Relevant bibliographies by topics / Social rights – Europe

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Social rights – Europe'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Social rights – Europe"

1

Mikkola, Matti. "Social Rights as Human Rights in Europe." European Journal of Social Security 2, no. 3 (September 2000): 259–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/a:1010028716459.

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Chiarella, Paola. "Social Rights and Europe: A Fragmented Solidarity." Rechtstheorie 48, no. 2 (June 2017): 161–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/rth.48.2.161.

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Eide, Asbjørn. "Book Review: Social Human Rights of Europe." European Journal of Social Security 13, no. 2 (June 2011): 290–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/138826271101300208.

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Sierra Benítez, Esperanza Macarena. "Sostenibilidad social en la industria 4.0. Desafío para la UE-2030 = Social sustainability in industry 4.0. Challenge for the EU-2030." CUADERNOS DE DERECHO TRANSNACIONAL 12, no. 1 (March 5, 2020): 413. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/cdt.2020.5195.

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Resumen: Para 2030, el año en que la Industria 4.0 se establecerá plenamente en la sociedad europea, Europa debe superar grandes desafíos si no quiere perder esa combinación de democracia, derechos sociales y un estado avanzado de bienestar que de alguna manera se ha convertido en su marca registrada. La UE cuenta con dos ámbitos de actuación para afrontar dichos retos: el internacional (acuerdos comerciales, Alianza UE-África, Agenda 2030), y el propio ámbito de la UE (pilar europeo de derechos sociales). Entendemos que es fundamental que los acuerdos comerciales no sólo incluyan cláusulas que aseguren el cumplimiento de unos estándares determinados en materia de medio ambiente y ámbito laboral, sino que así mismo garanticen su efectividad (por ejemplo, mediante la supervisión de la OIT). Igualmente, para asegurar la efectiva aplicación del pilar europeo de derechos sociales, es necesario dotarlo de instrumentos normativos suficientes que garanticen su cumplimiento.Palabras clave: protección social, acuerdos internacionales, pilar europeo de derechos sociales, sostenibilidad social, industria 4.0.Abstract: By 2030, the year in which Industry 4.0 will be fully established in European society, Europe must overcome great challenges if it does not want to lose that combination of democracy, social rights and an advanced state of well-being that somehow has become its trademark. In order to meet these challenges, the EU can count on two lines of action: the international area (trade agreements, EUAfrica Alliance, 2030 Agenda), and the EU itself (European pillar of social rights). We understand that it is essential that trade agreements not only include clauses that ensure compliance with certain standards regarding the environment and work environment, but that also guarantee their effectiveness (for example, through ILO supervision). Likewise, to ensure the effective application of the European pillar of social rights, it is necessary to provide sufficient normative instruments to guarantee its compliance.Keywords: social protection, international agreements, European Pillar of social rights, social sustainability, Industry 4.0.
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Verhellen, Eugeen. "Children's rights in Europe." International Journal of Children's Rights 1, no. 3-4 (1993): 357–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181893x00223.

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Tyc, Aneta. "Migrant Domestic Workers in Europe: the Need for a Better Protection." Przegląd Prawniczy Uniwersytetu im. Adama Mickiewicza 7 (December 15, 2017): 141–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ppuam.2017.7.09.

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Migrant domestic workers are estimated at approximately 11.5 million persons worldwide. European women are being replaced in their household chores by immigrant women, e.g. from Africa, Asia and Eastern Europe. The paper focuses on human labour rights of domestic migrant workers, especially from the point of view of the typology which divides international standards concerning labour as a matter of human rights into four groups: rights relating to employment (eg. the prohibition of slavery and forced labour); rights deriving from employment (eg. the right to social security, the right to just and favourable conditions of work); rights concerning equal treatment and nondiscrimination, and instrumental rights (eg. the right to organise, the right to strike). The aim of this paper is to reveal insufficient effectiveness of human labour rights according to the above-mentioned typology. Thus, the author will concentrate on the issues of modern slavery, hyper-precarity and discrimination.
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Petrov, Ivan I. "Not the Far-Right Only: Which Parties Occupy the Niche of Cultural Protectionism in the EU Countries?" RUDN Journal of Political Science 23, no. 4 (December 15, 2021): 692–705. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2021-23-4-692-705.

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In the 2010s many moderate parties in Europe began to use the agenda of the far-rights, competing with them on the same field. This article is devoted to the problem of inter-party competition in European countries amidst the rise of far-right parties. We also intended to check if the far-right profile is the same for all EU countries. To achieve the goal of the study, we used two databases on party positioning - MARPOR (Comparative Manifesto Project) and CHES (Chapel Hill Expert Survey). The study revealed that the consolidated family of the far-rights exists only in the countries of North-Western Europe, while in the countries of East-Central Europe the agenda of the far-rights is less consolidated and regionally heterogeneous. The mainstream competitors of the far-rights included mostly conservatives in North-Western Europe, and various parties, including the Social Democrats, in East-Central Europe. The study confirmed the hypothesis about the serious influence of the far-rights on mainstream politics. At the same time, it questioned the traditional approach which attributes the far-right profile only to far-right parties and ignores both regional differences and the factor of spatial competition.
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Peñalver i Cabré, Alexandre. "Human Right to Environment and Its Effective Protection in Catalonia, Spain and Europe." International Journal of Legal Information 42, no. 1 (2014): 121–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s073112650002833x.

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Human Right to Environment is one the most relevant Third Generation Human Rights which includes new universal needs arisen from the last third of 20th century. These new human rights add as an additional layer to the First Generation Human Rights (civil and political rights from the end of 18th century) and to the Second Generation Human Rights (economic, social and cultural rights from 19th century).
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Maack, Nils, and Rolf Birk. "The Council of Europe and Employee Involvement in Private Enterprises." International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 25, Issue 2 (June 1, 2009): 123–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2009011.

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This paper addresses the existing provisions in the European Social Charter (ESC) relating to employee involvement in private enterprises, namely the right to information and consultation and the right to workers’ participation. After providing an overview of the Charter’s historical development, its relationship with the European Union law and the infl uence on the domestic law of the Member States of the Council of Europe are discussed. There then follows a brief description of the enforcement mechanisms for social rights under the ESC: the reporting system and the collective complaint. The subsequent part illustrates the development of the right to information and consultation in the different versions of the Charter, also considering collective redundancy procedures. This paper concludes by examining the rights to workers? participation included in the Social Charter.
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Reianu, Diana-Gabriela, and Adela Nistor. "The European Pillar of Social Rights: Adding Value to the Social Europe?" On-line Journal Modelling the New Europe, no. 22 (June 30, 2017): 2–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/ojmne.2017.22.01.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Social rights – Europe"

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Milli, Ece. "Assessing The Human Rights Regime Of The Council Of Europe In Terms Of Economic And Social Rights." Master's thesis, METU, 2012. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12615020/index.pdf.

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This thesis seeks to answer the question whether economic and social rights have the same status with civil and political rights under the human rights regime of the Council of Europe. To this end, the thesis examines the assumptions with regard to the nature of economic and social rights, on the one hand, and civil and political rights, on the other. Second, it seeks to find out whether the nature of economic and social rights is different from that of civil and political rights. Third, it examines how the protection of and approach to the two sets of rights developed in the Council of Europe. Finally, it assesses the contemporary protection of economic and social rights in the Council of Europe in comparison to protection of civil and political rights.
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Bindman, Eleanor Frances. "Economic and social rights within EU-Russia relations : a missed opportunity?" Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2013. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/4702/.

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In recent years the EU’s strategy towards promoting human rights in Russia has been the focus of considerable internal and external attention, much of it critical. Despite longstanding programmes for funding human rights projects in Russia and the launch of biannual EU-Russia human rights consultations in 2005, the subject of human rights remains contentious within EU-Russia relations. One striking aspect of the EU’s policy towards Russia is its focus on issues such as prison reform, freedom of speech and prevention of torture which can broadly be characterized as civil and political rights issues. The purpose of this thesis is to explore an area of human rights theory and practice which tends to receive far less attention, namely economic and social rights issues such as the right to housing, health, access to social security and workers’ rights. Utilising data gathered from interviews with EU and Member State officials and Russian NGOs and a discourse analysis of EU policy documents on human rights, the thesis examines how EU institutions, Member States and Russian civil society actors conceptualise the meaning and significance of economic and social rights in both a general and specifically Russian context. The study situates these understandings of economic and social rights and the State’s role in guaranteeing them in Russia in the historical context of the Soviet legacy of emphasizing such rights over civil and political rights. It also highlights enduring public expectations of what the State should provide and the policy of the various presidential administrations since 2005 of reasserting the State’s role in relation to the apparent realisation of economic and social rights through social service provision. It explores the differing approaches taken by human rights and more socially-oriented NGOs to engagement with various State structures and State-affiliated structures such as the regional human rights ombudsmen, and the privileged position Russian human rights NGOs appear to enjoy in terms of their relationship with the EU. The thesis argues that the EU’s closeness to this very specific type of civil society organisation and its apparent lack of internal and external consensus on the importance of economic and social rights issues hinders its ability to raise issues relating to these rights in its interactions with Russia. At the same time, the fact that economic and social rights continue to enjoy a relatively high degree of visibility and importance in Russia make cooperation on economic and social rights issues an area where more fruitful engagement on human rights could take place between the EU and Russia.
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Yorke, Jon. "The Council of Europe and the death penalty : the relationship of state sovereignty and human rights." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2008. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/4106/.

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This study investigates the processes of the removal of the death penalty within the Council of Europe and its Member States. An evaluation is conducted of the relationship of sovereignty and the death penalty in this region, and the significance of the Council's attempts to penetrate this relationship is analysed. The foremost motivation of this study is to understand how solid the removal of the death penalty is, and to reveal what can be learned from the legislative activity of the Member States and the various Parliamentary Assembly and Committee of Ministers' enactments, and the case-law of the European Commission of Human Rights and the European Court of Human Rights. It is my hope that this study will help ensure that the death penalty remains removed from this European region.
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Arikan, Burcak. "Assyrian Transnational Politics: Activism From Europe Towards Homeland." Master's thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12612893/index.pdf.

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ASSYRIAN TRANSNATIONAL POLITICS: ACTIVISM FROM EUROPE TOWARDS HOMELAND ARIKAN BURÇ
AK Department of International Relations Supervisor: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Sabine Strasser January 2011, 105 pages This thesis examines the transnational political practices Assyrian diaspora undertakes in Europe to generate a positive change in the minority rights of Assyrians in Turkey. Based on inductive reading of existing literature on transnational migration and transnational politics and my own research I conducted in the form of expert interviews in Germany, Sweden and in Turkey with transmigrants and the representatives of Assyrian organisations I discuss the reasons, the contexts and the actual transnational political practices Assyrians undertake in Europe. The thesis argues that Assyrian transnational political practices intensified 2000 onwards after Assyrian community have developed a self representation of their emigration experience and have been through an identity building process in Europe which is referred to as &ldquo
Europeanization&rdquo
in this study. The thesis considers Mor Gabriel Case, which started to be seen in 2008 in Turkey, awakening a milestone in the fresh history of transnational political activism of this community
since the solidarity and transnational political networking towards this case are unprecedented in the Assyrian diaspora&rsquo
s half century of history in Europe. By focusing on the activities carried out with regards to this case, the study lastly attempts to reveal the inner tensions vested within the transnational political network and argues for further critical examination of the complex relations among Assyrian diaspora, the place of origin and the receiving countries.
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Kuzmarov, Betina. "Constructing a basis of corporate liability for massive violations of human rights : using the common core of European private law." Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=78218.

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In a three point argument, it is asserted that general principles of law can be used to establish liability of corporations for massive violations of human rights. First, there is a lacuna in the law in this subject. Second, the constructivist approach to international relations contends that international norms are obeyed when they are internalized, so, conversely, the assertion is made that domestic law could be used to identify international norms, expanding the usefulness of general principles of law. Thirdly, general principles of law can be identified by comparative law methodology, so using one comparative method, The Common Core of European Private Law, should uncover principles of corporate liability. Lastly, an adaptation of this methodology is then applied to four countries.
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Jäglin, Joel. "Discrimination with regard to economic and social rights of Roma : A study of the international obligations of Serbia in the human rights system of the Council of Europe." Thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för juridik, psykologi och socialt arbete, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-52720.

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Pagnac, Romain. "Droits sociaux et dynamiques d’activation des politiques sociales en Europe." Thesis, Bordeaux 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013BOR40061/document.

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Depuis un certain nombre d’années, se manifeste tout spécialement en Europe l’influence de la thématique de l’activation des dépenses sociales dites « passives ». Ce discours politique imprègne les systèmes nationaux et se diffuse sur le plan normatif, conduisant à de nouvelles articulations entre logiques de protection sociale classique (indemnisation ou aide sociale) et d’emploi (droit du travail). Ces politiques actives s’appuient sur les fondements traditionnels du modèle social-démocrate nordique et du modèle anglo-saxon. L’Union européenne a fait sienne la dynamique d’activation et lui a accordé une place centrale dans sa stratégie pour l’emploi et dans la Méthode Ouverte de Coordination en matière de protection sociale. Cette stratégie a produit un impact sur les systèmes nationaux. Cet impact a pu être mesuré aussi bien sur les systèmes béveridgiens que sur les systèmes bismarckiens, laissant apparaître une multiplicité des visages de l’activation selon les Etats-membres, mais selon une référence plus marquée soit à une approche libérale soit à une approche dite « universaliste » ou « prospective », d’amélioration des trajectoires professionnelles. Les transformations récentes des dispositifs français (indemnitaires ou assistantiels), basées sur une logique de conditionnalité des prestations, ont conduit à des bouleversements au sein de la protection sociale qui invitent à questionner les logiques juridiques sous-jacentes de ces mutations et à proposer une analyse critique de la portée d’un tel renouvellement du contrat social
The influence of the theme of activating "passive" social expenditure has been evidenced over the last few years and especially in Europe. This political discourse has filtered into the national systems and has spread to legislation, leading to new links between the logic of classic social protection (compensatory technique or social assistance claimants) and employment (employment law). These active policies are based on traditional socio-democratic nordic models and the anglo-american model. The European Union has adopted the activation concept and given it central place in its employment strategy and through the Open Method of Coordination for social protection. This strategy has had an impact on the national systems. This impact may be measured in Beveridgian systems as well as in Bismarckian systems, that shows the different aspects of activation depending on the Member States but with a more distinct difference depending on a more liberal or universalist approach. The recent transformations in the French system (unemployment insurance benefits or social assistance schemes) based on the conditionality of social protection, have led to significant changes to social protection which raises the issue of the underlying legal logic of these changes and a critical analysis of the extent of such a renewal of the social contract
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Roque, José Manuel de Carvalho. "Resistência e crise do estado social – contributo para uma teoria crítica." Doctoral thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/15262.

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Tese de Doutoramento em Ciências Sociais
Em vários países da Europa ocidental vem sendo perseguido, desde há décadas, um modelo de organização política e económica baseado na democracia representativa e no império da lei, apoiado ainda numa componente social que vai ao encontro de direitos sociais, económicos e culturais dos cidadãos, juridicamente garantidos em catálogos de crescente amplitude e conteúdo, a imporem aos Estados um cada vez maior esforço orçamental, criando também uma consciência colectiva de bens adquiridos e eximidos ao poder de disposição do Estado. Todavia, desde o princípio deste século, alguns Estados defrontam-se com graves problemas financeiros, decorrentes do abrandamento da economia, do aumento das despesas e da crescente dificuldade de financiamento da dívida, associada a crises dos sectores imobiliário e bancário. Alguns Estados obtiveram empréstimos de emergência, contraídos junto de um consórcio de três entidades (troika), concedidos contra a aplicação de medidas de orientação neoliberal, implicando redução da presença do Estado na economia, aligeiramento da protecção jurídica das relações laborais e forte compressão das despesas sociais públicas. As medidas impostas neste quadro terão atingido direitos dos cidadãos, que opuseram resistência, de forma genericamente não violenta. Estuda-se a fundamentação da resistência em Estado de Direito democrático social, no quadro da crise do Estado social.
For decades, several west European countries have pursued a model of political and economic organization based upon representative democracy, rule of law and a social component that meets citizens’ social, economic and cultural rights, lawfully guaranteed and of increasing reach and content, thereby requiring a growing public budgetary effort, as well as creating a collective perception of lawfully protected goods, beyond the power of disposition of the state. Yet, since the beginning of this century, some states are faced with grievous financial problems, arising from economic slowdown, increased expenditures and growing difficulty to procure public debt financing, linked to crises of their sovereign debts and of the housing and banking sectors. Some states obtained emergency loans from a consortium of three instances (troika), granted against forcible application of neoliberal-oriented politics, implying privatization of public services, relaxation of labour protection and strong compression of social expenditures. The political measures taken may have negatively impacted the rights of citizens, who opposed generically non-violent resistance. The work addresses the fundaments of resistance in the modern west European democratic state, in the framework of the crisis of the social state.
N/A
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Diekmann, Maya. "The rights of the Right : How European far-right populist parties instrumentalise human rights rhetoric to mobilise supporters." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Malmö högskola, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-42933.

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There is a puzzling occurrence in Western Europe: Some far-right populist parties, traditionally seen as antithetical to liberalism, are appropriating liberal rights for their own illiberal ends. On the premise that the parties instrumentalise liberal elements to achieve more legitimacy in a climate of tolerance and respect for human rights in Western Europe, this thesis examines how far-right populist parties use human rights for mobilising purposes. Using Clifford Bob’s four conceptual elements of mobilising human rights rhetoric, in a qualitative content analysis the language of three Western European far-right populist parties is analysed. It is argued that, by drawing from a liberalism of fear, far-right populists frame human rights as a Western achievement, under threat by immigration from Islamic countries and the “corrupt elite” that allows for immigration to continue. By doing so, populists manage to incorporate human rights rhetoric in their mobilisation efforts, without challenging human rights per se.
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Sadeldeen, Amro. "European civil actors for Palestinian rights and a Palestinian globalized movement: How norms and pathways have developed." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/230778.

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The thesis is related to transnational social movements’ production of knowledge. Particularly, the research investigates the developed norms and pathways of a Palestinian-transnational movement (the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement- The BDS movement) during its formation period. The thesis reviews major social movement theories (i.e. Sidney Tarrow and Margeret Sikkink). While benefiting from major aspects of these theories, the thesis discovers that the researched movement suggests major deviations from these theories. Hence, the thesis mobilizes other literature, particularly of Pierre Bourdieu, to better account for cultural and social dimensions. This choice is enforced by the presence of academics that form a pillar in the movement. Yet, the thesis mobilizes together diverse dimensions from social movement literature, sociology and history (i.e. the historical trajectory of individual and collective actors), and with a constant check with the case itself. The methodological choice of the research goes back and forth between theories and the case (abductive methodology). Two chapters of the thesis are dedicated to the agency of the Palestinian actors in addition to interactions inside the field of power in Palestine. Another two chapters discuss transnational relations with a focus on European actors. Specific cases are chosen from interactions with Belgian and British actors. Moreover, interactions in three transnational fora are discussed.The research concludes that this transnational movement infuses diverse norms from different experiences and regions while adhering to universal norms such as comprehensive human rights. Moreover, the movement follows diverse pathways that include a Palestinian emergence, a Global Southern path and through the North. And these pathways enforce the adherence of the movement to specific norms. Such findings diverge from “Euro-centric” approaches in discussed social movements’ literature in the thesis. The research finally discusses other literature more relevant to the case (i.e. by Amitav Acharya), which argues that local actors try to protect their norms from abuse by central forces, and they do not only import norms but also diffuse new norms. The thesis ends up with questions for further research on the patterns of norms diffusion.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Books on the topic "Social rights – Europe"

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Butt, Mark Eric. Fundamental social rights in Europe. Luxembourg: European Parliament, Directorate-General for Research, 2000.

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Daly, Mary. Access to social rights in Europe. Strasbourg: Council of Europe Publishing, 2002.

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D, Berruti, and Associazione per la pace, eds. Kurds in Europe: From asylum right to social rights. [Rome?: Associazione per la pace Onlus], 2002.

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Miskiewicz, Sophia M. Social and economic rights in Eastern Europe. [S.l: s.n., 1987.

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Ales, Edoardo. Fundamental social rights in Europe: Challenges and opportunities. Antwerp: Intersentia, 2009.

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Audrey, Guichon, Anker, Christien van den, 1965-, and Novikova Irina, eds. Women's social rights and entitlements. New York, N.Y: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006.

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Edoardo, Ales, Klosse S, and European Working Group on Labour Law., eds. Fundamental social rights in Europe: Challenges and opportunities. Antwerp: Intersentia, 2009.

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S, Pogany Istvan, ed. Human rights in Eastern Europe. Aldershot, Hants, England: E. Elgar, 1995.

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1958-, Kessler Francis, ed. Social security law, Council of Europe. Alphen aan den Rijn, The Netherlands: Kluwer Law International, 2010.

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Świątkowski, Andrzej. Charter of social rights of the Council of Europe. Alphen aan den Rijn: Kluwer Law International, 2007.

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Book chapters on the topic "Social rights – Europe"

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Guichon, Audrey, Christien L. van den Anker, and Irina Novikova. "Introduction: Women’s Social Rights and Entitlements in Europe." In Women’s Social Rights and Entitlements, 1–7. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-73033-9_1.

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Phillips, Alan. "Minority Rights: Some New Intergovernmental Approaches in Europe." In Scapegoats and Social Actors, 112–36. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-26446-9_7.

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Scifo, Salvatore. "Communication Rights as a Networking Reality: Community Radio in Europe." In Communication Rights and Social Justice, 164–79. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137378309_10.

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Glenn, Charles L. "The Social and Cultural Rights of Pupils." In The Legal Status of Pupils in Europe, 91–109. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-011-6820-5_5.

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Kluth, Michael F. "Social Protection: Health, Safety and Equal Rights." In The Political Economy of a Social Europe, 66–99. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230378766_3.

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Lubrani, Osnat, and Elizabeth Villagómez. "The Impact of Globalisation on Women’s Labour Market Situation in Eastern Europe." In Women’s Social Rights and Entitlements, 203–23. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-73033-9_11.

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Gil, Ernesto J. Vidal. "The Social State Based on the Rule of Law in the Europe of Rights." In Globalization and Human Rights, 179–204. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-4020-4_8.

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Kucharczyk, Maciej. "Social Exclusion in Older-Age and the European Pillar of Social Rights." In International Perspectives on Aging, 421–31. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-51406-8_33.

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AbstractThe European Pillar of Social Rights is about delivering new and more effective rights for Europeans. It builds upon 20 key principles, structured around three categories: equal opportunities and access to the labour market; fair working conditions; and social protection and inclusion. Directly relevant to older people, the Pillar has the potential to address the multidimensionality of exclusion in later life from a rights-based perspective – for example, by enhancing the rights to quality and affordable health and long-term care, to adequate pensions to live in dignity, to age-friendly working conditions and an inclusive labour market, or to access goods and services. Despite these valuable elements, there remains significant uncertainly around how the Pillar will achieve this and what kind of implemental actions might emerge across member states. This chapter analyses the potential of the European Pillar to address social exclusion of older people in Europe, the challenges that might impede its efforts, and the measures necessary to overcome such challenges.
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Krasniqi, Vjollca, and Jane McPherson. "Human Rights, Social Work, and Uncertainty: The View from Southeast Europe." In European Social Work Education and Practice, 1–12. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-11728-2_1.

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Barić, Sanja, and Matija Miloš. "Social Rights in the Republic of Croatia: Scattered to the Four Winds of Regulation." In New Europe - Old Values?, 137–63. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-02213-0_7.

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Conference papers on the topic "Social rights – Europe"

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Sivoldaev, Ilya. "The European Social Charter and Social Rights in Russia." In The 20th anniversary of Russia's accession to the Council of Europe. History and prospects ». ru: INFRA-M Academic Publishing LLC., 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/23315.

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Guštin, Matko. "CHALLENGES OF PROTECTING CHILDREN’S RIGHTS IN THE DIGITAL ENVIRONMENT." In The recovery of the EU and strengthening the ability to respond to new challenges – legal and economic aspects. Faculty of Law, Josip Juraj Strossmayer University of Osijek, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.25234/eclic/22439.

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The imperative of every state is to protect the children’s rights as the most vulnerable social group. The protection of children’s rights has been particularly intensified with the adoption of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989), which promotes four basic principles – non-discrimination, the right to life, participation in decision-making and active participation in resolving issues that affect their lives, as well as the best interests of the child. The consequences of the (still actual) COVID-19 pandemic are visible in many areas, including the protection of children’s rights. Namely, children had to get used to the “new normal” in an extremely short period of time, which in certain segments had an adverse effect on their development and social integration. The effects of the COVID-19 pandemic are also visible in the digital environment, which brings with it a number of positive and negative aspects in relation to children and their rights. Although the virtual environment has made it possible to fulfil one of the universal rights of children – the right to education, it has intensified a special form of violence – virtual, cyber violence that threatens the safety of children in the “new normal”. It is important to emphasize that the Council of Europe has adopted Recommendation CM/Rec (2018)7 of the Committee of Ministers to member states on Guidelines for Respect, Protection and Exercise of the Rights of the Child in the Digital Environment. Given that the digital environment shapes children’s lives in different ways, creating opportunities, but also certain risks to protect their well-being, this document recommends that member states review their legislation, policies and practices to promote the full range of children’s rights in the digital environment and providing effective responses to all the impacts of the digital environment on the well-being of children and the enjoyment of their human rights. European Union policies in the field of protection of children’s rights are also very important. Through its policies, the European Union seeks to enable every child to realize his or her full rights. The European Union’s Strategy on the rights of the child sets children apart from the leaders of tomorrow and the citizens of today. For the issues of this paper, a particularly important part of the Strategy are the guidelines for creating policies aimed at protecting the rights of children in the digital society. In addition to the above, there are a number of other documents of the Council of Europe and the European Union for the protection and promotion of children’s rights, which are analyzed in the context of digitalization. Special emphasis is placed on contemporary issues of development and protection of children’s rights to privacy in the digital environment, the right to access the Internet and digital literacy, but also cyber violence as a form of endangering the child’s safety, and the discussion on which issues was further stimulated by the COVID-19 pandemic.
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Kurchinskaya-Grasso, Natalia. "AMBIGUOUS INTERPRETATION OF CONCEPTS RELATED TO THE CATEGORY OF PARENTAL RIGHTS." In Humanities and Social Sciences in Europe: Achievements and Perspectives. Vienna: Premier Publishing s.r.o., 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.29013/hsseap-8-28-30.

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Matić Bošković, Marina, and Svetlana Nenadić. "IMPACT OF COVID-19 PANDEMIC ON CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEMS ACCROSS EUROPE." In EU 2021 – The future of the EU in and after the pandemic. Faculty of Law, Josip Juraj Strossmayer University of Osijek, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.25234/eclic/18307.

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Last year the Europe and world were facing with COVID-19 outbreak that put at the risk lives of the people and capability of healthcare systems to provide their services. To prevent spread of the COVID-19 governments have imposed restrictive measures, while some of them declared state of emergency. The response to the pandemic influenced on the functioning of the criminal justice system and daily operation of courts, but also on the substantive criminal law since some states are applying criminal law to violation of restrictive measures or to criminalizing disinformation on COVID-19 outbreak. Outbreak of COVID-19 revealed new trends in criminal law like accelerated introduction of new crimes during pandemic, extremely flexible interpretation and rapid changes of criminal laws, which tend to be threat for legal stability and human rights protection. In addition, populist governments tend to use that new trend as a tool in suppression of political dissidents. COVID-19 pandemic has posed unprecedent challenges to the functioning of judiciaries. Courts and prosecution services were working with limited capacities to ensure social distancing. Some countries introduced ICT tools and fast-track procedures to organize hearings, which raised question of procedural rights and protection of rights of defendant. In the article authors assessed whether derogation of fair trial rights was in the line with standards of international human rights law and if introduction of state of emergency and restrictions were proportionate, time limited and needed and whether they changed understanding of the fundamental rights protection, especially right to a fair trial. Furthermore, authors explore whether COVID 19 changed perception of criminal law and legal certainty. Authors assessed how restrictions in the organization of judiciary work influenced on human rights protection and citizens trust in judiciary. Consequently, authors assesses whether some of introduces changes, especially use of ICT tools made permanent changes in operation of courts and understanding of access to justice. Finally, authors are assessing whether these changes tend to erode judiciaries or put into the risk access to justice in the EU members states and candidate countries or whether they jeopardized EU principle of mutual trust.
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Isaeva, C. A., T. T. Dyusebaev, I. N. Vorontsova, and A. S. Kazhenova. "Personal rights and freedoms: modern aspects of the contents." In IX International symposium «Humanities and Social Sciences in Europe: Achievements and Perspectives». Viena: East West Association GmbH, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.20534/ix-symposium-9-337-346.

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Aydınlı, İbrahim. "Refugee Question and The Right to Work and Social Security of Refugees in Turkey." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01744.

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Turkey faces various problems because of her distinctive geo-strategic importance have made her a transit country. The most important of those are migrations towards Europe due to socio-economic disasters like starvation, poverty or unemployment as well as geopolitical disasters like war or internal turmoils. Although the political and economic dimensions of migration are prominent, these are not the focus of this study. The issue in here is to identify whether immigrants, whose number has almost reached almost five million as wars and political chaos within neighbouring countries have forced a huge number of people to flee to Turkey, have right to work and social security according to the Turkish law. In this vein, the paper aims to clarify the content of the right to work and social security for immigrants in the long-term, instead of the short-term social assistances in accordance with human rights and social policy implementation in Turkey. For doing so, the paper firstly deals with Turkey’s commitment to the international law. Secondly, it analyzes the regulations related to the right to work and social security within the national law. Finally, the paper discusses the problems occur during the implementation of law and regulations and suggests solutions for overcoming such problems.
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Marinescu, Roxana. "USING NEW MEDIA AND TECHNOLOGIES IN FOREIGN LANGUAGE EDUCATION FOR PLURILINGUAL COMMUNICATION AND DEMOCRATIC CITIZENSHIP." In eLSE 2013. Carol I National Defence University Publishing House, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.12753/2066-026x-13-267.

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This paper focuses on outlining some effects that the use of new media and technologies in foreign language education has on both plurilingual communication and on democratic citizenship. At the moment in the European Union there are 27 member states and 23 officially acknowledged languages. With increasingly mobile European citizens and a growing number of immigrants from non-European countries, Europe faces the challenge of providing equal opportunities to all citizens and, at the same time, ensuring that their linguistic and cultural heritage will be preserved. This paper starts from the necessity stated in some European documents that the European citizen should learn at least two foreign languages, English being in practice one of those, for better or worse. Also foreign language education is viewed in connection with citizenship rights and intercultural communication, for a European citizen fully equipped for flexible work contexts in a time of increased mobility. With 'language rights' viewed as part of 'human rights' and with Europe a multilingual area, the plurilingual European citizens should be able to make effective use of all their educational strategies in order to enhance their chances in social and economic life. European educational policies should thus take into consideration the inclusion of new media and technologies in formal education, as well as the impact they have on the informal education of European citizens, and should evaluate the extent to which the use of these e-tools affects language learning in the context of multilingualism. This paper also briefly presents an overview of the results of a small scale survey conducted within the Bucharest University of Economic Studies among first-year students by means of a questionnaire and informal discussions. The survey focuses on how they use the new media in formal and informal language learning, especially English language learning.
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Kurchinskaya-Grasso, N. "PROBLEMS OF TAKING INTO ACCOUNT BY THE COURTS THE CHILD’S OPINIONS IN TRANSBOUNDARY PROTECTION OF CUSTODY AND ACCESS RIGHTS." In V International symposium «Humanities and Social Sciences in Europe: Achievements and Perspectives». Prague: Premier Publishing s.r.o., 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.29013/v-symposium-pp-5-82-87.

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Kurchinskaya-Grasso, N. "PROBLEMS OF TAKING INTO ACCOUNT BY THE COURTS THE CHILD’S OPINIONS IN TRANSBOUNDARY PROTECTION OF CUSTODY AND ACCESS RIGHTS." In V International symposium «Humanities and Social Sciences in Europe: Achievements and Perspectives». Prague: Premier Publishing s.r.o., 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.29013/v-symposium-pp-6-82-87.

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Kirilova, Ivelina, Stefka Djobova, Yoanna Dochevska, Velichka Aleksandrova, and Ivaylo Zdravkov. "EXTENT OF INCLUSION IN ERASMUS+ SPORT PROJECTS." In INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC CONGRESS “APPLIED SPORTS SCIENCES”. Scientific Publishing House NSA Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.37393/icass2022/101.

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ABSTRACT Since the 1960s, the Council of Europe has developed recommendations and resolutions ensuring full participation of persons with disabilities into social and sport life. Diversity, equity, and inclusion are the elements that shape sports in the last decade. The right of people with disabilities to participate in recreational or sporting activities on equal terms as other populations through an inclusive approach is emphasized in the International Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. In 2021’s Briefing of the European Parliament is stated that there is a lack of centralized data collection on the participation of people with disabilities in sports at the European Union level. The Erasmus+ Sport program provides funding for sports actions, including the development of inclusive policies aiming to remove barriers and improve the participation of people with disabilities in sports. This study aims to explore the extent of inclusion of persons with disabilities in sports among the Erasmus+ Sport projects co-funded until 2020. Using a secondary research method, we analyzed data extracted from Annual reports, Compendiums, and other official European and stakeholder publications, the European Commission Erasmus+ Project Results Platform. As a result, 515 sport-related projects were identified. Applying secondary selection criteria related to disabilities and sports led to 41 projects focusing on inclusion. Development of inclusive sport policy and supporting the inclusion of persons with disabilities in sports is a long-standing demand, and a great amount of expectations are linked with Erasmus+ Sport. Despite being a funding mechanism, the Program provides an opportunity for the implementation of priorities identified in the Work Plan for Sport. Participation in projects provides opportunities for sports organizations to implement the latest European policies aligned with different aspects regarding the rights of persons with disabilities associated with sports.
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Reports on the topic "Social rights – Europe"

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Lucas, Brian. Lessons Learned about Political Inclusion of Refugees. Institute of Development Studies, May 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.114.

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Most refugees and other migrants have limited opportunities to participate in politics to inform and influence the policies that affect them daily; they have limited voting rights and generally lack effective alternative forms of representation such as consultative bodies (Solano & Huddleston, 2020a, p. 33). Political participation is ‘absent (or almost absent) from integration strategies’ in Eastern European countries, while refugees and other migrants in Western Europe do enjoy significant local voting rights, stronger consultative bodies, more funding for immigrant organisations and greater support from mainstream organisations (Solano & Huddleston, 2020a, p. 33).This rapid review seeks to find out what lessons have been learned about political inclusion of refugees, particularly in European countries.In general, there appears to be limited evidence about the effectiveness of attempts to support the political participation of migrants/refugees. ‘The engagement of refugees and asylum-seekers in the political activities of their host countries is highly understudied’ (Jacobi, 2021, p. 3) and ‘the effects that integration policies have on immigrants’ representation remains an under-explored field’ (Petrarca, 2015, p. 9). The evidence that is available often comes from sources that cover the entire population or ethnic minorities without specifically targeting refugees or migrants, are biased towards samples of immigrants who are long-established in the host country and may not be representative of immigrant populations, or focus only on voting behaviour and neglect other forms of political participation (Bilodeau, 2016, pp. 30–31). Statistical data on refugees and integration policy areas and indicators is often weak or absent (Hopkins, 2013, pp. 9, 28–32, 60). Data may not distinguish clearly among refugees and other types of migrants by immigration status, origin country, or length of stay in the host country; may not allow correlating data collected during different time periods with policies in place during those periods and preceding periods; and may fail to collect a range of relevant migrant-specific social and demographic characteristics (Bilgili et al., 2015, pp. 22–23; Hopkins, 2013, p. 28).
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Macdonald, Stuart, Kamil Yilmaz, Chamin Herath, J. M. Berger, Suraj Lakhani, Lella Nouri, and Maura Conway. The European Far-Right Online: An Exploratory Twitter Outlink Analysis of German & French Far-Right Online Ecosystems. RESOLVE Network, May 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/remve2022.2.

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Seeking to explore the nature of European far-right online ecosystems, this research report examines the outlinking activity of identified pro-far-right users among the followers of the official Twitter accounts of two prominent far-right European political parties, Germany’s Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) and France’s Rassemblement National (RN). Employing a three-layered analysis, the report explores not just the top-level domains outlinked to by its sample of AfD and RN Twitter followers but combines this with analysis of the technical specifications of the content types outlinked to and treatment of the socio-political nature of the content arrived at by clicking on the most tweeted URLs. This results in the provision of a more thorough and cohesive view of this online ecosystem than contained in other similar studies.
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Droogan, Julian, Lise Waldek, Brian Ballsun-Stanton, and Jade Hutchinson. Mapping a Social Media Ecosystem: Outlinking on Gab & Twitter Amongst the Australian Far-right Milieu. RESOLVE Network, September 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/remve2022.6.

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Attention to the internet and the online spaces in which violent extremists interact and spread content has increased over the past decades. More recently, that attention has shifted from understanding how groups like the self-proclaimed Islamic State use the internet to spread propaganda to understanding the broader internet environment and, specifically, far-right violent extremist activities within it. This focus on how far right violent extremist—including far-right racially and ethnically motivated violent extremists (REMVEs) within them—create, use, and exploit the online networks in which they exist to promote their hateful ideology and reach has largely focused on North America and Europe. However, in recent years, examinations of those online dynamics elsewhere, including in Australia, is increasing. Far right movements have been active in Australia for decades. While these movements are not necessarily extremist nor violent, understanding how violent far right extremists and REMVEs interact within or seek to exploit these broader communities is important in further understanding the tactics, reach, and impact of REMVEs in Australia. This is particularly important in the online space access to broader networks of individuals and ideas is increasingly expanding. Adding to a steadily expanding body of knowledge examining online activities and networks of both broader far right as well as violent extremist far right populations in Australia, this paper presents a data-driven examination of the online ecosystems in which identified Australian far-right violent extremists exist and interact,1 as mapped by user generated uniform resource locators (URL), or ‘links’, to internet locations gathered from two online social platforms—Twitter and Gab. This link-based analysis has been used in previous studies of online extremism to map the platforms and content shared in online spaces and provide further detail on the online ecosystems in which extremists interact. Data incorporating the links was automatically collected from Twitter and Gab posts from users existing within the online milieu in which those identified far right extremists were connected. The data was collected over three discrete one-month periods spanning 2019, the year in which an Australian far right violent extremist carried out the Christchurch attack. Networks of links expanding out from the Twitter and Gab accounts were mapped in two ways to explore the extent and nature of the online ecosystems in which these identified far right Australian violent extremists are connected, including: To map the extent and nature of these ecosystems (e.g., the extent to which other online platforms are used and connected to one another), the project mapped where the most highly engaged links connect out to (i.e., website domain names), and To explore the nature of content being spread within those ecosystems, what sorts of content is found at the end of the most highly engaged links. The most highly engaged hashtags from across this time are also presented for additional thematic analysis. The mapping of links illustrated the interconnectedness of a social media ecosystem consisting of multiple platforms that were identified as having different purposes and functions. Importantly, no links to explicitly violent or illegal activity were identified among the top-most highly engaged sites. The paper discusses the implications of the findings in light of this for future policy, practice, and research focused on understanding the online ecosystems in which identified REMVE actors are connected and the types of thematic content shared and additional implications in light of the types of non-violent content shared within them.
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Pettai, Vello. ECMI Minorities Blog. Minorities and the War in Ukraine: Navigating the ‘Perfect Storm’? European Centre for Minority Issues, July 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.53779/lbxc3365.

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Where do European minority issues stand following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine? What are the dimensions of this crisis that pose a particular challenge to the European minority rights regime? Does the renewed sense of purpose among liberal democracies augur a revitalization of minority issues or continued business as usual? The ECMI’s Director Vello Pettai looks at the stakes involved with the war in Ukraine. Already before the crisis, minority issues were operating in an increasingly crowded landscape of societal concerns: populism, climate change, the COVID-19 pandemic. Russia’s aggression has brought together a further cocktail involving autocratization, kin-state activism and geopolitical disorder. Key institutions governing and promoting the European minority rights regime will need to be regrouped before a new impulse for minority issues can be found.
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Udupa, Sahana. Small Platforms and the Gray Zones of Deep Extreme Speech. MediaWell, Social Science Research Council, October 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.35650/md.2093.d.2021.

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Recent trends of migration to smaller social media platforms among right wing actors have raised a caution that an excessive focus on large, transnational social media companies might lose sight of the volatile spaces of homegrown and niche platforms, which have begun to offer diverse “alternative” avenues to extreme speech. Such trends, which drew global media attention during Trump supporters’ attempted exodus to Parler, are also gaining salience in Europe and the global South. Turning the focus to these developments, this article pries open three pertinent features of extreme speech on small platforms: its propensity to migrate between platforms, its embeddedness in domestic regulatory and technological innovations, and its evolving role in facilitating hateful language and disinformation in and through deep trust-based networks. Rather than assuming that smaller platforms are on an obvious trajectory toward progressive alternatives, their diverse entanglements with exclusionary extreme speech, I suggest, should be an important focal point for policy measures.
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van der Sloot, Bart. The Quality of Life: Protecting Non-personal Interests and Non-personal Data in the Age of Big Data. Universitätsbibliothek J. C. Senckenberg, Frankfurt am Main, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/gups.64579.

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Under the current legal paradigm, the rights to privacy and data protection provide natural persons with subjective rights to protect their private interests, such as related to human dignity, individual autonomy and personal freedom. In principle, when data processing is based on non-personal or aggregated data or when such data pro- cesses have an impact on societal, rather than individual interests, citizens cannot rely on these rights. Although this legal paradigm has worked well for decades, it is increasingly put under pressure because Big Data processes are typically based indis- criminate rather than targeted data collection, because the high volumes of data are processed on an aggregated rather than a personal level and because the policies and decisions based on the statistical correlations found through algorithmic analytics are mostly addressed at large groups or society as a whole rather than specific individuals. This means that large parts of the data-driven environment are currently left unregu- lated and that individuals are often unable to rely on their fundamental rights when addressing the more systemic effects of Big Data processes. This article will discuss how this tension might be relieved by turning to the notion ‘quality of life’, which has the potential of becoming the new standard for the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) when dealing with privacy related cases.
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Martin, Matthew. The Crisis of Extreme Inequality in SADC: Fighting austerity and the pandemic. Oxfam, Development Finance International, Norwegian Church Aid, May 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.21201/2022.8793.

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The COVID-19 pandemic has worsened the extreme inequality in Southern African Development Community (SADC) countries, and pushed millions into poverty. The economic crisis continues due to the obscene global vaccine inequality. As of end March 2022, a dismal 14% of SADC citizens had been fully vaccinated against COVID-19, compared with 65.5% in the United States and 73% in the European Union. In 2021, with infections rising in SADC, the critical health, social protection and economic programmes put in place by most governments in 2020 were rolled back and replaced with austerity, in the context of growing debt burdens and lack of external support for country budgets. Such austerity has been built into IMF programmes in the region. Recovering from the pandemic, however, offers SADC governments a once-in-a-generation opportunity to do what their citizens want: increase taxes on the wealthy and large corporations, boost public spending (especially on healthcare, education and social protection), and increase workers’ rights as well as tackling joblessness and precarious work. With external support, including through debt relief and aid, they could reduce inequality drastically and eliminate extreme poverty by 2030.
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Martin, Matthew. The Crisis of Extreme Inequality in SADC: Fighting austerity and the pandemic. Oxfam, Development Finance International, Norwegian Church Aid, May 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.21201/2022.8793.

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The COVID-19 pandemic has worsened the extreme inequality in Southern African Development Community (SADC) countries, and pushed millions into poverty. The economic crisis continues due to the obscene global vaccine inequality. As of end March 2022, a dismal 14% of SADC citizens had been fully vaccinated against COVID-19, compared with 65.5% in the United States and 73% in the European Union. In 2021, with infections rising in SADC, the critical health, social protection and economic programmes put in place by most governments in 2020 were rolled back and replaced with austerity, in the context of growing debt burdens and lack of external support for country budgets. Such austerity has been built into IMF programmes in the region. Recovering from the pandemic, however, offers SADC governments a once-in-a-generation opportunity to do what their citizens want: increase taxes on the wealthy and large corporations, boost public spending (especially on healthcare, education and social protection), and increase workers’ rights as well as tackling joblessness and precarious work. With external support, including through debt relief and aid, they could reduce inequality drastically and eliminate extreme poverty by 2030.
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Crafts, Nicholas, Emma Duchini, Roland Rathelot, Giulia Vattuone, David Chambers, Andrew Oswald, Max Nathan, and Carmen Villa Llera. Economic challenges and success in the post-COVID era: A CAGE Policy Report. Edited by Mirko Draca. CAGE Research Centre, November 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31273/978-1-911675-01-3.

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In 2008 there was an expectation of major reform to social and economic structures following the financial crisis. The European Union (EU) referendum of 2016, and the UK’s subsequent exit from the EU in 2020, was also signalled as a turning point that would bring about epochal change. Now, in the waning of the coronavirus pandemic, we are experiencing a similar rhetoric. There is widespread agreement that the pandemic will usher in big changes for the economy and society, with the potential for major policy reform. But what will be the long-term impacts of the pandemic on the UK economy? Is the right response a “new settlement” or is some alternative approach likely to be more beneficial? This report puts forward a new perspective on the pandemic-related changes that could be ahead. The central theme is assessing the viability of epochal reform in policymaking. There seems to be a relentless desire for making big changes; however, there is arguably not enough recognition of how current settings and history can hold back these efforts. Foreword by: Dame Frances Cairncross, CBE, FRSE.
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Colomb, Claire, and Tatiana Moreira de Souza. Regulating Short-Term Rentals: Platform-based property rentals in European cities: the policy debates. Property Research Trust, May 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52915/kkkd3578.

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Short-term rentals mediated by digital platforms have positive and negative impacts that are unevenly distributed among socio-economic groups and places. Detrimental impacts on the housing market and quality of life of long-term residents have been particular contentious in some cities. • In the 12 cities studied in the report (Amsterdam, Barcelona, Berlin, Brussels, Lisbon, London, Madrid, Milan, Paris, Prague, Rome and Vienna), city governments have responded differently to the growth of short-term rentals. • The emerging local regulations of short-term rentals take multiple forms and exhibit various degrees of stringency, ranging from rare cases of laissez-faire to a few cases of partial prohibition or strict quantitative control. Most city governments have sought to find a middle-ground approach that differentiates between the professional rental of whole units and the occasional rental of one’s home/ primary residence. • The regulation of short-term rentals is contentious and highly politicised. Six broad categories of interest groups and non-state actors actively participate in the debates with contrasting positions: advocates of the ‘sharing’ or ‘collaborative’ economy; corporate platforms; professional organisatons of short-term rental operators; new associations of hosts or ‘home-sharers’; the hotel and hospitality industry; and residents’ associations/citizens’ movements. • All city governments face difficulties in implementing and enforcing the regulations, due to a lack of sufficient resources and to the absence of accurate and comprehensive data on individual hosts. That data is held by corporate platforms, which have generally not accepted to release it (with a few exceptions) nor to monitor the content of their listings against local rules. • The relationships between platforms and city governments have oscillated between collaboration and conflict. Effective implementation is impossible without the cooperation of platforms. • In the context of the European Union, the debate has taken a supranational dimension, as two pieces of EU law frame the possibility — and acceptable forms — of regulation of online platforms and of short-term rentals in EU member states: the 2000 E-Commerce Directive and the 2006 Services Directive. • For regulation to be effective, the EU legal framework should be revised to ensure platform account- ability and data disclosure. This would allow city (and other ti ers of) governments to effectively enforce the regulations that they deem appropriate. • Besides, national and regional governments, who often control the legislative framework that defines particular types of short-term rentals, need to give local governments the necessary tools to be able to exercise their ‘right to regulate’ in the name of public interest objectives.
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