sociale) et d’emploi (droit du travail). Ces politiques actives s’appuient sur les fondements traditionnels du modèle social-démocrate nordique et du modèle anglo-saxon. L’Union européenne a fait sienne la dynamique d’activation et lui a accordé une place centrale dans sa stratégie pour l’emploi et dans la Méthode Ouverte de Coordination en matière de protection sociale. Cette stratégie a produit un impact sur les systèmes nationaux. Cet impact a pu être mesuré aussi bien sur les systèmes béveridgiens que sur les systèmes bismarckiens, laissant apparaître une multiplicité des visages de l’activation selon les Etats-membres, mais selon une référence plus marquée soit à une approche libérale soit à une approche dite « universaliste » ou « prospective », d’amélioration des trajectoires professionnelles. Les transformations récentes des dispositifs français (indemnitaires ou assistantiels), basées sur une logique de conditionnalité des prestations, ont conduit à des bouleversements au sein de la protection sociale qui invitent à questionner les logiques juridiques sous-jacentes de ces mutations et à proposer une analyse critique de la portée d’un tel renouvellement du contrat socialThe influence of the theme of activating "passive" social expenditure has been evidenced over the last few years and especially in Europe. This political discourse has filtered into the national systems and has spread to legislation, leading to new links between the logic of classic social protection (compensatory technique or social assistance claimants) and employment (employment law). These active policies are based on traditional socio-democratic nordic models and the anglo-american model. The European Union has adopted the activation concept and given it central place in its employment strategy and through the Open Method of Coordination for social protection. This strategy has had an impact on the national systems. This impact may be measured in Beveridgian systems as well as in Bismarckian systems, that shows the different aspects of activation depending on the Member States but with a more distinct difference depending on a more liberal or universalist approach. The recent transformations in the French system (unemployment insurance benefits or social assistance schemes) based on the conditionality of social protection, have led to significant changes to social protection which raises the issue of the underlying legal logic of these changes and a critical analysis of the extent of such a renewal of the social contract
8
Roque, José Manuel de Carvalho. "Resistência e crise do estado social – contributo para uma teoria crítica." Doctoral thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/15262.
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Tese de Doutoramento em Ciências SociaisEm vários países da Europa ocidental vem sendo perseguido, desde há décadas, um modelo de organização política e económica baseado na democracia representativa e no império da lei, apoiado ainda numa componente social que vai ao encontro de direitos sociais, económicos e culturais dos cidadãos, juridicamente garantidos em catálogos de crescente amplitude e conteúdo, a imporem aos Estados um cada vez maior esforço orçamental, criando também uma consciência colectiva de bens adquiridos e eximidos ao poder de disposição do Estado. Todavia, desde o princípio deste século, alguns Estados defrontam-se com graves problemas financeiros, decorrentes do abrandamento da economia, do aumento das despesas e da crescente dificuldade de financiamento da dívida, associada a crises dos sectores imobiliário e bancário. Alguns Estados obtiveram empréstimos de emergência, contraídos junto de um consórcio de três entidades (troika), concedidos contra a aplicação de medidas de orientação neoliberal, implicando redução da presença do Estado na economia, aligeiramento da protecção jurídica das relações laborais e forte compressão das despesas sociais públicas. As medidas impostas neste quadro terão atingido direitos dos cidadãos, que opuseram resistência, de forma genericamente não violenta. Estuda-se a fundamentação da resistência em Estado de Direito democrático social, no quadro da crise do Estado social.
For decades, several west European countries have pursued a model of political and economic organization based upon representative democracy, rule of law and a social component that meets citizens’ social, economic and cultural rights, lawfully guaranteed and of increasing reach and content, thereby requiring a growing public budgetary effort, as well as creating a collective perception of lawfully protected goods, beyond the power of disposition of the state. Yet, since the beginning of this century, some states are faced with grievous financial problems, arising from economic slowdown, increased expenditures and growing difficulty to procure public debt financing, linked to crises of their sovereign debts and of the housing and banking sectors. Some states obtained emergency loans from a consortium of three instances (troika), granted against forcible application of neoliberal-oriented politics, implying privatization of public services, relaxation of labour protection and strong compression of social expenditures. The political measures taken may have negatively impacted the rights of citizens, who opposed generically non-violent resistance. The work addresses the fundaments of resistance in the modern west European democratic state, in the framework of the crisis of the social state.
N/A
9
Diekmann, Maya. "The rights of the Right : How European far-right populist parties instrumentalise human rights rhetoric to mobilise supporters." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Malmö högskola, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-42933.
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There is a puzzling occurrence in Western Europe: Some far-right populist parties, traditionally seen as antithetical to liberalism, are appropriating liberal rights for their own illiberal ends. On the premise that the parties instrumentalise liberal elements to achieve more legitimacy in a climate of tolerance and respect for human rights in Western Europe, this thesis examines how far-right populist parties use human rights for mobilising purposes. Using Clifford Bob’s four conceptual elements of mobilising human rights rhetoric, in a qualitative content analysis the language of three Western European far-right populist parties is analysed. It is argued that, by drawing from a liberalism of fear, far-right populists frame human rights as a Western achievement, under threat by immigration from Islamic countries and the “corrupt elite” that allows for immigration to continue. By doing so, populists manage to incorporate human rights rhetoric in their mobilisation efforts, without challenging human rights per se.
10
Sadeldeen, Amro. "European civil actors for Palestinian rights and a Palestinian globalized movement: How norms and pathways have developed." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/230778.
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The thesis is related to transnational social movements’ production of knowledge. Particularly, the research investigates the developed norms and pathways of a Palestinian-transnational movement (the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement- The BDS movement) during its formation period. The thesis reviews major social movement theories (i.e. Sidney Tarrow and Margeret Sikkink). While benefiting from major aspects of these theories, the thesis discovers that the researched movement suggests major deviations from these theories. Hence, the thesis mobilizes other literature, particularly of Pierre Bourdieu, to better account for cultural and social dimensions. This choice is enforced by the presence of academics that form a pillar in the movement. Yet, the thesis mobilizes together diverse dimensions from social movement literature, sociology and history (i.e. the historical trajectory of individual and collective actors), and with a constant check with the case itself. The methodological choice of the research goes back and forth between theories and the case (abductive methodology). Two chapters of the thesis are dedicated to the agency of the Palestinian actors in addition to interactions inside the field of power in Palestine. Another two chapters discuss transnational relations with a focus on European actors. Specific cases are chosen from interactions with Belgian and British actors. Moreover, interactions in three transnational fora are discussed.The research concludes that this transnational movement infuses diverse norms from different experiences and regions while adhering to universal norms such as comprehensive human rights. Moreover, the movement follows diverse pathways that include a Palestinian emergence, a Global Southern path and through the North. And these pathways enforce the adherence of the movement to specific norms. Such findings diverge from “Euro-centric” approaches in discussed social movements’ literature in the thesis. The research finally discusses other literature more relevant to the case (i.e. by Amitav Acharya), which argues that local actors try to protect their norms from abuse by central forces, and they do not only import norms but also diffuse new norms. The thesis ends up with questions for further research on the patterns of norms diffusion.Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
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11
Viennet, Carole. "Des droits sociaux pour l'intégration des réfugiés en Europe : les droits à la santé, au logement, à l’éducation et au travail des personnes ayant besoin d’une protection internationale, dans les Droits de l’homme et le Droit des réfugiés." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018STRAA022/document.
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L’intégration des réfugiés requiert l’accès aux soins et au logement, la scolarisation, la formation professionnelle et l’entrée sur le marché du travail. La question est, en somme, celle de la garantie de leurs droits sociaux. Pour y répondre, cette thèse pose les jalons de la protection des droits à la santé, au logement, à l’éducation et au travail de chacune des catégories de personnes ayant besoin d’une protection internationale. Les principales normes des Droits de l’homme et du Droit des réfugiés adoptées dans le cadre des Nations unies, du Conseil de l’Europe et de l’Union européenne sont ainsi, pour la première fois sur ce sujet, confrontées, lues en combinaison et mises en perspective avec les réformes à venir. Il en ressort, en particulier, une cartographie des garanties offertes en fonction des statuts migratoires et situations personnelles, la définition des critères généraux déterminants émergés de la comparaison des systèmes, ou encore des arguments juridiques innovantsThe integration of refugees includes providing access to healthcare and housing, schooling, vocational training and entry into the labour market. In short, it is about guaranteeing their social rights. Examining these issues, this thesis paves the way for the protection of rights to health, housing, education and work of every category of person in need of international protection. The main human rights and refugee norms adopted under the respective frameworks of the United Nations, the Council of Europe and the European Union are, for the very first time in this field, challenged, read in conjunction and put in to perspective in light of forthcoming reforms. The results are, in particular, a mapping of the various guarantees available according to one’s migration status and personal circumstances, the definitions of general determinative criteria which emerge from a comparison of respective systems, as well as innovative legal arguments
12
Berglund, Emma. "Rights, Inclusion and Free Movement : Social Rights and Citizenship in the European Union." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Sociologiska institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-131864.
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The free movement of persons in the EU has been fraught with tension since the Eastern enlargements. This culminated in 2016 when the UK demanded the possibility to limit rights and benefits to intra-EU migrants, making for a fresh investigation into the state of the free movement. From a constructivist perspective of rights and citizenship this in-depth case study aims to elucidate how EU actors describe the free movement of persons. It will further look at how they situate limitations and obstacles and analyze what this reflects in terms of underlying logics and rationales of rights and citizenship in the EU free movement regime. The interviews with EU actors reveal how distinctions of politically constructed categories of migrants which define Insiders and Outsiders are used to rationalize who has the right to social rights. Inclusion is defined in terms of market liberalism and individual responsibility, logics which thus also define the Insiders of Europe. This produces an image of the EU citizen and indirectly defines those who diverge from this image as Outsiders, including “lesser” Europeans. The underlying logics within the EU could therefore contribute to negative perceptions of those who cannot meet the requirements of the ideal European.
13
Mendes, Patrícia Maria Carrondo. "O pilar europeu dos direitos sociais : o reafirmar dos direitos sociais na Europa?" Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/21150.
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Mestrado em Economia e Políticas PúblicasEste trabalho procura estabelecer bases para uma compreensão sobre o impacto que o Pilar Europeu dos Direitos Sociais poderá vir a ter no combate à pobreza e exclusão social na União Europeia. O Pilar Europeu dos Direitos Sociais surge pelas mãos da Comissão Juncker em 2017, tendo na sua génese o sonho e ambição de uma Europa Social, onde os estados-membros caminham no sentido de alcançar uma convergência social. Para atrás, ficam anos em que as políticas públicas de resposta à crise económico-financeira pretendiam a consolidação orçamental e as questões sociais ficaram esquecidas. A estratégia Europa 2020 chegou ao fim e o objectivo de retirar 20 milhões de cidadãos europeus não foi cumprido. É necessária uma renovada e mais ambiciosa estratégia para o combate à pobreza e exclusão social e o Pilar Europeu dos Direitos Sociais pode ser o meio para a definir, desde que exista vontade política e meios.
This study seeks to establish the basis for an understanding of impact that the Eruopean Pillar of Social Rights may have in the fight against poverty and exclusion social in the European Union.The European Pillar of Social Rights comes by the hands of the Juncker Commission in 2017, having in its genesis the dream and ambition of a Social Europe, where the member states are moving towards a social convergence. Behind there are years in which the public politics in response to the economic and financial crisis aimed at consolidation budget and social issues were forgotten. The Europe 2020 strategy reaches the end and the goal of withdrawing 20 milion European citizens has not been met. I tis necessary a renewed and more ambitions strategy to fight poverty and social exclusion, and the European Pillar of Social Rights can be the means to define it, provived that there is political will and means.
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14
Isaksson, Zeth. "What is the problem with the European Pillar of Social Rights? : Trade unions in the consultation process of the European pillar of social rights." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-355991.
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Badalassi, Nicolas. "Adieu Yalta ? La France, la détente et les origines de la Conférence sur la Sécurité et la Coopération en Europe, 1965 - 1975." Phd thesis, Université de la Sorbonne nouvelle - Paris III, 2011. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00713652.
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A partir de 1965, l'URSS cherche à profiter de la politique de " détente, entente, coopération " lancée par le général de Gaulle auprès des pays du pacte de Varsovie pour obtenir, via une conférence sur la sécurité européenne, le gel de l'ensemble des frontières du continent et la reconnaissance de la mainmise soviétique sur l'Europe de l'Est. Sauf que la France, partisane au contraire d'une détente censée aboutir au dépassement de l'ordre bipolaire issu de la guerre froide, n'entend pas entériner le statu quo politique et territorial européen. Dès 1969, la France décide peu à peu de se servir du projet de conférence pour promouvoir sa vision de l'Europe : la Conférence sur la Sécurité et la Coopération en Europe doit d'une part favoriser le rapprochement entre tous les peuples du continent et d'autre part encourager chaque nation à s'exprimer en son nom propre, en dehors des alliances militaires.Lorsque trente-trois Etats européens, les Etats-Unis et le Canada se réunissent, de 1972 à 1975, pour négocier le contenu du futur Acte final de la CSCE, les Français tentent, avec leurs partenaires de la Communauté européenne, de faire de la conférence le prolongement multilatéral de la politique gaullienne de détente. Dans cette optique, ils veillent d'abord à ce que les frontières puissent être modifiées de façon pacifique : il s'agit de permettre à l'Allemagne d'être un jour réunifiée. Ils œuvrent également pour que la conférence facilite la coopération culturelle et la circulation des personnes entre l'Est et l'Ouest, le but étant, selon le président Pompidou, de transmettre aux pays communistes le " virus de la liberté " et d'enfoncer un coin dans le système des blocs.
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Weber, Wiebke. "Behind Left and Right. The meaning of left-right orientation in Europe." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/107624.
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The left-right concept is considered to facilitate communication and
orientation in the political world. It has a long tradition in European
politics due to its capacity to absorb different associations over
time. However, this dynamic nature of the concept requires
periodical reassessments in order to assure that a common
conceptualisation endures. This dissertation focuses on reassign
what individual left-right orientation means. Usually, this is
measured by asking people to place themselves on a scale labelled
‘left’ and ‘right’ at its endpoints. The first empirical analysis of this
dissertation shows that this measure is comparable across groups
and countries. Thereafter, the relationship between an individual’s
issue preference and left-right orientation is considered. The second
empirical analysis shows that this relationship is conditioned by the
importance people assign to the respective issues. The final analysis
demonstrates that what explains left-right orientation is contingent
on individual and contextual factors. This implies that in order to
understand left-right orientation, it is not enough to identify what
has an impact on a person’s position but also account for all those
factors that predict variation between individuals. Given this
complexity, my conclusion is that the left-right concept runs the risk
of becoming too complicated to serve as an analytical tool to shed
light on political attitudes and behaviour.El concepte esquerra-dreta és considerat com un factor facilitador de la comunicació en el món polític. Té una llarga tradició’ en la política europea degut a la seva capacitat d’absorbir diferents associacions a través del temps. Tanmateix, aquesta natura dinàmica del concepte requereix revisions periòdiques per assegurar que persisteix una conceptualització comuna. La present tesi es centra en resignar el que significa l’orientació esquerra-dreta. Normalment, es mesura tot demanant als enquestats posicionar-se a ells mateixos en una escala que va de l’esquerra a la dreta. El primer anàlisi empíric de la present tesi mostra que aquesta mesura és comparable entre grups i països. Seguidament, es considera la relació entre les preferències temàtiques dels individus i llur orientació esquerra-dreta. El segon anàlisi empíric mostra que aquesta relació està condicionada per la importància que les persones assignen als temes respectius. L’anàlisi final demostra que el que explica l’orientació esquerra-dreta depèn de factors contextuals i individuals. Això implica que per entendre l’orientació esquerra-dreta no és suficient identificar què té un impacte en la posició d’una persona sinó també una explicació per a tots aquells factors que preveuen la variació entre individus. Donada aquesta complexitat, la meva conclusió és que el concepte esquerra-dreta corre el risc de convertir-se en massa complicat per a servir com a eina analítica per a l’estudi de les actituds i el comportament politics.
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CORTI, FRANCESCO. "THE POLITICISATION OF SOCIAL EUROPE. CONFLICT DYNAMICS IN THE POST-CRISIS DEBATE OVER EU SOCIAL AND EMPLOYMENT POLICIES." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/728637.
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The bulk of the literature on ‘Social Europe’ has described the latest development of the social dimensions of the E(M)U in negative terms by referring to the absorption, the displacement, the decline and the marginalization of the EU social policies. Notably, the ruling of the European Court of Justice and the new post-crisis governance of the Economic and Monetary Union have contributed to increase the centrality of social issues in the European public debate, exacerbate the conflicts between political actors on EU social and employment policy and mount the dissensus towards the European integration process.
While academic literature has broadly focused on the mobilization of political parties in defense of national welfare states against the EU “intrusiveness” into domestic decision-making and on the heightened politicization of EU affairs at the domestic level, less attention has been paid to the ‘politicization of Social Europe’, and especially to the configuration of the political conflicts over social integration at the EU level. Indeed, traditional literature on dimensions of politics in the European Parliament and the Council has ignored the specific conflict dynamics that characterize the political debate in this specific policy area. Therefore, the objective of this thesis is to fill this gap, and especially so by focusing on the new conflict constellations that emerged in the aftermath of the EU crisis.
Drawing on the “clash syndrome” theory elaborated by Ferrera, I argue that the political debate over EU social integration is characterized by the overlapping of four lines of conflict of a functional, normative and territorial nature. Contrary to traditional literature, which has described the conflict over EU integration as mainly one- or bi-dimensional, the main finding of this thesis is that the political confrontation over EU social and employment policy is characterised by the coexistence of multiple and criss-crossing divides, which differently combine according to the arena where the debate takes place, the actors involved, the rules of the decision-making process and the issue at stake.
The way these political divides interact leads to the creation of different conflict constellations, which can hinder the adoption of specific social policy proposal, but that can also open possibility spaces for the emergence of new coalitions that facilitate the adoption of an ambitious Social policy agenda.
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Bruzelius, Cecilia. "The local governance of European social citizenship." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:9a4281f6-3e52-4f48-8b9a-cabb2b5a8231.
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This thesis is a study of EU migrant citizens' substantive social rights. Much research has concerned itself with the expansion of freedom of movement and cross-border social rights in the EU. However, most of this research has analysed only formal rights, overlooking substantive rights. In the multilevel setting that is the EU, social rights are being adjudicated at a supra-national level, but realised at the national and sub-national level. Numerous different regulations, actors and practices thus shape the substantive social rights of EU migrant citizens, making their rights especially prone to distortion in the process of practical implementation. Examining how formal rights translate into substantive ones is important to understand how and where the lines of exclusion and inclusion of European social citizenship are drawn. Specifically, the thesis looks as how formal social rights translate into substantive rights with a focus on the local level. This is where any pressures from internal EU-migration on social provision are felt, where gaps in the social protection of EU migrant citizens make themselves evident, and where many social rights are exercised. The central research question of the thesis is thus: how are EU migrant citizens' social rights governed at the local level? The thesis adopts a qualitative and explorative method. More specifically, it examines barriers that EU migrant citizens face when trying to access social benefits and services. The study also takes a comparative approach, and contrasts localities across two member states that can be seen as critical cases: Germany and Sweden. In two cities in each country (Berlin and Hamburg, Gothenburg and Stockholm), interviews were conducted with local public administrators, welfare providers and advocacy organisations. The interviews were later related to relevant policy documents in a thematic analysis guided by the overarching research question. The main contribution of the thesis lies in identifying certain direct and indirect factors that shape EU migrant citizens' access to social benefits and services - and thus their substantive social rights. Specifically, the thesis argues that (1) certain structures of welfare systems (which become evident through a bottom-up study of supra-national social rights), and (2) the entrepreneurship of local actors, are crucial to understanding how formal rights of EU migrant citizens translate into substantive ones.
19
Imanian, Sara. "Evaluating the impact of independent children's rights institutions : a European case study." Thesis, University of Central Lancashire, 2016. http://clok.uclan.ac.uk/18639/.
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Most European countries now have independent children’s rights institutions, but there has been little attempt to systematically evaluate their impact. This study attempts to fill this gap by exploring the kinds of impact institutions make, and how this could be evaluated. Critical realism, case study and appreciative inquiry were the approaches to the research questions. The research had two phases: a survey of all members of the European Network of Ombudspersons for Children (ENOC) to get a broad picture of how they understood their impact; and to recruit participants for phase 2; and case studies in two institutions. 67% of ENOC members responded to the survey, which was designed to shed light on the context in which IHRICs are working, mechanisms and their outcomes. It showed that contextual factors helping members are their staff, mandate and independence, frameworks and networks, especially NGOs. Impact was sought in terms of full implementation of the UNCRC, influencing law and policy, and raising awareness of children’s rights. As a result, the main focus of the case studies was on evaluating the organisations’ impact on law and policy, and how this was informed by children’s perspectives. The second phase of the research involved talking to staff of the two institutions and a range of stakeholders, and reviewing relevant documents. This revealed that key contextual factors were: powers and remits, staff, political independence and background of the Ombudsman and Commissioner. Participants mainly pointed to the greater visibility and priority of children’s issues in policy-making, greater participation, and raised awareness of children’s rights as impacts of the two institutions. The research showed that the impact of children’s rights institutions can be substantial but variable, that evaluation has to be highly contextual, and that generalised indicators have limited value. It produced a template for contextual evaluation, to help ICRIs and IHRICs show the evidence of their impact and reflect on what works well for them. The study also suggested that institutions can act as interlocutors between children and the State by empowering both to engage in more effective dialogue, and so enable children to have real impact on policy.
20
Noyan, Gulnur. "An Evolution Of The Human Rights Policy Of The European Union." Master's thesis, METU, 2006. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12607949/index.pdf.
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This thesis concentrates on the development of human rights policy of the European Economic Communities(EEC) within its transformation process into a political organization. the assumption underlying this study is that the EEC was established following World War II as a regional solution that would enable the restructuring of Europe on the bases of power, stability, and peace. this thesis deals with enlargement as a security-oriented strategy, while, at the same time, it endeavors to analyze the EEC treatment of foreign policy, peace, security and respect for human rights issues as it completed its economic integration process.
21
Seyranov, Khamis. "Literature review on Precedent law of the European Court on Human Rights." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22785.
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This review is an attempt to analyze the published materials on precedent law of the European Court on Human Rights. The article analyzes the case law activity by the European Court on Human Rights, its influences on national legal systems. The precedent law of the European Court on Human Rights is one of the complicated issues, because there is not general theoretical view on it. The precedent law of the Court is developing and gains new features. The Court uses its previous consequences in previous decisions on a subsequent case as a precedent norm. The Court creates a case law system that influences legal reforms in national legal order.
22
Jehrlander, Frida. "Vem har rätt till äktenskap? Frågan som splittrar Europa." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-411824.
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Should same sex couples have a right to marriage? This question has been debated frequently during the last two decades. The legislation across Europe shows a divide between countries that have legalised same-sex marriage and countries that have introduced constitutional bans on same-sex marriage. Using a theory that emphasises the moral dimension of human rights, I examine the right to marriage in the European Convention of Human Rights from an ethical perspective. The purpose of this thesis is threefold. The first aim is to investigate how the right to marriage is regulated in The European Convention on Human Rights and how its interpreted by The European Court of Human Rights. The second aim is to identify and assess central arguments in the debate about same sex marriage from a human rights perspective. The third and final aim is to perform a critical examination of the right to marriage in the European Convention of Human rights from an ethical perspective. This study shows that The European Court of Human Rights is cautious in its interpretation of the right to marriage and has chosen to await a European consensus before including same-sex couples in the right to marriage. By looking closer at the evolutionary interpretation of the convention, as discussed by George Letsas & Kanstantsin Dzehtsiarou, I conclude that this interpretation should be based on certain moral principles. Through the examination of central arguments in the same-sex marriage debate I draw the conclusion that same sex couples have a moral right to marriage. Thus, this thesis suggests that there is a contradiction between the moral dimension of human rights and The European Court of Human Rights interpretation of the right to marriage for same-sex couples. I therefore argue that there should be an ethical demand to include same sex-couples in the right to marriage.
23
Stark, R. D. Andrew. "State transformation and European integration : the expression of rights (1990-2014)." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2018. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/273907.
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This work examines the impact of European integration on modern European states, focusing in particular on the expression of civic, political, and social rights in these states. Without an accurate understanding of how integration has transformed states, those involved in the creation of state institutions--now and in the future--cannot hope to know how their societies will be affected by European integration, what role social voice will play in the governance process, and ultimately, how the European project might play-out. Understanding the effect of European integration on the lives of everyday citizens is the main impetus behind this research. This work aims to provide an objective assessment of the effects of European integration on state transformation and, subsequently, the expression of rights in modern Europe. This is accomplished through the examination of three case studies, each of which focuses on a different policy area. Overall, these case studies cover the time period 1990-2014. Operationalized, the research herein addresses the following question: How has being a member of the European Union or striving to join it changed states and specifically those areas linked to the expression of civic, political, and social rights? Additionally, this study tests a new theoretical construction of statehood--the Member State--so that, in the future, this construct might be used to better inform integration theories. This is all carried-out through statistical analyses that establish causal links for observed changes in the expression of civic, political, and social rights in Europe. The findings of the thesis suggest that the expression of civic and social rights have not been decreasing due to state transformation brought on by European integration, while the expression of political rights have been. Furthermore, this research finds support for the new theoretical construct of Member Statehood.
24
Savasan, Zerrin. "The Eu Constitutional Treaty And Human Rights." Master's thesis, METU, 2006. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12607585/index.pdf.
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The thesis seeks to answer the question whether the European Union (EU) constitutional treaty offers improved protection for human rights in the EU jurisdiction. Within this context, it first seeks to find out what the incorporation of the Charter of Fundamental Rights in the constitutional treaty promises for the human rights&rsquofield. Furthermore, it examines how the possible accession of the EU to the European Convention on Human Rights will affect this field. Then, it focuses on what the constitutional treaty offers for third countries concerning human rights. Finally, in the light of the recent developments on the treaty, the discussion enlightens the role of the constitutional treaty on protecting and developing human rights in the EU.
25
Usta, Utku. "The Political Discourse Of Extreme Right In Western Europe In The Light Of "." Master's thesis, METU, 2007. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12609223/index.pdf.
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The prime objective of this thesis is to grasp the terms of continuity and discontinuity between classical fascism and the contemporary extreme right in Western Europe. With respect to a hypothetical ideal type of fascism, the study will exclusively focus on French Front National case and try to unveil its historical and ideological linkages to the fascist rules in Italy and Germany during the inter-war years. While doing this, the transformation (if any) which certain elements of the extreme right rhetoric went through, will also be examined.
26
GATTO, Alexandra. "The responsibility of multinational enterprises for human rights violations in European Union law." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/7018.
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Defence date: 18 June 2007Examining Board: Prof. Francesco Francioni, (EUI) ; Prof. Marise Cremona, (EUI) ; Prof. Enzo Cannizzaro, (University of Macerata) ; Prof. Olivier De Schutter, (Catholic University of Louvain)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
This thesis addresses the question as to how the European Union can ensure that EU based MNEs respect human rights when operating in third countries. Firstly, it identifies primary obligations on MNEs as developed by international law in order to tackle the above question. Secondly, on the basis of this theoretical framework it investigates how the European Union has acted to promote respect of human rights obligations by MNEs which are based on the territory of one of its Member States. Thirdly, the gap between the EU’s commitment to the respect and promotion of human rights, the potential to regulate the conduct of MNEs and the EU’s reluctance to impose human rights obligations on MNEs is explored. It is suggested that current human rights law should develop in the sense of considering companies as duty holders, together with States and other non-state actors, for the realisation of human rights. Moreover, a principle of graduation of responsibility is applied to MNEs, according to the specific human right involved, the proximity to the victim and the element of State authority exercised by the company in a particular situation. The above depicted graduation of responsibility (from the obligation to respect, to the obligation to promote human rights) should be matched by a graduation of corresponding implementing mechanisms. Applying this theoretical framework to the EU, three main recommendations have been formulated. Firstly, the EU should more firmly link the promotion of MNEs’ human rights obligations to international human rights law and support the constitution of an international law framework within the UN. Secondly, the EU should promote MNEs’ human rights obligations within the limits of its competence, both at the international and at an external level. It has been argued that a proactive attitude in this respect would not require the acquisition of new powers, but simply the recognition of a functional competence on the basis of Article 6 TEU in taking positive (and not merely negative) steps for the promotion of human rights in the areas of its competence occurring in international law and the international framework for MNEs’ responsibility. Finally, the EU should not abandon the option of exploring non-binding and incentive measures, both at the international and external levels, to be encouraged as a viable complement to binding measures.
27
Jaurena, i. Salas Francesc-Xavier. "Les sentències del Tribunal Europeu dels Drets Humans com a elements transformadors del propi sistema del Conveni Europeu dels Drets Humans i de l’ordre constitucionals dels Estats." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/455137.
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Des dels seus orígens, el sistema del CEDH ha patit una forta tensió entre la seva forma i el seu contingut. Des d’un punt de vista formal, el sistema del Conveni és un tractat internacional. En canvi, pel que fa al seu contingut, el CEDH té com a objecte de regulació i com a finalitat una matèria que és típicament constitucional: garantir de forma real i efectiva els drets humans i les llibertats fonamentals. Aquests es constitueixen en límits a l’exercici del poder públic.
Per assolir de forma efectiva aquest objectiu constitucional a través d'un instrument internacional, el TEDH ha hagut de transformar gradualment les seves pròpies funcions i la finalitat del sistema. El TEDH ha transcendit el cas concret per tal de definir l'estàndard de protecció dels drets, d'harmonitzar els Drets interns dels Estats i adaptar el CEDH al transcurs del temps. El TEDH passa de controlar actes a controlar també normes.
Aquesta situació condueix a una harmonització permanent i sistemàtica dels diferents Drets interns al voltant d'un estàndard de protecció dels drets que és desenvolupat pel TEDH. Aquest estàndard de drets és qualificat de mínim, comú i irrenunciable per mantenir una societat democràtica; i transcendeix les jerarquies de les normes estatals així com les fronteres interestatals. Des d'aquesta perspectiva, el TEDH és coherent quan reitera que el CEDH i la doctrina del TEDH constitueixen un instrument constitucional de l'ordre públic europeu en matèria de drets humans. El TEDH manté la justícia individual com a finalitat, però la relativitza per assolir-ne també una altra: la de proveir justícia constitucional.
Aquesta nova finalitat del sistema no és neutra respecte a la resta d’elements del sistema. Als Estats se’ls redueix el marge de llibertat de forma substancial a l'hora d'escollir els mitjans per complir les seves obligacions convencionals. Les persones veuen limitada la tutela individual dels seus drets pel TEDH. D’altra banda, la intensitat i l’abast de la incidència constitucional del sistema del Conveni no han estat homogènies, sinó molt diverses perquè el mateix sistema del CEDH assumeix la diversitat jurídica dels Estats.
Es pot afirmar que el sistema del CEDH es constitucionalitza perquè adquireix funcions i efectes propis del Dret constitucional. Al seu torn, el Dret constitucional dels diferents Estats es convencionalitza. El resultat ha estat un progressiu enfortiment dels sistemes nacionals de protecció dels drets fonamentals de cada Estat i també l'aparició d'una pluralitat de centres (nacionals-internacionals) que incideixen en els drets fonamentals. Des d'aquesta perspectiva, podem parlar a Europa de l'existència d'un pluralisme constitucional al voltant dels drets fonamentals.Since its origins, the system of the ECHR has been suffering from tension between its form and content. From a formal point of view, the system of the Convention is a mere international treaty. However, with regard to its content, the ECHR deals with issues which are typically constitutional, such as guaranteeing human rights and fundamental freedoms in a real and effective way. Rights and freedoms are real limits to the exercise of public power. In order to achieve this constitutional goal effectively through an international instrument, the ECtHR has been gradually transforming its own functions and purpose of the system. The ECtHR has transcended the specific case and individual justice in order to define the standard of rights protection, harmonize national domestic laws and update the ECHR to time. The Court also acquires new power and exerts control over the rules. This situation leads to a permanent and systematic harmonization of the different domestic laws around a shared protection standard which is developed by the ECtHR. This standard of rights protection is described as minimum common indispensable to maintain a democratic society and transcends hierarchies of national laws and borders. From this perspective, the ECHR and the doctrine of the ECtHR is a real constitutional instrument of European public order in the field of human rights. The ECtHR holds individual justice purpose, but at the same time, the Court relativizes it to provide constitutional justice. This new purpose of the system is not neutral with respect to the other elements of the system. The margin of appreciation of the States in choosing the means to fulfill their conventional obligations is reduced substantially. Individual justice is diminished. However, the intensity and extent of the impact of the constitutional system of the Convention on the states is not homogeneous. The impact can vary very much from one State to another because the same ECHR system assumes the legal diversity of States. It can be said that the ECHR system has been constitutionalized because it has acquired constitutional functions and effects. In turn, the constitutional law of various States are conventionalized. The result has been a gradual strengthening of national systems of protection of fundamental rights of each State and the emergence of a number of centers (national-international) affecting fundamental rights. From this perspective, we can talk of the existence of pluralism around constitutional rights in Europe.
28
Gschwind, Lutz. "Immigrants' social rights: The new 'paradox of redistribution'? A comparative study on migrant poverty in 15 European welfare states." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-265052.
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Olsson, Johanna. "A European Right to Assisted Suicide? Moral Justifications of the ECtHR Case Law." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23180.
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This thesis seeks to investigate whether the current European Court of Human Rights case-law on assisted suicide can be justified using Kantian or Utilitarian arguments. The theory, consisting of Utilitarianism and Kantianism, is applied to three key cases arguing a right to assisted suicide under Article 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights; Pretty v. the United Kingdom, Haas v. Switzerland and Koch v. Germany. Using argumentation analysis, arguments based on the case-law in combination with the two theories are presented and discussed. In a discussion centered around concepts such as autonomy, utility and rationality, the thesis concludes that the two theories are indeed useful in justifying the case-law on assisted suicide. The observation that the two theories can justify the same actions on different grounds concludes the essay, before ideas encouraging future research are presented.
30
Mkerenga, Elizabeth Neema. "An Assessment of the threat of Right-Wing Populism in the European Parliament." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-85991.
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Over 500 million citizens in Europe are affected by the decisions taken at the European Union. However, the complexities of this supranational institution have people feeling voiceless and disengaged in the political system. The European Parliament - the organ meant to represent the European people – is alleged to being an elitist body that no longer represent the will of the ordinary citizen. This outcry of the people created the pool of potential for the rise of right-wing populist groups across Europe and their support has grown tremendously in what seems like a short span of time. But the tide is about to change. The surge of right-wing populism threatens to take over the European Parliament in the 2019 elections. This research paper sets out to assess the sphere of influence of right-wing populism at the regional level. Using a bottom-up approach, the paper focuses on the attitudes and perceptions of the people and analyses their opinions by incorporating Eatwell and Goodwin’s four D criteria. As the analytical framework, Eatwell and Goodwin’s criteria offers the avenue for inspecting the legitimacy of the right-wing ideology. Once this is established, the question of influence is answered by looking at the potential implication of right-wing power. As a qualitative case study, the research implores the use of raw data from existing secondary databases. The paper acknowledges the extensive studies and cross-examinations that have been conducted at the national level and seeks to build upon this knowledge and illustrate the interconnected nature of our societies. In addition, this research paper was completed before the May 2019 elections were concluded. The study indicates that right-wing supporters are motivated by the distrust of politicians and institutions, the destruction of the national group’s historic identity, perceived deprivation from rising inequalities and the de-alignment of people’s political positions. Furthermore, findings show a rising pattern of grievances rather than its decline. An indication that the phenomena of populism is here to stay. The polarization of right-wing populist groups in the political system threatens to tame the tone of politics if the institution does not take preventive action – some of which are discussed in the paper. With this in mind, the research paper acknowledges the threat of right-wing populism in the European Parliament.
31
Stjärneblad, Sebastian. "The Regional Prosecution Model between Kenya and the European Union: Implications on International Criminal Law?" Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23524.
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Modern piracy has escalated outside the coast of Somalia and in the Gulf of Aden. In order to bring suspected pirates and alleged armed robbers to justice, the European Union has entered into a regional prosecution model with Kenya. In this study I examine if the regional prosecution model between Kenya and the European Union may have any implications on international criminal law by specifically analyzing the Kenyan jurisdiction to try piracy suspects and the right to fair trial in Kenyan criminal proceedings of piracy suspects. By using a legal method, this study offers some clarity regarding Kenya’s jurisdictional basis to prosecute piracy suspects, as well as, to what extent they respect the right to a fair trial in its criminal proceedings of alleged pirates. In addition, the legal analysis demonstrates that international criminal law may be undermined and subjected to mistrust. Furthermore, the legal analysis also offers indications on a normative development of the Security Council in relation to its role in bringing perpetrators of international crimes to justice.
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Lundell, Berg Denise Valentina. "Feminism på export : En komparativ studie av feministisk utrikespolitik i Europa." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-443627.
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Today a growing number of countries around the world are strengthening their international work for women's rights by pursuing a feminist foreign policy. There is however no internationally accepted definition of feminist foreign policy, and feminism as a concept includes several different orientations. The purpose of this research is thus to examine and compare underlying perspectives that influence European Feminist Foreign Policy, and what this might entail. Based on a qualitative and comparative content analysis, and by using an ideal-type analytical approach as a tool of analysis, this study examines the feminist as well as human rights perspectives which form the basis of three European countries' strategic Foreign Policy documents – France, Spain, and Sweden. This research finds that the foreign policy documents, besides slight differences, are similar in both their feminist and human rights ambitions. Firstly, they all share a focus on an overall liberal feminist ambition that prioritises women's participation and economic empowerment. Secondly, they are characterized by a universalist approach to the pursuit of women's human rights, with limited space for the influence of other perspectives.
33
Noordijk, Peter Andrew. "Building Bridges with Social Capital in the European Union." PDXScholar, 2013. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1091.
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A culture of accommodation and tolerance is a necessary part of establishing and preserving a functional multi-national and multi-ethnic European Union. Civil society organizations and their associated social capital have been shown to foster civic capacity and achievement of public policy goals. However, social capital that is based on group identity can also contribute to a sense of intolerance towards out-groups, undermining the stated tolerance objectives of the social pillar of the European Union. States with a strong presence alongside civil society are expected to be curb the development of the exclusionary bonding form of social capital in favor of bridging social capital which will improve progress toward policy goals.
This study tests the link between government capacity, social capital and tolerance using data from the 1990-2009 waves of the World Values Survey and European Values Study. Using path analysis and multi-level models of the relationships between political capacity, social capital and intolerance, the model establishes that government capacity enhances bridging social capital and which increases social tolerance. The study fills a gap in understanding how government capacity and policy can result in improved social capital even with greater diversity. A proposed relationship between political capacity and bonding forms of social capital was not supported.
34
Nieminen, Sanni. "Assisted Reproductive Technologies and Medically Assisted Reproduction in the Context of the European Convention on Human Rights : Legal and Social Perspectives." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Juridiska institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-153905.
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Miloradovic, Jovana. "Temporära migrationslösningar och mänskliga rättigheter : En kritisk granskning av EU:s flyktingpolitik." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-395543.
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This study analyzes whether the EU's migration agreement with Turkey and negotiations on a agreement with Libya correspond with the requirements that can be imposed on the EU in regards to respect the rights of refugees. The purpose of this thesis is to provide a critical approach of EU's agreements with these two countries, from a legal and moral perspective. The study contains the central protections for refugees and asylum seekers in international law and European Union law. The moral perspective consists of an independent notion defining the respect for human dignity with regarding perceptions of Elena Namli and Seyla Benhabib. This study shows that EU's agreement with Turkey and negotiations on a agreement with Libya means displacing of EU's responsibility to ensure the protection of refugees. From the agreements it may be concluded that EU’s refugee policy prioritizes security issues over respect for human dignity.
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Alkan, Yavuz Selim. "The Effectiveness Of The European Union As A Normative Power: Human Rights Conditionality In The Case Of Turkey." Master's thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12610073/index.pdf.
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In this thesis it is attempted to shed some light upon the limits and effectiveness of the role of the European Union (EU) as a normative power has played in the transformation of Turkish politics especially in the case of human rights issues. First of all, this study reviews the original and current debates over the civilian and normative power Europe ideas, searches to find common elements underlying those accounts and assesses to what extent they offer an adequate categorization of the EU&rsquos international significance. One of the main arguments of this thesis is that the EU is generally considered as the catalyst or the anchor of the reform process in the candidate countries to become members. With this in mind, an account of the development of the EU&rsquo
s human rights conditionality vis-à
-vis the third countries and the typology of the EU&rsquo
s human rights conditionality within the framework of enlargement are also examined. The massive wave of transformation with regard to human rights issues undertaken in Turkey during its pre-accession relations with the Union is a case point in this thesis. Within the scope of the study, it is attempted to analyze the impact of the EU&rsquo
s human rights conditionality upon the related state of affairs in Turkey with a view to exploring to what extent and under what conditions it could be regarded as the independent variable of the domestic reform process in the country.
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Sherstoboeva, Elena. "Regulation of Media in Russia in the context of the council of Europe standars." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Ramon Llull, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/406076.
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Aquesta tesi examina les polítiques de mitjans a Rússia amb l’objectiu d’identificar, principalment des d’un punt de vista jurídic, fins a quin punt han estat objecte d’influència per part del estàndards legals establerts per part del Consell d’Europa (CoE). En el primer capítol, la tesi explora les caracteríqtiques, principis, i estàndards de la llibertat des d’una perspectiva russa, sobre la base de l’estudi de les concepcions que de l’esmentada noció es poden identificar en el marc dels sistemes rus i soviètic, la legislació de mitjans russa, així com la pràctica judicial i regulatòria. També s’analitza el punt de vista de les principals institucions del CoE com ara el Tribunal Europeu de Drets Humans o l’Assemblea Parlamentària, en relació amb la forma amb què Rússia ha implementat els estàndards internacionals i europeus en matèria de llibertat de mitjans. El segon cpaítol compara els paràmetres legals russos amb els estàndards del CoE sobre difamació, extremisme en els mitjans, aíxí com en matèria de mitjans audiovisuals i Internet.
La tesi conclou que un cop transcorreguts vint anys des de l’ingrés de Rússia com a membre, els estàndards del CoE han tingut només un impacte superficial en la política de mitjans a Rússia, i que aquesta política segueix tenint reminiscències de la pràctica soviètica en matèria de regulació de mitjans. Les autoritats russes han evolucionat des del refús dels estàndards del CoE fins a la seva interpretació en benefici del establishment polític rus, sota el pretext de la protecció dels “interessos nacionals”. Se sosté a més que els intents governamentals de des-universalitzar la noció del dret a la llibertat d’expressió es convertiran en cada cop més freqüents al llarg del món. Aquests intents no poden ser justificats, atès que amenacen el sistema internacional de drets humans i els valors que protegeix, així com s’orienten a mantenir el control governamental sobre la informació en una era en què l’esmentat control es troba seriosament qüestionat a causa del desenvolupament d’Internet i les noves modalitats tecnològiques en el terreny dels mitjans. Es conclou que les organitzacions internacionals disposen del potencial per a esdevenir les principals plataformes de resistència front a la des-universalització del dret a la llibertat d’expressió, així com la necessitat que s’estableixin noves mesures per a donar suport a la seva tasca,
Paraules clau: llibertat de mitjans llibertat d’expressió, dret de mitjans, polítiques de mitjans, polítiques de mitjans a Rússia, regulació d’Internet a Rússia, dret de mitjans a Rússia, Consell d’Europa, Tribunal Europeu de Drets Humans, estándards internacionals.Esta tesis examina las políticas de medios en Rusia con el objetivo de identificar, principalmente desde un punto de vista jurídico, hasta qué punto se han visto influidas por los estándares legales establecidos por el Consejo de Europa (CoE). En el primer capítulo, la tesis explora las características, principios y estándares de la libertad de expresión desde una perspectiva rusa sobre la base del estudio de las concepciones de dicha noción que se pueden identificar en el marco de los sistemas ruso y soviético, la legislación de medios rusa, así como la práctica judicial y regulatoria. También se analiza el punto de vista de las principales instituciones dentro del CoE, como el Tribunal Europeo de Derechos Humanos o la Asambles Parlamentaria, con relación al modo en el que Rusia ha implementado los estándares universales y europeos en materia de libertad de medios. El segundo capítulo compara los parámetros legales rusos con los estándares del CoE sobre difamación, extremismo en los medios, así como sobre medios audiovisuales e Internet. La tesis concluye que más de veinte años después del ingreso de Rusia como miembro, los estándares del CoE han tenido solamente un impacto superficial en la política de medios de Rusia, y que esta política sigue teniendo reminiscencias con relación a la práctica soviética en materia de regulación de medios. Las autoridades rusas han evolucionado desde el rechazo hacia los estándares del CoE hasta su interpretación a favor del establishment político ruso, bajo el pretexto de la protección de los “intereses nacionales”. Se sostiene además que los intentos gubernamentales de des-universalizar la noción del derecho a la libertad de expresión se convertirán en frecuentes a lo largo del mundo. Estos intentos no pueden ser justificados, dado que amenazan el sistema internacional de derechos humanos y los valores que éste protege, así como se orientan a mantener el control gubernamental sobre la información en una era en la que dicho control se encuentra seriamente en entredicho a causa del desarrollo de Internet y nuevas modalidades de tecnologías de medios. Se concluye que las organizaciones internacionales disponen del potencial para devenir las principales plataformas para resistir frente a la des-unviversalización del derecho a la libertad de expresión, así como la necesidad de que se establezcan nuevas medidas para apoyar su trabajo. Palabras clave: libertad de medios, libertad de expresión, derecho de medios, políticas de medios, políticas de medios en Rusia, regulación de Internet en Rusia, derecho de medios en Rusia, Consejo de Europa, Tribunal Europeo de Derechos Humanos, estándares internacionales.
This dissertation examines Russian media policies with the purpose to identify, mainly from a legal viewpoint, the extent to which they have been influenced by the legal standards of the Council of Europe (CoE). In the first chapter, the dissertation traces the characteristics, principles, and standards of the Russian perspective on freedom of expression by studying the Russian and Soviet constitutional concepts on this right, the Russian national mass media legislation as well as judicial and regulatory media policies. It also assesses the perspectives of the main CoE institutions, such as the European Court of Human Rights and the Parliamentary Assembly, on Russia’s progress in the implementation of the universal and European standards on media freedom. The second chapter compares the Russian legal standards and those of the CoE on defamation and extremism in the media as well as on online and audiovisual media. The dissertation concludes that, during more than twenty years of Russia’s membership, the CoE’s standards have had only a superficial impact on Russian media policy, and that such policy is becoming increasingly reminiscent of Soviet practices of media regulation. Russian authorities have mostly moved from disregarding the CoE standards to interpreting them in favour of the Russian political establishment, under the pretext of protecting “national” interests. It is argued that governmental attempts to achieve a de-universalisation of the right of freedom of expression may become more frequent around the globe. Such attempts should not be justified because they considerably threaten the international system of human rights and the values it protects and seek to maintain governmental control over information in an era when such control is strongly challenged by the development of the Internet and new media technologies. It is suggested that international organisations have the potential to become the main social platforms for resisting the de-universalisation of the right of freedom of expression, and that new effective measures should be elaborated to support their work. Keywords: media freedom, freedom of expression, freedom of speech, media law, media policies, Russian media policies, Internet regulation in Russia, Russian media law, Council of Europe, European Court on Human Rights, international standards.
38
Dieskau, Johanna. "Struggling over Rights of Romani EU Migrants - An Inquiry into Biopower in the Case of the Eviction of the Sorgenfri Camp in Malmö, Sweden." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21453.
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In 2015, local authorities in Malmö, Sweden, evicted an informal settlement, the Sorgenfri Camp, in which mostly Romani EU migrants were living. No housing alternatives were offered. Critics saw this as a human rights violation, but the municipality found that the people were not entitled to the rights in question. This thesis explores these different rights discourses by tracing their underlying power relations through a Foucauldian discourse analysis. Foucault’s understanding of biopower, rights, and subjectivity is applied. The findings suggest that the municipality saw the camp residents as not entitled to housing rights because they were seen as occupants threatening private property and foreign EU citizens burdening the local welfare system, while critics resisted such rights denial by highlighting the persons’ humanity and vulnerability as Roma people. All actors where thus concerned with the biopolitical responsibility of the municipality to protect the life of the population, but saw this realized either through denying or granting rights to the camp residents, depending on what kinds of subjects they were seen as. This study exemplifies the power struggle through which people’s entitlements to rights are constantly produced, reproduced, and challenged as they are placed into different subject positions.
39
Karakostaki, Charitini. "Les fêtes nouvelles. Enquête sur les idéaux de la société ouverte et leur mise en scène : Paris 1981-2014." Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PSLEH030.
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La présente thèse porte sur la mise en place des nouvelles manifestations festives en France, et plus particulièrement à Paris, depuis les années 80. Ces fêtes marquent un déplacement par rapport aux fêtes « traditionnelles » qui étaient en grande partie organisées autour des concepts de sacré et de nation. Nourri par une observation ethnographique de plusieurs années, ce travail met en évidence une multiplicité de facettes des fêtes nouvelles: les processus de conceptualisation et de création par les autorités publiques ; leur gestion et mise en œuvre par des managers culturels ou par des associations et des collectifs ; l’invention de nouvelles formes rituelles ou l’adaptation de plus anciennes ; les mises en scène urbaines et l’emploi des codes distinctifs ; l’appropriation de ces fêtes par la société et les différents débats qu’elles ont soulevés. Chacune des trois parties de la thèse est consacrée à une fête. Une place majeure est réservée à la Fête de la musique, la Marche des fiertés et la Nuit blanche, sans pour autant passer sous silence d’autres fêtes résolument nouvelles et d’envergure, telles que la Capitale européenne de la culture et les Allumées de Nantes, permettant de mieux saisir les mutations qui s’opèrent au niveau européen. Enfin, s’appuyant sur la thèse classique de Durkheim, ce travail propose d’envisager ces fêtes comme points d’entrée pour appréhender les idéaux de la société ouverte. L’intention affirmée des organisateurs de mettre en place une nouvelle conception du vivre ensemble et du lien social, est à bien des égards l’occasion de célébrer une société française et européenne, pacifique, réconciliée et toléranteThe present thesis examines the installation of new festive events in France, and more particularly in Paris, since the 80s. These celebrations mark a shift in regard to "traditional" celebrations which mostly revolve around the concepts of the sacred and the nation. Nourished by an ethnographic observation of several years, this work highlights a variety of aspects: the process of their invention and their creation and by the public authorities; the supervision of the events by cultural managers or associations and collectives; the invention of new ritual forms and the adaptation of older ones; the design of the urban scenery and the use of distinctive codes; the appropriation of these events fro, the society and the various debates to which they gave rise. Each part of the thesis deals with a celebration in an independent way. The Fête de la musique, the Gay Pride and the Nuit blanche are analyzed here in priority. However, next to them parade also other events, entirely new and ambitious, such as the European Capital of Culture and the Allumées of Nantes which offer a better insight into changes that took place on a European level. Finally, based on Durkheim's classic thesis, this work proposes to consider these festive events as an entry point into a greater inquiry about the ideals of the open society. The asserted intention of the organizers to put in place a new conception of living together and the social bond is in many ways the occasion to celebrate a French and European society, that is peaceful, reconciled and tolerant
40
Vidal, Bermúdez Álvaro. "The European debate on flexisecurity: some lessons for the South." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2012. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/115692.
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The present article analyzes the emergence and evolution of flexisecurity strategy in the European context, different conceptualizations, their effects regarding the protective function of labor law and lessons that can be extracted from previous experiences in Latin America and particularly Peru concerning the subordination of social and labor policies on the policies of employment generation.El presente artículo analiza el surgimiento y evolución de la estrategia de flexiseguridad en el contexto europeo, sus distintas conceptualizaciones, sus efectos respecto de la función protectora del derecho laboral y las lecciones que se pueden extraer de experiencias previas para Latinoamérica y en particular para el Perú respecto de la subordinación de las políticas socio-laborales a las políticas de generación de empleo
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Ardic, M. Nergiz. "Social Policy In The Urban Context: Contemporary Turkish Local Governments On The Way To The European Union." Master's thesis, METU, 2006. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12607943/index.pdf.
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In this thesis it is aimed to explore the new social policy agenda, in which the role of local governments as policy makers has been increasing. In this respect, the contemporary Turkish local government system, and social policies of the municipalities are analyzed by drawing upon the European Union&rsquos approach on the social policy in the urban context. Within this framework, the social policies of the Ankara Metropolitan Municipality are studied.
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Nattorp, Nora. "All bark and no bite? : European Union Human Rights and Democracy Advocacy & Development Aid: A case study of Myanmar and the Rohingya." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för ekonomisk historia och internationella relationer, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-182508.
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The principles of human rights and democracy have been of great importance for a long time and for many actors globally, especially for the European Union. This paper has the purpose of examining the European Union’s bilateral development aid and its relation to the organisation's human rights and democracy promotion. The study is a case study of Myanmar in the years 2000-2017 and with particular focus on the situation for the Muslim minority Rohingya. The case is investigated through the perspective of Ian Manners’ Normative Power Europe supplemented with aspects collected from previous research, to see if it can explain the behaviour of the aid flow. The conclusions of this study were that human rights and democracy while appearing greatly central has not had any major influence on the aid from the Union to Myanmar, and neither can the idea of European normative power explain the nature of the aid allocation.
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Schenk, Angelika Wiebke [Verfasser], Susanne K. [Akademischer Betreuer] Schmidt, Susanne K. [Gutachter] Schmidt, and Arndt [Gutachter] Wonka. "European Citizenship, Social Rights and Student Mobility : Cross-border Access to University Tuition and Study Finance in the European Union / Angelika Wiebke Schenk ; Gutachter: Susanne K. Schmidt, Arndt Wonka ; Betreuer: Susanne K. Schmidt." Bremen : Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Bremen, 2019. http://d-nb.info/1203798105/34.
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He, Linxin. "Droits sociaux fondamentaux et Droit de l’Union européenne." Thesis, Paris 1, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA01D028/document.
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Dans les tempêtes actuelles des crises économique, migratoire et nationaliste, la consolidation de l’UE semble dépendre plus que jamais de son attachement réel à la démocratie, à l’État de droit, au respect de la dignité humaine et à sa dimension sociale. Si la fondation de l’UE à travers ces principes ne fait plus de doute aujourd’hui au regard de son droit primaire, leur signification, ou plus précisément leur application, paraît encore entachée de contradictions dans les pratiques des institutions européennes. L’application des droits sociaux fondamentaux constitue l’un des défis majeurs dans cette constellation. En effet, «l’Europe sera sociale ou ne sera pas». Cependant, bien que ces droits soient proclamés par l’UE et de nombreux ordres juridiques tant en Europe que dans le monde entier, ils restent souvent perçus comme des droits de la seconde zone par opposition aux droits civils et politiques. Pour expliquer et réagir à cette situation, notre thèse propose une analyse qui combine les aspects théorique et méthodologique du sujet. En adoptant une approche «concrétiste», nous tenterons de montrer que ces droits sont loin d’être les fruits d’une simple intention politique. Tout au contraire, ils ont vocation à structurer le Droit de l’UE : ils confèrent non seulement des droits subjectifs aux particuliers, mais forment aussi un système objectif de valeurs qui détermine le développement de ce DroitIn the present storms of economic, immigration and nationalist crises, it seems that the strengthening of the EU depends more than ever on its commitment to democracy, rule of law, respect for human dignity and its social dimension. If it is no longer doubtful that the EU is founded by these principles through its primary law, their signification – or more exactly their implementation – is still disturbed by the contradictions in the practices of European institutions. The implementation of fundamental social rights is one of the major challenges in this situation. Indeed, “Europe will be social or there shall be no Europe”. Although these rights are proclaimed by EU law and other legal systems in Europe and around the world, they are still treated as rights of a secondary zone, in contrast with civil and political rights. In order to study this contrast, my thesis proposes a theoretical and methodological approach. By using a “concretistic” method, this thesis would argue that these rights cannot be reduced to political declarations. On the contrary, they have the mission to structure EU law, since they not only vest individuals with rights, but also constitute an objective system of values which determines the development of EU law
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Gabbard, Sonnet D'Amour Gabbard. "Old Ties and New Binds: LGBT Rights, Homonationalisms, Europeanization and Post-War Legacies in Serbia." The Ohio State University, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1503313435659318.
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FRANCHI, GIULIA. "Arte tra le righe: ill libro per ragazzi come strumento di mediazione dell‟arte contemporanea nei musei europei." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Roma "Tor Vergata", 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2108/201989.
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Takil, Gizem. "An Evaluation Of The Reform Process In The Turkish Prison System: Role Of The International And European Norms And Prisoners." Master's thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613217/index.pdf.
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This thesis analyzes the reforms in Turkish Prison System in the light of the international standards and accession to the European Union. The standards and Turkey&rsquos efforts to comply with the requirements of those standards are handled in historical order. The process, reasons and initiators of the change are evaluated in the thesis. In order to understand if the process is shaped by a top down or a bottom up effect, criticisms of the Council of Europe and the European Union, and petitions of the prisoners sent to Human Rights Investigation Committee of the Turkish Grand National Assembly are examined.
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Persson, Malin. "Asylum - not an EU problem? Qualitative analysis of the readmission agreements in the asylum and migration policy of the European Union." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22758.
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In the European Union asylum and migration policy, the expressions “exclusion” and “externalization” are often used and encountered because the EU transfers the responsibility of migration control to non-EU states through readmission agreements. The EU does not have the capacity to receive all migrants, refugees and asylum seekers that seek protection in Europe, hence the agreements are constituted between the EU and other countries outside the EU on the basis of returning nationals and third country nationals who have been denied asylum. The purpose of this thesis is to explore how and to what extent are human rights embedded in the readmission agreements and in the materials that constitute the basis for the decision to enter into readmission agreements. This thesis also tends to analyze if and on what basis the readmission agreements pose potential consequences for asylum seekers, refugees and migrants. In order to answer the posed research questions, I have used a qualitative research method of case study and text analysis. I have used a theoretical framework of externalization and studied the cases of the EU-Ukraine agreement and the EU-Pakistan agreement. Today, the EU cannot guarantee the safety individuals that are being returned to either Ukraine or Pakistan, because both Ukraine and Pakistan lack functional human rights institutions and cannot practice what human rights instruments ordain because they lack the capacity to do so. The EU’s failing of safe returns for asylum seekers, refugees and migrants has consequently created situations of orbit and chain refoulment where migrants, refugees and asylum seekers risks being returned to their country of origin or passed around between countries.
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Ryngbeck, Annica. "EU NGOs’ impact on shaping the EU future migration and asylum policies." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23895.
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In 1999 the European Union (EU) defined for the first time common priorities in the area of migration and asylum. In 2014 the Justice and Home Affairs Council is deciding on the fourth multi-annual strategic guidelines. This thesis examines the role of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in the EU influencing these guidelines through the European Commission public consultation, and their impact on shaping the future agenda for migration and asylum. While the EU has gained more competences in this field and increased legal protection standards across the EU, member states favour restrictive and security-oriented policies. EU NGOs represent a more liberal rights based approach, and having difficulties getting their points across. A step-by-step process tracing reveals the factors that enabled influence, such as a structured civil dialogue with opportunities for input. However, there were also elements disabling this influence, related to the disconnection between civil society and the Council, which partly undermined the purpose of the consultation.
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Foti, Alessandro. "Il diritto alla salute. Tutela multilivello nei sistemi giurisdizionali nazionale, internazionale e sovranazionale." Doctoral thesis, Università di Catania, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10761/1591.
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La presente tesi di ricerca intende verificare il contenuto e la natura giuridica del diritto alla salute. Nello stesso momento, si analizzerà la tutela multilivello che questo diritto riceve nell'attuale configurazione policentrica dei poteri legislativi e giurisdizionali, in cui attori diversi, provenienti da sistemi giuridici differenti, sono chiamati ad occuparsi della realizzazione e della difesa dei diritti fondamentali. In particolare, la tutela del diritto alla salute dell'individuo è affidata, in primo luogo, agli organi legislativi e giurisdizionali nazionali, e, in modo congiunto e simmetrico, ma a volte anche in modo prevalente e predominante, ad organi sovranazionali e internazionali. Questa tutela multilivello appare una diretta conseguenza del rango di diritto primario e inviolabile che è stato riconosciuto al diritto alla salute nei moderni sistemi costituzionali occidentali, tra cui quello italiano, e in alcuni sistemi internazionali e sovranazionali, quali il sistema del Consiglio d'Europa e quello dell'Unione Europea.