Journal articles on the topic 'Social reactions to the January 2015 attacks'

Introduction Some projects have described post-disaster psychosocial services and planning across Europe. However, little is known about the real psychosocial disaster responses such as low-intensity initiatives after a terrorist attack Objectives This study aims (1) to describe psychological support (PS) in the immediate (<48 hours), post-immediate (48 hours – 1 week) periods and more than one week after a terrorist attack among terror-exposed people, and (2) to identify factors associated with a lack of short-term PS among those who suffered from mental health disorders. Methods This study used data from a longitudinal survey of 189 civilians exposed to the January 2015 terrorist attacks conducted 6 months after the attacks. Factors associated with lack of PS after the attacks was identified using a Robust Poisson regression in three separate models (for the 3 periods). Results Among participants who suffered from PTSD (n=34), depression (n=74), or anxiety (n=59) 6-9 months after the terrorist attacks, respectively, 9%, 18% and 12% did not received psychological support. The lack of immediate PS was associated with geographical distance, type of exposure, and support in daily life. The lack of post-immediate PS was associated with geographical distance, peri-traumatic reactions and past psychological follow-up. The lack of PS after one week was associated with geographical distance and social isolation. Conclusions Characteristics of exposition and social support seem to play an important role in lack of PS after a terrorist attack and highlights the need to use strategies to reach out to people regardless of the type of exposure. Disclosure No significant relationships.

"This paper analyses the ingroup identity which emerges through three events, the Cologne attacks in January 2016, the attacks against the Charlie Hebdo journalists in January 2015 and the Yellow Vests’ demonstrations in France from November 2018 to 2019. It focuses on the images and fictions which are performed by the citizens as well as those which appear through the reactions of academics, journalists and politicians in media. It aims at revealing the accommodation of political myths and the way the representations of collective identity are built."

Previous research has consistently found widespread attitudinal impacts of terrorist attacks. Using data from the European Social Survey, which was conducting interviews in 11 countries when the Charlie Hebdo attacks happened in January 2015, I compare respondents from before and after the shootings to test whether the event shifted public opinion on several topics. There is no evidence of average impacts across a range of issues, from xenophobia to ideological self-placement and immigration policy preferences. Data collected when the Paris November 2015 shootings happened also present no evidence of public opinion change on immigration and refugee policy matters in France, but there appears to be an effect in other countries—which varies according to contextual vulnerability. Results suggest that views on immigration and immigrants have, to a certain extent, stabilized in Europe and are less susceptible to shifts from dramatic events.

Violence against women is considered a systemic social practice. Aware of the presence of systemic violence “at the horizon of social imagination,” members of some groups, women in this case, learn that they might suffer it any time “simply because they are members of that group” (Young 1990, 62). This understanding encompasses physical attacks as well as humiliation, harassment, intimidation, and stigmatization. Systemic violence targets women because they are women, although they are differently affected and have gendered experiences that are also shaped by race, class, sexuality, generation, and nationality (Collins 2015).

AbstractIntroduction:Following a terrorist attack, responses to a psychosocial disaster range from low-intensity initiatives to high-intensity treatment. Some studies described post-disaster psychosocial services and planning across Europe. However, little is known about the psychosocial support (PS) actually delivered after terrorist attacks.Study Objective:This study assesses prevalence and the factors associated with not receiving short-term PS among terror-exposed people with probable mental health disorders following the January 2015 terrorist attacks in France.Methods:This study used data from the first wave of a longitudinal survey conducted six months after the attacks. Prevalence and factors associated with not receiving PS were described in the immediate period (48 hours), the early post-immediate period (48 hours-one week), and the medium-term (over one week) using a robust Poisson regression for each of the three periods.Results:Nearly one-half of the participants (N = 189) did not receive PS in any period (46.6% in the immediate period, 45.5% in the early post-immediate period, and 54.5% in the medium-term). In each period, not receiving PS was associated with not being very close to the attack sites. Not receiving PS in the immediate period was also associated with being a direct witness (DW) rather than being directly threatened (DT) and not having support in daily life; in the early post-immediate period, not receiving PS was associated with not having a peri-traumatic dissociation experience and being followed for a psychological problem before the attacks; and in the medium-term period, it was associated with perceived social isolation.Conclusion:The characteristics of the terror exposure and social support seemed to influence presence or absence of PS after the terrorist attack and highlight the need for strategies to reach out to people regardless of the type of exposure.

BackgroundTerrorist attacks occurred in Paris in January 2015.AimsTo assess the mental health impact and the access to psychomedical care of people exposed to the attacks.MethodWe implemented an open-cohort design 6 and 18 months after the attacks. Exposed civilians and rescue workers were included according to the exposure criteria A for post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) in DSM-5. A face-to-face questionnaire conducted by trained psychologists was used to collect sociodemographic characteristics, exposure level, scores on psychometric scales, an international neuropsychiatric interview and access to care.ResultsSix months after the attacks, 18% of civilians reported symptoms of PTSD, 31% had anxiety disorders and 11% depression. Among rescue workers, 3% reported symptoms of PTSD and 14% anxiety disorders. During the 48 h following the attacks, 53.2% of civilian had access to psychomedical carev. 35% of rescue and police staff.ConclusionsWe found severe psychological consequences, even in people who were less exposed.Declaration of interestNone.

Since the beheading of the French teacher Samuel Paty on 16 October 2020, the call for a fight against the so-called ‘Political Islam’ has been heard once again, not only in France, but all over Europe (EU). The politicization of Islam is held to be responsible for the increasing attacks by radical Islamic actors within European metropoles, and the EU states’ call for action and revenge in response to this ideology and its adherents, in order to guarantee public security and democratic values. Starting from the major terrorist attacks in France in the last few years, this paper seeks to compare the interlinking between domestic policy and religious radicalization and its impact on neighboring states. With regard to the attacks on 13 November 2015 in France, the attackers were traced back to radical networks in Belgium and Germany. Based on selected interviews that have been conducted by the author with female adherents of jihadist milieus within the years 2015 and 2016 in France and social media examples of Muslim reactions on the current French law enforcement, the tension between domestic policy and religious freedom related to Islam in France will be highlighted in this article. Among other reasons, the interview quotations and social media reactions can be seen as a result of a specific religious understanding and practice related to Islam by some actors. In addition, the ongoing othering of Muslims by France and other European societies can be seen to be in sum to be responsible for the increasing interest of young Muslims in radical Islamic thought that led to jihadist attacks within France in the not-so-distant past. With respect to the aforementioned development, this article will conceptualize the problematique of a (politically motivated) category formation related to one religion that is currently practiced in France, as seen from the perspective of a religious studies scholar.

This article examines the online circulation of the slogan ‘ Je suis Charlie’ which went viral on social media after the Charlie Hebdo attacks in Paris in January 2015. Building first on recent literature on digital virality, it approaches the slogan’s circulation in terms of the transfer of affective intensities among network connections and with consideration to the function of social media algorithms in bringing about network encounters. Two samples of tweets using the slogan are analysed to highlight the emergence of subjective relations to Charlie from within networked circuits of affect. The declaration ‘ Je suis Charlie’ is argued to be a performance of affective citizenship in the name of social cohesion while also constructing ‘affect aliens’.

Any visitor who walked the streets of Paris in the days or weeks following the attacks of January 2015 would definitely have witnessed a particular form of graphic irruption: the dissemination of messages of solidarity and mourning, and the repetition, within this mass of writing, of the formula ‘I am Charlie’. Although the situation was different, the responses to terrorist attacks in January 2015 and the 9/11 aftermath are comparable by the ‘writing event’ (Fraenkel, 2002, 2018) they produced: temporary and atypical dispositifs of writing turned to the public space in order to be read or at least seen by passers-by. This article, structured along chronological lines, traces the evolution of the viral formula over the long term from Twitter to the urban public space. Firstly, the author focuses on the origin and meanings of the statement and formulates several hypotheses that may explain its wide circulation on social networks. Secondly, she analyses the post-attack graffiti based on databases of several private graffiti-cleaning companies in order to highlight the temporary sacralization of illegal writings. The ‘ Je suis Charlie’ phenomenon is interesting in many ways: its staggering, massive diffusion; the apparent unanimity with which it was greeted in the world of politics and the media; and the way it was managed by local authorities.

The attacks suffered by France in January and November 2015, and then in the course of 2016, especially the Nice attack, provoked intense online activity both during the events and in the months that followed. The digital traces left by this reactivity and reactions to events gave rise, from the very first days and even hours after the attacks, to a ‘real-time’ institutional archiving by the National Library of France ( Bibliothèque nationale de France, BnF) and the National Audio-visual Institute ( Institut national de l’audiovisuel, Ina). The results amount to millions of archived tweets and URLs. This article seeks to highlight some of the most significant issues raised by these relatively unprecedented corpora, from collection to exploitation, from online stream of data to its mediation and re-composition. Indeed, web archiving practices in times of emergency and crises are significant, almost emblematic, loci to explore the human and technical agencies, and the complex temporalities, of ‘born-digital’ heritage. The cases examined here emphasize the way these ‘emergency collections’ challenge the perimeters and the very nature of web archives as part of our digital and societal heritage, and the guiding visions of its governance and mission. Finally, the present analysis underlines the need for a careful contextualization of the design process – both of original web pages or tweets and of their archived images – and of the tools deployed to collect, retrieve and analyse them.

Twitter analysis through data mining, text analysis, and visualization, coupled with the application of actor-network-theory, reveals a coalition of heterogenous religious affiliations around grief and fascination. While religious violence has always existed, the prevalence of social media has led to an increase in the magnitude of discussions around the topic. This paper examines the different reactions on Twitter to violence targeting three religious communities: the 2015 Charleston Church shooting, the 2018 Pittsburgh Synagogue shooting, and the 2019 Christchurch Mosque shootings. The attacks were all perpetrated by white nationalists with firearms. By analyzing large Twitter datasets in response to the attacks, we were able to render visible associations among actors across religions communities, national identities, and political persuasions. What this project revealed is that if we apply actor-network-theory and data visualization to look at networks created by human/non-human (text, computer, phone, meme, tweet, retweet, hashtag) actors, we can see that knowledge, empathy, and fascination drive communication around mass violence against religious communities.

First responders intervening in crisis situations are likely to subsequently develop mental disorders. We aimed to identify factors associated with anxiety disorders after a terrorist attack in both the medium and long terms. We used data collected on 180 first responders (medical/psychological health professionals and emergency rescue teams) interviewed face to face at 6-10 months (medium term) and 18-22 months (long term) after the January 2015 terrorist attacks in France. Anxiety disorders were measured using the Mini-International Neuropsychiatric Interview V6 and several other variables including terror exposure (comprising perceived level of exposure and real exposure level), sociodemographic characteristics, social support, mental health history, and access to psychological support resources. We developed a structural equation model to examine the interactions between these different factors. Postattack anxiety disorder prevalence in the medium and long terms was 16% and 14%, respectively. The main associated factors in the medium term were barriers to social support, perceived level of exposure, and a lack of psychological support resources. In the long term, the presence of anxiety disorders in the medium term and barriers to social support were directly associated with having anxiety disorders, while reexposure was indirectly associated. Barriers to social support played a crucial role in the prevalence of anxiety disorders in first responders following this traumatic event, both in the medium and long terms. Promoting stronger social cohesion and providing more psychological support resources following a disaster could help prevent anxiety disorders in this population.

Reactions to danger have been depicted as antisocial but research has shown that supportive behaviors (e.g., helping injured others, giving information or reassuring others) prevail in life-threatening circumstances. Why is it so? Previous accounts have put the emphasis on the role of psychosocial factors, such as the maintenance of social norms or the degree of identification between hostages. Other determinants, such as the possibility to escape and distance to danger may also greatly contribute to shaping people’s reactions to deadly danger. To examine the role of those specific physical constraints, we interviewed 32 survivors of the attacks at ‘Le Bataclan’ (on the evening of 13-11-2015 in Paris, France). Consistent with previous findings, supportive behaviors were frequently reported. We also found that impossibility to egress, minimal protection from danger and interpersonal closeness with other crowd members were associated with higher report of supportive behaviors. As we delved into the motives behind reported supportive behaviors, we found that they were mostly described as manifesting cooperative (benefits for both interactants) or altruistic (benefits for other(s) at cost for oneself) tendencies, rather than individualistic (benefits for oneself at cost for other(s)) ones. Our results show that supportive behaviors occur during mass shootings, particularly if people cannot escape, are under minimal protection from the danger, and feel interpersonal closeness with others. Crucially, supportive behaviors underpin a diversity of motives. This last finding calls for a clear-cut distinction between the social strategies people use when exposed to deadly danger, and the psychological motivations underlying them.

Summary Introduction. The correct diagnosis of epileptic seizures and non-epileptic attacks has a decisive influence on treatment, counseling and duration of possible work limitations. Diagnostic efforts should aim towards classifying the seizure as precisely as possible. For risk assessments, e.g. at the workplace, a close cooperation and networking of all professionals involved in the epilepsy treatment, care and consultation processes is required. Aim. To present guidelines for assessment of occupational capacity of persons with epilepsy and to discuss their value in clinical practice. Method and Material. The German employer’s liability insurance association has recently published the new revised BGI 585 Risk Assessment Guidelines (DGUV information 250-001) framework and assistance in epilepsy in view of protection against unfair dismissal. These guidelines provide information on safety and health in the workplace. Throughout all the German federal states, 24 Network teams were established. During the period January 2010 and December 2013, 374 employees with epilepsy were consulted by an expert member of Network Epilepsy and Work (NEA) Team, of which 80 were prospectively included in a study and scientifically evaluated. Guidelines and discussion. While conducting the risk assessment, a special medical fact check in accordance with the guidelines was used. In addition to medical aspects, the individual vocational and occupational situation was considered. Based on this assessment an individual recommendation was made relating to continuation of employment. The project NEA established regional teams of physicians, therapists, consultants from social services, employment offices and rehabilitation authorities across Germany in order to link by networks the complex medical and social aspects of reducing the risk of people with epilepsy losing their job. Results. It was shown that support and consultation through the NEA team led to an endangered position of employment being maintained in 70% of cases. Conclusion. In many cases, loss of employment can be prevented by consequent application of DGUV information 250-001 (recently revised from BGI 585) for risk assessment of epilepsy in employment, together with improved networking between medical professionals, occupational health professionals and social services.

Background Hereditary angioedema (HAE) is a rare disease that manifests as recurrent and debilitating angioedema attacks, significantly impacting patients’ quality of life. Objective To assess communication dynamics between patients with HAE and treating physicians and the impact this has on the treatment of HAE in the United States. Methods This observational study used an institutional review board–approved protocol to collect four sources of patient–physician communication data from the period between January 2015 and May 2017: in-office conversations between patients aged ≥18 years with HAE and physicians, follow-up dictations with physicians, telephone interviews with patients and physicians, and publicly available social media posts from patients. Participant language was qualitatively assessed and key communication elements and communication gaps identified. Results Twenty-five in-office conversations, 14 follow-up physician dictations, and 17 telephone interviews were conducted with a total of 29 unique patients, 4 caregivers, and 14 physicians. In-office conversations were generally physician-driven and focused primarily on symptom frequency, location, and severity; lexicon from both parties centered on “episodes” and “swelling.” During visits, impact on quality of life was not routinely assessed by physicians nor discussed proactively by patients; however, during telephone interviews and online, patients frequently described the multifaceted burden of HAE. Patients highlighted the difficulties they experience by using repetition, emphasis, and metaphors; they also varied the descriptors used for attacks depending on the communication goal. Physicians used intensifiers to emphasize the necessity of rescue medication access, whereas prophylactic treatments were positioned as an option for frequent or laryngeal attacks. Conclusion Vocabulary differences suggest that the full impact of HAE is not consistently communicated by patients to physicians during clinical visits, indicating the potential for misaligned understanding of disease burden. A patient-driven, rather than physician-driven approach to the discussions may elicit valuable information that could help to optimize treatment approaches.

On 27 August, 2015 two vessels with 550 migrants on board sank off the Libyan coast, and more than 400 persons were estimated to have drowned. Some credit this event as having coined the phrase ‘European refugee crisis’ that is still used to describe the present refugee situation in Europe. On 13 November 2015 a series of coordinated terrorist attacks took place in Paris and a northern suburb of the city. When a Syrian passport that belonged to an asylum seeker was found near the body of one of the gunmen, fear of Islamic State militants disguised as asylum seekers or refugees spread. This event, linked to similar tragedies that have occurred in many other countries before and since, evolved as a major symbol linking newcomers, and refugees in general, to terrorism and extreme forms of Islam. When observing newcomers and local people in different host countries, in addition to accompanying societal reactions to multiple traumas, medical problems, legal, political, financial and other practical issues and security concerns, there is always an increased investment in large-group identity by both refugees and persons in the host countries. This article does not explore the psychology of asylum seekers, immigrants or refugees. It describes what large-group identity is, how it develops and why a population’s preoccupation with physical borders increases. Its aim is to examine shared psychological processes in European countries and the United States that manifest when perception of newcomers as the dangerous Other takes place.

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to examine the role played by sport organizations in the community recovery efforts in Boston following the 2013 marathon bombings. Design/methodology/approach – Interview questions were created following initial site visits and content analysis of 40 media reports specifically dealing with social recovery efforts following the attacks. Six semi-structured interviews with professional team and organizational leaders were completed and analyzed to gain insight into the leader’s perspectives of the relief process. Finally, the media reports and interviews were reviewed and specific recovery efforts were classified into tangible, emotional, or informational support categories. Findings – The findings of this case study are specific to the disaster relief efforts in Boston, Massachusetts following the 2013 marathon bombings and therefore cannot be generalized beyond this scope. This paper provided focussed analysis of the reactions of several Boston area sport organizations during the immediate disaster recovery period. The long-term impacts of these efforts require further investigation. Practical implications – The examination of the viewpoints of the sport organization leaders following the disaster may provide insight for other sport organization leaders and civic officials as they prepare for future challenges. Originality/value – This paper provides a detailed examination of several sport organizations responses following the community disaster in Boston. It also provides unique perspectives from the sport organization leaders.

Despite its global recognition as a moderate Muslim country, Bangladesh has been experiencing increasing bouts of religious fundamentalism and militant activities since 2005. This phenomenon is not altogether novel to the country. During the Liberation War of 1971, Bengali freedom fighters faced staunch opposition from the Pakistani armed forces as well as Islamist militias under the control of Jamaat-e-Islami, an Islamist political party. Even after attaining its independence, Bangladesh has struggled to uphold the pillars of democracy and secularism due to political, social and religious drivers. Between January 2005 and June 2015, nearly 600 people have died in Islamic terrorist attacks in the country. These militant outfits either have close ties to or are part of Al Qaeda Indian Subcontinent (AQIS) and the Islamic State (ISIS). Despite such troubling signs and the fact that it is the fourth largest Muslim majority country in the world, Bangladesh has generally received little attention from academics of security studies. This paper aims to provide a comprehensive analysis of the drivers and trends of Sunni Salafi jihadist groups operating in Bangladesh to ascertain the implications for counterterrorism activities. Political, social and religious interventions that go beyond the hard approach must be undertaken to control the mounting threat of Islamist terrorism to the security and stability of the nation.

The discussion on media self-censorship has flourished in Iceland after the attacks on the Charlie Hebdo editorial offices in January 2015 and after some dramatic changes in the top management and owner-groups of some of the media firms. But what is this experience that journalists describe as self censorship? This paper attempts to answer two main research questions. On the one hand the question how journalists understand the concept of selfcensorship. On the other hand the question: what is the experience of Icelandic journalist of self-censorship? The approach is the one of a qualitative research and is based on interviews with six experienced journalists. The main findings suggest important influence of the social discourse on news and news values of journalists and their tendency for self-censorship. This discourse is partly directed by politicians and influential bloggers and also by a massive discussion by active social media users. Furthermore the findings suggest, that ownership and the location of the particular medium where a journalist works in the lineup of different commercial-political blocks in the media market, is important for self-censorship. Finally it seems that journalists understand the concept selfcensorship in a different manner and that it is important to define the term carefully if it is to be used as an analytical tool.

The considerable number of refugees fleeing to Europe has an impact on countries’ economic, political and social agenda, as well as the processes of society. The European refugee (migrant) crisis, which began in 2015, brought out not only different attitudes toward refugees among Eu­ropean Union politicians, but also revealed how diverse the coverage of na­tional media may get on the refugee topic. Refugees flee to Europe from various countries and diverse cultural back­grounds. However, society lacks the knowledge about their religious beliefs, lifestyles and outlooks. Moreover, the media has the power to decide which events and individuals to portray, and in such a way constructs the audi­ence’s perception about the world they live in. Refugee-related messages in the media usually occur in a negative context: terrorist attacks, refugee deaths, criminal activity and protests. However, the media does not only construct, but also has the power to change prejudice toward refugees, ensuring that one of its aims is interaction between diverse social groups. The author combines quantitative and qualitative research methods for media messages and analyzes dominant stereotypes about refugees in Lithu­anian online media. The types of refugee-related publications are also exam­ined. Three research periods were chosen: 1-31 July 2015, 1-30 November 2015 and 1-31 January 2016. The main goals are to theoretically discuss the media’s role and peculiarities in shaping certain images which society main­tains, as well as to define the stereotypes and their role in society. Lithuanian online newspapers are commercial institutions, which – in order to compete in the market – strive to engage consumers. Delivering mes­sages quickly and in large quantities often matters more than their content and the reliability of sources. This, in turn, leads to the information being distorted or superficial. Lithuanian newspapers construct a negative refugee image, where the most dominant images of refugees are as individuals who are uncontrollable, aggressive and prone to commit crime, being either gang members, terrorists or benefit recipients.

Post-operative alveolitis is a topical issue in dental practice, which is also reflected by the etiopathogenic aspects. The conservative principle requires the maintenance of dento-periodontal units in the arch for as long as possible, but there are situations where dental extraction is required. The healing process of the post-surgical wound is complex and involves processes of gingival mucosal regeneration and bone reshaping, involving several local factors: wound size, presence of infection, alveolar vascularization, intraalveolar foreign bodies, and general factors, especially general condition, age and body reactivity. The quality, structure, maintenance, and retraction of the clot are key factors in the formation of connective tissue during the healing of the post-extraction would. At the Oral and Maxillofacial Surgery Clinic of Gala�i, during a 2-year period between January 2015 and December 30, 2016, 2780 patients that required surgery - dental extraction were consulted and diagnosed. We found that among those 2780 patients with dental extractions 105 (3.77%) had post-treatment alveolitis. No post-surgical alveolitis from the case study was complicated by osteomyelitis of the jaws or by suppurations of the superficial or deep compartments of the face. The prophylactic measures in each dental extraction, together with the correct and timely curative treatment, combined with the dentist�s competence and responsibility, can shorten the time of suffering, actively combating the risk factor and accelerating the social reintegration of the patient with post-treatment alveolitis.

Background: Heretofore, leprosy remains one of the most stigmatizing diseases with serious social consequences. Patients with leprosy might develop inflammatory reactions that interrupt with stable and chronic disease which are called leprosy reactions. Type 1 leprosy reactions, also known as reversal reactions (RR), are caused by immune responses that initially decreases, then “reverses” to become more intense, leading to considerable disability. The aim of this study was to identify the prevalence, sociodemographic characteristics, and precipitating factors of reversal reaction in leprosy patients. Methods: This was a retrospective study with a cross-sectional design, with an approach to collecting data from the medical records of the Leprosy Clinic, Department of Dermatology and Venereology Dr. Hasan Sadikin General Hospital Bandung West Java, during January 2015–December 2019. Results: The results showed that 53 patients (24.7%) of the total 214 leprosy patients experienced a reversal reaction. The most frequent type of leprosy with reversal reaction was borderline lepromatous (BL) (56.5%). Most of the patients were male (68%), aged between 25–44 years (47.2%), unemployed patients (35.8%), and the last education was senior high school (71.7%). Physical stress was suspected as the most precipitating factor in reversal reaction patients (50.9%). Conclusions: The prevalence of leprosy patients with reversal reaction in a Tertiary Referral Hospital West Java, Indonesia is 24.7%, with various characteristics based on sociodemographic. Physical stress is suspected as the most precipitating factor of RR in leprosy patients. Early diagnosis of reversal reaction is important to prevent nerve damage and disability.

This interview with the philosopher Bernard Stiegler was conducted in Paris on 28 January 2015, and first appeared in Dutch translation in the journal De uil van Minerva. The conversation begins by discussing the fundamental place occupied by the concept of ‘technics’ in Stiegler’s work, and how the ‘constitutivity’ of technics does and does not relate to Kant and Husserl. Stiegler is then asked about his relationship with Deleuze, and he responds by focusing on the concept of quasi-causality, but also by arguing that there is a certain trajectory in Deleuze’s thought, situating his own philosophy in relation to its various moments. Stiegler is then asked to respond to the Charlie Hebdo terrorist attacks carried out three weeks prior to the interview. After making a couple of precautionary remarks, Stiegler relates such occurrences to the problem of what he calls ‘spiritual poverty’, to the intensification of ‘negative sublimation’ that can occur when there is a disconnection between the generations, and more generally to the growth of nihilism. All of these phenomena relate to the exploitation of technology by a virulent capitalism that irrationally believes that only the market is rational. After consideration of the complex historical relationship between Islam and modernization, and of both of these to Nietzsche’s ‘death of God’, and after recalling the destructive role played by the West in the rise of fundamentalism and jihadism, Stiegler concludes by reflecting on the fact that, ultimately, ‘intellectuals’ have failed to use technologies in ways that produce alternatives to consumerism.

Built as a hypertext work of electronic literature, “Alt-Right: Ctrl+A; Del” explores the social media fatigue experienced by a woman operating in online spaces. The work takes place from November 9 2016 to January 20 2017, during the pivotal moments of transition prior to Donald Trump’s inauguration. It is heavily influenced by the ongoing challenges faced by participants in social media discourse who are identifiable (or labeled) as other than white, heterosexual, cisgender men (Marciano, 2014). The fictionalised narrative of the work is presented alongside a day-by-day evolving timeline of tweets drawn from real social media discourse. The reader-player experiences both the mundane and the politically momentous, the true and the “fake” news sensations, while navigating through the daily pressures of life which present their own source of exhaustion and challenges. Ultimately, the reader-player must decide to what extent it is worth engaging with the incendiary discourse, and these decisions shape the reputation of the character’s online persona. The choice to engage in political discourse will inevitably result in eventually catching the attention of a horde of procedurally-generated trolls (Phillips 2015), while refraining from participating will leave the character relatively invisible and disengaged from both the media platform and source of social connection. The reader-player must balance the demands of social media to present an active persona to their followers with the personal needs of a human who must cope with the results of harassment from a faceless flood.This work serves both as fictional response and real collection of social media moments from a pivotal period in US political history, inviting the reader-player to think about the apparent “post-truth” state (Suiter 2016) and the ensuing challenges it presents to would-be participants who occupy activist personas in tense and dangerous networked spaces. As an archive, it attempts to capture something that is inherently ephemeral: the in-the-moment experience of the timeline (Zhao et al. 2013). Drawn from the authors’ own social networks, these juxtapositions are difficult to reconstruct with existing social media tools, as Twitter resists the backwards-seeking gaze directly and requires APIs and directed searches to observe past tweets (Burgess & Bruns 2012). The central mechanic of consequences for speech is directly inspired by targeted harassment campaigns in recent social media history. The misogynist, word-focused hunting of Gamergate, which demonstrated the effectiveness of hashtag-driven mobbing at silencing discourse, is the inspiration for the procedural trolling model encountered as endgame (Chess & Shaw 2015). These tactics have been on display across the political spectrum during the election, as demonstrated by the attacks of “Bernie Bros”, or automated chatbots labeled as such, on Hillary Clinton supporters (Wilz 2016). The game invites both active political participants online and those who refrain to consider their position and motivations, and particularly how the specter of online harassment haunts the decision-making process of constructing a social media persona.

ObjectivesThe 1995 Great Hanshin-Awaji Earthquake had an enormous negative impact on survivors’ health. Many survivors experienced psychological distress and their long-term psychological recovery process remains unclear. Our objective was thus to explore this long-term psychological recovery process.DesignQualitative study.SettingFrom January to December 2015, face-to-face interviews were conducted in Kobe, Japan.Participants20 affected survivors (55% female; ages ranged from 7 to 60 at the time of the disaster)—10 volunteer storytellers, six first responders (firefighters/public health nurses) and four post-traumatic stress disorder patients.Outcome measuresWe asked participants about their experiences and psychological distress relating to the earthquake and what facilitated or hindered their psychological recovery. We analysed interview data using constructivist grounded theory.ResultsParticipants experienced diverse emotional reactions immediately after the disaster and often hyperfocused on what they should do now. This hyperfocused state led to both mental and physical health problems several months after the disaster. Months, and sometimes years, after the disaster, guilt and earthquake narratives (ie, expressing thoughts and feelings about the earthquake) played key roles in survivors’ psychological recovery: guilt suppressed their earthquake narrative; conversely, the narrative alleviated feelings of distress about the earthquake. In time, participants reconsidered their earthquake experiences both alone and through social interaction. This alleviated their emotional reactions; however, participants still experienced attenuated emotional reactions, and some hid their feelings of distress even 20 years postdisaster. Interpersonal relationships modified this psychological process both positively and negatively.ConclusionsFuture psychosocial support plans for disaster survivors may need to (1) include both mental and physical care in the transition from the acute phase to the recovery phase; (2) facilitate supportive interpersonal relationships for survivors during the mid-term recovery phase and (3) provide long-term psychological support to the most traumatised survivors, even if they appear to be functioning normally.

Purpose: The current study aimed to test the impact of two religious months on the return behaviour of the gold market in Pakistan under informational efficiency hypothesis i.e. to empirically test the semi-strong form of EMH in gold market for religious calendar anomaly. Methodology: Weekly gold prices in rupees per one gram that prevailed in Pakistan for the period January 2007 till December 2015 were selected, summing up to 468 observations. Data was taken from World Gold Council and the Bullion-rate database. Event methodology was employed for capturing and analyzing the pre and post event reactions by calculating abnormal returns. Furthermore, average security return variability was employed for robustness check. Main Findings: Opposing results were achieved for both the lunar calendar occurrences where the gold market is inefficient for the month of Ramazan but is found efficient in Muharram's case concluding into mixed evidence and findings. Implications/Applications: The contribution of this study differs from previous gold studies in two aspects; first the research investigated the effect of Ramazan and Muharram as Islamic calendar events, and second is that gold market prices of Pakistan that had not been examined earlier. So this study is adding to the literature in the sense of examining the new relationship in Pakistan. Novelty/Originality of this study: Extensive literature can be found about the global gold market that tested the weak form efficiency, but empirical evidence related to the semi-strong form efficiency of the gold market in Pakistan is not available neither the calendar anomaly related to the gold market is available. The dynamics of this very highly valuable and volatile asset market require investigation of such type.

Abstract Purpose We explore how we can best predict violent attacks with injury using a limited set of information on (a) previous violence, (b) previous knife and weapon carrying, and (c) violence-related behaviour of known associates, without analysing any demographic characteristics. Data Our initial data set consists of 63,022 individuals involved in 375,599 events that police recorded in Merseyside (UK) from 1 January 2015 to 18 October 2018. Methods We split our data into two periods: T1 (initial 2 years) and T2 (the remaining period). We predict “violence with injury” at time T2 as defined by Merseyside Police using the following individual-level predictors at time T1: violence with injury; involvement in a knife incident and involvement in a weapon incident. Furthermore, we relied on social network analysis to reconstruct the network of associates at time T1 (co-offending network) for those individuals who have committed violence at T2, and built three additional network-based predictors (associates’ violence; associates’ knife incident; associates’ weapon incident). Finally, we tackled the issue of predicting violence (a) through a series of robust logistic regression models using a bootstrapping method and (b) through a specificity/sensitivity analysis. Findings We found that 7720 individuals committed violence with injury at T2. Of those, 2004 were also present at T1 (27.7%) and co-offended with a total of 7202 individuals. Regression models suggest that previous violence at time T1 is the strongest predictor of future violence (with an increase in odds never smaller than 123%), knife incidents and weapon incidents at the individual level have some predictive power (but only when no information on previous violence is considered), and the behaviour of one’s associates matters. Prior association with a violent individual and prior association with a knife-flagged individual were the two strongest network predictors, with a slightly stronger effect for knife flags. The best performing regressors are (a) individual past violence (36% of future violence cases correctly identified); (b) associates’ past violence (25%); and (c) associates’ knife involvement (14%). All regressors are characterised by a very high level of specificity in predicting who will not commit violence (80% or more). Conclusions Network-based indicators add to the explanation of future violence, especially prior association with a knife-flagged individual and association with a violent individual. Information about the knife involvement of associates appears to be more informative than a subject’s own prior knife involvement.

For some time already, the international security community has been at a crossroads and looking for new right directions. The established operational guidelines have changed, and in some areas, it seems that they simply no longer exist. There are many factors which have had an effect on the relatively high level of security we have witnessed in the last few years. The financial crisis, which started to show its teeth in 2008 and 2009, has seriously changed the European armed forces, their structure, organization and development. Many comforted themselves that this does not constitute a significant problem, since we are relatively safe. Public opinion surveys in Slovenia revealed that most of all, people feel threatened by natural disasters and socio-economic situation. However, gradually but relatively quickly, everything has changed. In the spring of 2014, Crimea held a referendum on its annexation to the Russian Federation. The rattling of weapons began, provoking different reactions in the international community and resulting in altered relations between NATO and Russia. These changes were also discussed at the July NATO Summit in Warsaw. Two years earlier, in 2012, the media increasingly reported on the soaring migration problems in the Mediterranean Sea and difficulties suffered by Italy due to those phenomena. By the end of last year, migrations from the Southeast reached unimaginable proportions and gave a profound shock to the foundations of the European Union. Some terrorist attacks in European cities, which were said to be organized and carried out by migrants, had a significant impact on the altered understanding of the new (in)security. Some experts adopted a scientific approach to the new understanding of safety. The Defence Research Centre of the Faculty of Social Sciences, for example, published the results of a survey on the opinions of the Slovenian public regarding safety, which was carried out in 2015/2016. Among other things, the findings show that the recent migrant crisis has affected the Slovenian public, which perceives mass migrations as well as illegal and economic migrants as an important reason of concern. The authors of the survey observed a marked increase in the acceptance of the idea that in the protection of borders from illegal crossings, the Police are assisted by the Slovenian Armed Forces. A significantly high number of people also agreed with the idea that the armed forces should help in the fight against terrorism which, before the occurrence of mass migrations, was unthinkable. According to the authors of the survey, in the last three years, the support of the Slovenian public to the participation of Slovenia in international operations and missions has also grown by more than 20 percent. In addition, the proportion of the public which supports proposals to increase the defence budget has gone up. But will it actually increase, and how soon? We are still waiting for the new European defence strategy. We are anticipating new solutions, agreements between the decision-makers, etc. In the meantime, different authors went through various experiences. Some of them have decided to share them with our readers. In his article Fourth Generation Warfare: Geopolitical Framework to Slovenian Security (Part 1),Viktor Potočnik explores the issue of how geopolitics impacts the global security situation, what are the contemporary security risks and how they can affect Slovenia. In ensuring national security, the Slovenian Armed Forces play an important role. Consequently, Potočnik raises the question of whether they have a sufficient level of readiness to withstand potential risks, and presents the facts which he believes can have a key influence on the Slovenian national security. Cyber threats represent one of the most modern forms of security threats. In the previous issue of the Contemporary Military Challenges, Vinko Vegič provided the definition of cyber threats. This issue continues this theme with the article NATO and Cyber Deterrence, written by Staša Novak. According to her, NATO is de facto already pursuing certain elements of cyber deterrence based on strong defence, declaratory policy and responsive measures. However, responsive measures are not NATO offensive cyber capabilities, but the possibility of a collective defence response to a cyber attack, which implies a response with all available means. The increased number of migrants on their way to a better future has surprised many people in the Balkans, although numerous institutions and individuals had warned of this possibility before. Some experiences and responses of Slovenia’s neighbour, Hungary, are presented in an article by József Padányi and László Földi, titled Lessons Learned for the Hungarian Defence Forces from the Deployment of Engineer Obstacles during the 2015 Europe-Wide Mass-Migration Emergency. The article focuses mainly on the activities of the Hungarian armed forces. Metodi Hadji-Janev and Marija Jankuloska point out that the region of South- Eastern Europe has witnessed some examples of terrorist attacks and observe that the use of drones for countering global terrorism proved to be effective. Their article The Challenges of Drone Usage by Southeast European Countries examines the possibilities of their use in the home region. In his article titled Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant and the International Fight against It, József Kis-Benedek discusses the origins of this phenomenon and its manifestations in various Middle East countries, as well as the response of those countries and other international actors who share an interest in this part of the world. He also calls attention to the question of the Kurds and the emergence of volunteer fighters who are coming to Syria and Iraq to fight. The Battalion Battle Group and the evaluation of its training is the subject of the article titled Battle Group Training Cycle, in which Aleš Avsec compares the methods of training of these units in the Slovenian Armed Forces with the training of similar units in the United States of America. Is it even possible to compare two countries which are that different?

Introduction: Acute hepatic porphyria (AHP) is a family of rare genetic diseases due to enzyme defects in hepatic heme biosynthesis. Induction of 5-aminolevulinic acid synthase 1 (ALAS1), the rate-limiting step in heme biosynthesis, leads to accumulation of heme intermediates, 5-aminolevulinic acid (ALA) and porphobilinogen (PBG) that may result in neurovisceral attacks. ENVISION (NCT03338816) is an ongoing study, evaluating efficacy and safety of givosiran in symptomatic AHP patients in a 6-month double blind (DB) period and a 30-month open label extension (OLE) period. While the efficacy and safety profile of givosiran has previously been reported in the DB period, here its effect through Month 18 of the OLE period is reported. Methods: ENVISION is an ongoing Phase 3 global, randomized, placebo-controlled study. Exploratory efficacy outcome measures in the OLE included composite porphyria attacks (i.e. those requiring hospitalization, urgent care, or IV-hemin at home), ALA/PBG levels and hemin use. In addition, quality of life assessments (Physical Component Summary Short Form-12 [PCS SF-12], EuroQoL Visual analog scale [EQ-VAS]), the Porphyria Patient Experience Questionnaire (PPEQ), and missed days of work were assessed. Analyses were descriptive and represent the timepoint after which all patients completed at least their Month 18 visit (01/10/2020). Results: As of January 10, 2020, 94 patients completed the DB period and 93 patients entered the OLE (placebo/givosiran=46; givosiran/givosiran=47). Mean exposure to givosiran at data cutoff was 12.97 [SD=3.6] months for placebo/givosiran and 18.86 [3.6] months for givosiran/givosiran, with maximum exposure of 25.1 months. Continued treatment in givosiran/givosiran patients led to a median annualized attack rate (AAR) of 0.58 (range: 0-16.2) through Month 18. Patients in the placebo/givosiran group had an AAR of 1.62 (range: 0-11.8) after receiving givosiran for ≥12 months during the OLE period, compared with 10.65 (range: 0-51.6) whilst receiving placebo during the 6-month DB period. The average number of attacks per patient over time following givosiran treatment continued to decline during the OLE period for both groups (Figure 1). Sustained ALA/PBG lowering during the OLE was accompanied by sustained reductions in hemin use, and more than half of the placebo/givosiran patients experienced 0 days of hemin use. Improvements in PCS SF-12 scores at Month 6 (mean change from baseline=+5.1 [SD=9.0]) were maintained at Month 18 (mean change from baseline=+7.0 [7.0]) for givosiran/givosiran patients, with similar improvements observed in placebo/givosiran patients at Month 18 (mean change from baseline=+9.9 [8.2]). Continued givosiran treatment in givosiran/givosiran patients led to further improvements in EQ VAS compared with DB period (mean change from baseline 5.2 at completion of the DB period [SD=22.2] and 13.7 [22.5] at Month 18 during the OLE period), with placebo/givosiran patients also showing improvements at Month 18 (mean change from baseline 8.3 [SD=18.5]). Placebo/givosiran patients reported improvements in PPEQ scores (traveling, social activities, planning future events, household chores, exercise, and treatment satisfaction) since initiating givosiran, comparable to the improvement observed in the givosiran group during the DB period. Additionally there was a decrease in the number of work days missed due to porphyria in the past 4 weeks at Month 6 (mean=6.7 days [SD=7.8], n=20/46) compared with Month 18 (2.5 [5.1], n=23/46), for patients in the placebo/givosiran group who were able to work. The most common related adverse events (AEs) occurring during givosiran treatment were injection site reactions, nausea and fatigue. Hepatic and renal events were both reported in 17% of patients each during givosiran treatment. No new safety concerns occurred in the OLE compared with DB period. Conclusion: In the ongoing OLE period of the ENVISION study, patients receiving long-term treatment with givosiran demonstrated a durable response in clinical efficacy, across a wide range of clinical parameters. Following the initial 6 months of givosiran treatment during the OLE, placebo/givosiran patients had a similar clinical response to that observed in givosiran/givosiran patients in the OLE period through Month 18. The safety profile of givosiran remained acceptable and consistent with that previously observed. Disclosures Kuter: Bristol-Myers Squibb: Consultancy, Honoraria, Other: Travel Expenses, Research Funding; Dova: Consultancy, Honoraria; Momenta: Consultancy, Honoraria; Argenx: Consultancy, Honoraria, Other: Travel Expenses, Research Funding; Agios: Consultancy, Honoraria, Other: Travel Expenses, Research Funding; Daiichi Sankyo: Consultancy, Honoraria; Actelion (Syntimmune): Consultancy, Honoraria, Other: Travel Expenses, Research Funding; Protalex: Consultancy, Honoraria, Research Funding; Shionogi: Consultancy; UCB: Consultancy, Honoraria; Platelet Disorder Support Association: Consultancy, Honoraria; Pfizer: Consultancy, Honoraria; Novartis: Consultancy, Honoraria; Caremark: Consultancy, Honoraria; CRICO: Consultancy, Honoraria; Immunovant: Other: Travel Expenses, Research Funding; Kezar Life Sciences, Inc: Other, Research Funding; Principia Biopharma: Consultancy, Honoraria, Other, Research Funding; Protalex: Consultancy, Honoraria, Other, Research Funding; Sanofi (Genzyme): Consultancy, Honoraria; Genzyme: Consultancy, Honoraria; Immunovant: Consultancy, Honoraria; Incyte: Consultancy, Honoraria; Kyowa-Kirin: Consultancy, Honoraria; Merck Sharp Dohme: Consultancy, Honoraria; Protalix Biotherapeutics: Consultancy; Principia: Consultancy, Research Funding; Shire: Consultancy, Honoraria; Shionogi: Consultancy, Honoraria; Up-To-Date: Consultancy, Honoraria, Patents & Royalties; Zafgen: Consultancy, Honoraria; Takeda (Bioverativ): Consultancy, Honoraria, Other, Research Funding; Rigel: Consultancy, Honoraria, Other, Research Funding; Alnylam: Consultancy, Honoraria, Other: Travel Expenses, Research Funding; Amgen: Consultancy, Honoraria, Other: Travel Expenses, Research Funding. Rees:AstraZeneca: Other: Data monitoring committee membership; Novartis: Consultancy, Honoraria; TauRx: Other: Data And Safety Monitoring; Alnylam Pharmaceuticals: Consultancy, Honoraria; Emmanus Medical: Consultancy, Honoraria. Ventura:Alnylam Pharmaceuticals: Consultancy, Honoraria; Recordati Rare Diseases: Consultancy, Honoraria. Balwani:Recordati Rare Diseases: Consultancy, Honoraria, Other: Disease information video recording; Alnylam Pharmaceuticals: Consultancy, Honoraria, Research Funding. Gouya:Alnylam Pharmaceuticals: Consultancy, Honoraria, Other: Scientific meeting. Simon:Alnylam Pharmaceuticals: Current Employment, Current equity holder in publicly-traded company. Liu:Alnylam Pharmaceuticals: Current Employment, Current equity holder in publicly-traded company. Ko:Alnylam Pharmaceuticals: Current Employment, Current equity holder in publicly-traded company. Rhyee:Alnylam Pharmaceuticals: Current Employment, Current equity holder in publicly-traded company. Silver:Alnylam Pharmaceuticals: Other: Travel reimbursement, Research Funding; Blue Care Network: Consultancy; Oncology Business Review: Speakers Bureau.

The pandemic of COVID-19 has afflicted every individual and has initiated a cascade of directly or indirectly involved events in precipitating mental health issues. The human species is a wanderer and hunter-gatherer by nature, and physical social distancing and nationwide lockdown have confined an individual to physical isolation. The present review article was conceived to address psychosocial and other issues and their aetiology related to the current pandemic of COVID-19. The elderly age group has most suffered the wrath of SARS-CoV-2, and social isolation as a preventive measure may further induce mental health issues. Animal model studies have demonstrated an inappropriate interacting endogenous neurotransmitter milieu of dopamine, serotonin, glutamate, and opioids, induced by social isolation that could probably lead to observable phenomena of deviant psychosocial behavior. Conflicting and manipulated information related to COVID-19 on social media has also been recognized as a global threat. Psychological stress during the current pandemic in frontline health care workers, migrant workers, children, and adolescents is also a serious concern. Mental health issues in the current situation could also be induced by being quarantined, uncertainty in business, jobs, economy, hampered academic activities, increased screen time on social media, and domestic violence incidences. The gravity of mental health issues associated with the pandemic of COVID-19 should be identified at the earliest. Mental health organization dedicated to current and future pandemics should be established along with Government policies addressing psychological issues to prevent and treat mental health issues need to be developed. References World Health Organization (WHO) Coronavirus Disease (COVID-19) Dashboard. 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Introduction: There are numerous methods of isolating and detecting organisms that are similar and closely related; one of the most reliable method is molecular typing of 16S rRNA. Apart from being omnipresent as a multigene family, or operons; it is evolutionarily stable; the 16S rRNA gene (1,500 bp) is large enough for informatics purposes. Materials and Method: This study employed molecular sequencing of 16S rRNA by Sanger method to reveal the specific organisms’ nucleotides and blasting (BLASTn) to show the similarities between the resulting organisms and existing organisms. The 16S rRNA remains the best choice of identification process for bacteria because of its distinguishing sizes and evolutionary stability. Results: All isolates were Gram positive rods and were positive in Biochemical tests such as oxidase, catalase, citrate, and protease but were in turn negative in coagulase and indole test tests. On sensitivity test; 80% of all the isolates were resistant to common antibiotics except ciprofloxacin and ceftriaxone. Based on the sequence difference in the variable region (V1) of 16S rRNA as observed from the molecular sequencing results; four isolates out of ten were identified. Six were different strains of B cereus. Others isolates include: wiedmannii, thuringensis, toyonensis and pseudomycoides. Sequence analysis of the primer annealing sites showed that there is no clear‐cut difference in the conserved region of 16S rRNA, and in the gyrB gene, between B. cereus and B. thuringiensis strains. Phylogenetic analysis showed that four isolates showed high similarity to each other; hence the limited number of deletions when subjected to alignments by maximum neighborhood joining parsimony using MEGA X software. B. toyonensis, B. wiedmannii and thuringensis were distantly related. Introduction Authors Pathogens cause illness and death in some countries and it also causes infections and gastrointestinal diseases in other countries thereby causing public health concern. Pathogens are organisms capable of causing diseases. Reliable methods are needed for the detection of pathogens due to pathogen evolution as a result of new human habits or new industrial practices. Microbial classification of organisms ranges from genus to specie level depending upon the technique used either phenotypic or genotypic. Presently, molecular methods now obtain advances to allow utilization in microbiology [1]. There are numerous molecular methods which are of fast and simple application to the detection of pathogen. Among the pathogens involved in human health, Bacillus cereus is interesting due to their ability to survive in various habitats [2]. The genus Bacillus is aerobic or facultative anaerobic bacteria, gram positive spore forming rod shaped bacteria. Which can be characterized by two morphological forms, the vegetative cell which range from 1.02 to 1.2 um in width and from 3.0 to 5.0 in length, it can be straight or slightly curve, motile or non-motile, and the endospore (the non-swelling sporangium). The genus Bacillus is been characterized by the presence of endospore, which is not more than one per cell and they are resistant to many adverse environmental conditions such as heat, radiation, cold and disinfectants. It can also respire either in the presence or absence of oxygen [3]. Cell diameter of Bacillus cereus, sporangium and catalase test do not allow differentiation, where as important in differentiation among B. anthracis, B. cereus, B. thuringiensis can be considered by parasporal crystals and the presence of capsule. [4] Showed a B. thuringiensis strain capable of producing a capsule resembling that of B. anthracis. Most species of the genus display a great kind in physiological characteristics such as degradation of cellulose, starch, pectin, agar, hydrocarbons, production of enzymes and antibiotics and other characteristic such as acidophile, alkalinophile, psychrophile, and thermophile's which allows them to adapt to various environmental conditions [5]. In differentiating between species of the genus Bacillus it was difficult at early attempts when endospore formation and aerobic respiration were the main character used for classification. As reported by many authors that at molecular method level, the differentiation between B. thuringiensis and B. cereus is also very difficult. cereus can survive at the temperature between 4°c and 55°c. The mesophile strains can grow between the temperature of 10°c and 42°c, while psychotropic strains can survive at 4°c, whereas other strains are able to grow at 52 to 55°c. B. cereus vegetative cells grow at pH between 1.0 and 5.2. Heat resistant strain can survive and multiply in wet low acid foods in temperature ranging from 5 to 52°c. The survivability of B. cereus spores at 95°c decreases when the pH level decreases from 6.2 to 4.7 [6]. B. cereus can grow in the presence of salt with concentration up to 7.5% depending on the pH value. thuringiensis possesses a protein crystal that is toxic to insects. This toxin protein was first known as parasporal crystalline inclusion but was later referred to as π - endotoxin or in other ways known as insecticidal crystal protein [7]. Strains of B. thuringiensis bacteria possess a wide range of specificity in various orders of insects such as Lepidoptera, dipteral, coleoptera. These strains of bacteria produce crystalline proteins known as cry protein during sporulation. When B. thuringiensis infects an insects, it will cause the insect to loose appetite, enhances slow movement and over time the insect will die due to crystals of proteins that have been dissolved in the insect's stomach. In the cultivation of vegetable crops, the plant can be attack by many types of pests. Hence, in overcoming pest attacks farmers often use pesticides that contain active synthetic materials. Many negative effects arise from the folly use of chemical pesticides. Among the negative effect is the increase of pest population, resistance, death of natural enemy population and increase in residue level on Agricultural product which makes it unsafe for public consumption [8]. Therefore, it is necessary to find an alternative method in the control of crop pest. The best alternative that can be done is to replace the chemical insecticide with biological control which involves the use of living things in the form of microorganisms. In these profiling microbial communities, the main objective is to identify which bacteria and how much they are present in the environments. Most microbial profiling methods focus on the identification and quantification of bacteria with already sequenced genomes. Further, most methods utilize information obtained from entire genomes. Homology-based methods such as [1–4] classify sequences by detecting homology in reads belonging to either an entire genome or only a small set of marker genes. Composition-based methods generally use conserved compositional features of genomes for classification and as such they utilize less computational resources.Using the 16S rRNA gene instead of whole genome information is not only computational efficient but also economical; Illumina indicated that targeted sequencing of a focused region of interest reduces sequencing costs and enables deep sequencing, compared to whole-genome sequencing. On the other hand, as observed by [8], by focusing exclusively on one gene, one might lose essential information for advanced analyses. We, however, will provide an analysis that demonstrates that at least in the context of oral microbial communities, the 16S rRNA gene retains sufficient information to allow us detect unknown bacteria [9, 10]. This study aimed at employing 16S rRNA as an instrument of identification of seemingly close Bacillus species. Abbreviations BLAST, Basic Local Alignment sequence Tools; PCR, Polymerase Chains reactions; rRNA, ribosomal RNA; Material and methods T Sample collection. Soil samples were collected from three sources from Rice, Sugar Cane, vegetables and abandoned farmland in January 2019. The samples were labeled serially from Sample 1 to Sample 10 (S1 to S10). Bacterial culture: A serial dilution of 10 folds was performed. Bacterial suspension was diluted (10-10) with saline water and 100 μl of bacterial suspension werespread on Nutrient Agar plate and incubated for 24 hours. Bacterial colonies were isolated and grown in Nutrient Broth and nutrient agar. Other microbiological solid agar used include: Chocolate, Blood Agar, EMB, MacConkey, Simon citrate, MRS Agar. Bacteria were characterized by conventional technique by the use of morphological appearance and performance on biochemical analysis [11]. Identification of bacteria:The identification of bacteria was based on morphological characteristics and biochemical tests carried out on the isolates. Morphological characteristics observed for each bacteria colony after 24 h of growth included colony appearance; cell shape, color, optical characteristics, consistency, colonial appearance and pigmentation. Biochemical characterizations were performed according to the method of [12] Catalase test: A small quantity of 24 h old culture was transferred into a drop of 3% Hydrogen peroxide solution on a clean slide with the aid of sterile inoculating loop. Gas seen as white froth indicates the presence of catalase enzyme [13] on the isolates. DNA Extraction Processes The extraction processes was in four phase which are: Collection of cell, lyses of cell, Collection of DNA by phenol, Concentration and purification of DNA. Collection of cell: the pure colonyof the bacteria culture was inoculated into a prepared sterile nutrient broth. After growth is confirmed by the turbidity of the culture, 1.5ml of the culture was taken into a centrifuge tube and was centrifuge at 5000 rpm for 5 minutes; the supernatant layer was discarded leaving the sediment. Lyses of cell: 400 microns of lyses buffer is added to the sediment and was mixed thoroughly and allow to stand for five minutes at room temperature (25°c). 200 microns of Sodium Dodecyl Sulfate (SDS) solution was added for protein lyses and was mixed gently and incubated at 65°c for 10 minutes. Collection of DNA by phenol; 500 microns of phenol chloroform was added to the solution for the separation of DNA, it was mixed completely and centrifuge at 10,000 rpm for 10 minutes. The white pallet seen at the top of the tube after centrifugation is separated into another sterile tube and 1micron of Isopropanol is added and incubated for 1hour at -20°c for precipitation of DNA. The DNA is seen as a colorless liquid in the solution. Concentration and purification of DNA: the solution was centrifuge at 10,000 rpm for 10 minutes. The supernatant layer was discarded and the remaining DNA pellets was washed with 1micron of 17% ethanol, mixed and centrifuge at 10,000 rpm for 10 minutes. The supernatant layer was discarded and air dried. 60 micron TE. Buffer was added for further dissolving of the DNA which was later stored at -40°c until it was required for use [14]. PCR Amplification This requires the use of primers (Forward and Reverse), polymerase enzyme, a template DNA and the d pieces which includedddATP, ddGTP and ddTTP, ddNTP. All this are called the master mix. The PCR reactions consist of three main cycles. The DNA sample was heated at 940c to separate the two template of the DNA strand which was bonded by a hydrogen bond. Once both strand are separated the temperature is reduced to 570c (Annealing temperature). This temperature allows the binding of the forward and reverse primers to the template DNA. After binding the temperature is raised back to 720c which leads to the activation of polymerase enzyme and its start adding d NTPs to the DNA leading to the synthesize of new strands. The cycles were repeated several times in order to obtain millions of the copies of the target DNA [15]. Preparation of Agarose Gel One gram (1 g) of agarose for DNA was measured or 2 g of agarose powdered will be measured for PCR analysis. This done by mixing the agarose powder with 100 ml 1×TAE in a microwaveable flask and microwaved for 1-3 minutes until the agarose is completely dissolved (do not over boil the solution as some of the buffer will evaporate) and thus alter the final percentage of the agarose in the gel. Allow the agarose solution to cool down to about 50°c then after five minutes 10µL was added to EZ vision DNA stain. EZ vision binds to the DNA and allows one to easily visualize the DNA under ultra violet (UV) light. The agarose was poured into the gel tray with the well comb firmly in place and this was placed in newly poured gel at 4°c for 10-15 mins or it sit at room temperature for 20-30 mins, until it has completely solidified[16]. Loading and Running of samples on Agarose gel The agarose gel was placed into the chamber, and the process of electrophoresis commenced with running buffer introduced into the reservoir at the end of the chamber until it the buffer covered at least 2millimeter of the gel. It is advisable to place samples to be loaded in the correct order according to the lanes they are assigned to be running. When loading the samples keep the pipette tip perpendicular to the row of the wells as by supporting your accustomed hand with the second hand; this will reduce the risk of accidentally puncturing the wells with the tip. Lower the tip of the pipette until it breaks the surface of the buffer and is located just above the well. Once all the samples have been loaded it is advised to always avoid any movement of the gel chamber. This might result in the sample spilling into adjacent well. Place the lid on the gel chamber with the terminal correctly positioned to the matching electrodes on the gel chamber black to black and red to red. Remember that DNA is negatively charged hence the movement of the electric current from negatively charged to the positively charged depending on the bandwidth in Kilobytes. Once the electrode is connected to the power supply, switch ON the power supply then set the correct constant voltage (100) and stopwatch for proper time. Press the start button to begin the flow of current that will separate the DNA fragment.After few minutes the samples begins to migrate from the wells into the gel. As the DNA runs, the diaphragm moves from the negative electrode towards the positive electrode [17]. PCR mix Components and Sanger Sequencing This is made up of primers which is both Forward and Reverse, the polymerase enzyme (Taq), a template DNA and the pieces of nucleotides which include: ddNTP, ddATP, ddGTP and ddTTP. Note that the specific Primer’s sequences for bacterial identification is: 785F 5' (GGA TTA GAT ACC CTG GTA) 3', 27F 5' (AGA GTT TGA TCM TGG CTC AG) 3', 907R 5' (CCG TCA ATT CMT TTR AGT TT) 3', 1492R 5' (TAC GGY TAC CTT GTT ACG ACT T) 3' in Sanger Sequencing techniques. BLAST The resulting genomic sequence were assembled and submitted in GenBank at NCBI for assignment of accession numbers. The resultant assertion numbers were subjected to homology search by using Basic Local Alignment Search Tool (BLAST) as NCBI with the assertion number MW362290, MW362291, MW362292, MW362293, MW362294 and MW362295 respectively. Whereas, the other isolates’ accession numbers were retrieved from NCBI GenBank which are:AB 738796.1, JH792136.1, MW 015768.1 and MG745385.1.MEGA 5.2 software was used for the construction of phylogenetic tree and phylogenetic analysis. All the organisms possess 100% identities, 0% gaps and 0.0% E.value which indicated that the organisms are closely related to the existing organisms. The use of 16S rRNA is the best identification process for bacteria because 16S rRNA gene has a distinguishing size of about 500 bases until 1500bp. Rather than using 23S rRNA which is of higher variation, The 16S rRNA is adopted in prokaryotes. 18S rRNA is used for identification in Eukaryotes Results The results of both the conventional morphological and cultural identification was correlated with the molecular sequencing results. Six isolates were confirmed B. cereus species while the other four isolates were. B. wiedmannii, B. thuringiensis, B. toyonensis and B. pseudomycoides.The 16S rRNA sequence of six isolates MW 362290.1- MW362295.1 were assigned accession numbers and deposited in the GenBank while the other four sequences were aligned to those available in the NCBI database. The alignment results showed closely relatedness to LT844650.1with an identity of 100% to 92.2% as above. The six isolates of Bacillus cereus great evolutionary relatedness as shown in the phylogenetic tree constructed using MEGA X software. Results The results of both the conventional morphological and cultural identification was correlated with the molecular sequencing results. Six isolates were confirmed B. cereus species while the other four isolates were. B. wiedmannii, B. thuringiensis, B. toyonensis and B. pseudomycoides.The 16S rRNA sequence of six isolates MW 362290.1- MW362295.1 were assigned accession numbers and deposited in the GenBank while the other four sequences were aligned to those available in the NCBI database. The alignment results showed closely relatedness to LT844650.1with an identity of 100% to 92.2% as above. The six isolates of Bacillus cereus great evolutionary relatedness as shown in the phylogenetic treeconstructed using MEGA X software. Discussion The results obtained in this study is consistent with the previous studies in other countries22,23 The results of the phylogenetic analysis of the 16S rRNA isolate of in this study was similar to the housekeeping genes proposed by [18, 19]. In comparing this study with the earlier study, B. cereus group comprising other species of Bacillus was hypothesized to be considered to form a single species with different ecotypes and pathotype. This study was able to phenotypically differentiated B. thuringiensis, B. pseudomycoides, B. toyonensis, B. wiedmannii and B. cereus sensu strito. Despite differences at the colonial appearance level, the 16S rRNA sequences have homology ranging from 100% to 92% providing insufficient resolution at the species level [6, 7, 18].After analysis through various methods, the strain was identified as Gram-positive bacteria of Bacillus cereus with a homology of 99.4%. Cohan [20] demonstrated that 95–99% of the similarity of 16S rRNA gene sequence between two bacteria hints towards a similar species while >99% indicates the same bacteria.The phylogenetic tree showed that B. toyonensis, B. thuringiensis and B. wiedmanniiare the outgroups of B. cereus group while B. pseudomycoides are most closely related to B. cereus group [19, 21, 22]. Conclusion In the area of molecular epidemiology, genotypic typing method has greatly increased our ability to differentiate between micro-organisms at the intra and interspecies levels and have become an essential and powerful tool. Phenotypic method will still remain important in diagnostic microbiology and genotypic method will become increasingly popular. After analysis through various methods, the strain was identified as Gram-positive bacteria of Bacillus cereus with a homology of between 100% and 92.3%. Acknowledgments Collate acknowledgments in a separate section at the end of the article before the references, not as a footnote to the title. Use the unnumbered Acknowledgements Head style for the Acknowledgments heading. List here those individuals who provided help during the research. Conflicts of interest The Authors declare that there is no conflict of interest. References: Simpkins Meyer F.; Paarmann D.; D’Souza M.; Olson R.; Glass EM.; Kubal M.; Paczian T.; Rodriguez A.; Stevens R. Wilke A The metagenomics rast server–a public resource for the automatic phylogenetic and functional analysis of metagenomes. BMC Bioinformatics. 2008, 9(1), 386. Segata N.; Waldron L.; Ballarini A.; Narasimhan V.; Jousson O.; Huttenhower C. Metagenomic microbial community profiling using unique clade-specific marker genes. Nature methods. 2012, 9(8), 811–814. Brady A.; Salzberg SL. Phymm and phymmbl: metagenomic phylogenetic classification with interpolated markov models. Nature Methods. 2009, 6(9), 673–676. Lindner MS.; Renard BY. Metagenomic abundance estimation and diagnostic testing on species level. Nucleic Acids Res. 2013, 41(1), 10–10. Wang A.; Ash G.J. Whole genome phylogeny of Bacillus by feature frequency profiles (FFP). Sci Rep. 2015, 5, 13644. Caroll L.M.; Kovac J.; Miller R.A.; Wiedmann M. Rapid, high-throughput identification of anthrax-causing and emetic Bacillus cereus group genome assemblies’ cereus group isolates using nucleotides sequencing data. Appli. Environ. 2017, 83: e01096-e01017 Liu Y.; Lai Q. L.; Goker M.; Meier-Kolthoff J. P.; Wang M.; Sun Y. M.; Wang L.S.; Shao Z. Genomic insights into the taxonomic status of the Bacillus cereus group. Rep. 2015, 5, 14082. Lindner MS.; Renard BY. Metagenomic profiling of known and unknown microbes with microbegps. PloS ONE. 2015, 10(2), 0117711. Versalovic J.; Schneider M.; de Bruijn FJ.; Lupski JR. Genomic fingerprinting of bacteria using repetitive sequence based PCR (rep-PCR). Meth Mol Cell Biol. 1994, 5, 25–40. Arthur Y.; Ehebauer MT.; Mukhopadhyay S.; Hasnain SE. The PE/PPE multi gene family codes for virulence factors and is a possible source of mycobacterial antigenic variation: Perhaps more? Biochimie. 2013, 94, 110–116. Jusuf, E. Culture Collection of Potential Bacillus thuringiensis Bacterial Strains Insect Killer and the Making of a Library of Toxic Protein Coding Genes. Technical Report LIPI Biotechnology Research Center. 2008. pp. 18-31. Fawole, M.O.; B.A. Oso. Characterization of Bacteria: Laboratory Manual of Microbiology. 4th Edn., Spectrum Book Ltd., Ibadan, Nigeria, 2004, pp: 24-33. Cheesbrough, M. District Laboratory Practice in Tropical Countries. 2nd Edn., Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, UK., 2006, ISBN-13: 9781139449298. Giraffa G.; Neviani E. DNA-based, cultureindependent strategies for evaluating microbial communities in food associated ecosystem. Int J Food Microbiol. 2001, 67, 19–34. Ajeet Singh. DNA Extraction from a bacterial cell. A video on Experimental Biotechnology. 2020. Quick biochemistry. A YouTube video on polymerase chain reaction. 2018. Bio-Rad laboratories. A YouTube video on loading and running of samples on Agarose gel. 2012. Saitou N. and Nei, M. The neighbor-joining method: a new method for reconstructing phylogenetic trees. Biol. Evol. 1987, 4, 406-425. Doi: 101093/oxfordjournals. Lazarte N.J.; Lopez R.P.; Ghiringhelli P.D.; Beron C.M. Bacillus wiedmannii biovar thuringiensis: A specialized Mosquitocidal pathogen with plasmid from diverse origins Genome. Evol. 2018, 10(10), 2823-2833. Doi.1093/gbe/evy211 Cohan, F.M. What are bacterial species? Rev. Microbiol. 2002, 56, 457-487 Abiola C.; Oyetayo V.O. Isolation and Biochemical Characterization of Microorganisms Associated with the Fermentation of Kersting’s Groundnut (Macrotyloma geocarpum). Research Journal of Microbiology, 2016, 11: 47- 55.DOI:10.3923/jm.2016.47.55 Adeoti O.M.; Usman T.A. Molecular Characterization of Rhizobacteria Isolates from Saki, Nigeria. Eur. Of Bio. Biotech. 2021, 2(2), 159. Doi 10.24018/ejbio.2021

Terrorism is a prevalent problem across the globe. While many scholars focus on counterterrorism strategies and potential causes, little research exists about the reactions of civilians to terrorist attacks. Civilians increasingly turn to digital platforms to generate social media campaigns in response to terrorism. To identify the elements of terrorist attacks that shape social media campaigns, this study assesses two cases: the Charlie Hebdo shootings on January 7, 2015, and the Paris attacks on November 13, 2015. By assessing the nature of the attacks in both cases and examining the news media and Twitter content surrounding both incidents, this study generates several hypotheses about the factors that influence civilian reactions to terrorism and the impacts of civilian-produced social media campaigns. Exploring an area that is largely untapped by scholars, this study develops suggestions for further research into the effects of civilian responses to terrorism.

Abstract Background A terrorist attack occurred in Paris in January 2015 against the staffs of the Charlie Hebdo magazine and a kosher grocery. This study examined the psychological follow-up and the non-satisfaction of the people civilians involved in the terrorist attacks. Methods The IMPACTS survey, an open cohort study of civilians involved in the terrorist attacks was conducted 6-10 (wave 1) and 18-22 months (wave 2) after the attacks. Psychologists interviewed in face-to-face 190 civilians in wave 1 and 123 of them participate to the wave 2. A questionnaire was used to collect data on socio-demographic characteristics, exposure level, social support, psychological support and perception, impact on work and social functioning, and mental health disorders. Results In wave 1 (N = 190), 24% of participants had initiated a regular follow-up with a psychologist or a psychiatrist. Reasons of non-follow-up were: they had refused because they did not feel the need or they did not want to talk about it (60%), it was not suggested to them (30%), or they have already had a follow-up before (12%). In wave 2 (N = 123), 25% had a regular follow-up with a psychologist/psychiatrist since the events, 22.0% had had a follow-up but not anymore in wave 2, 15% did not have a follow-up in wave 1 but they had in wave 2 and 38.2% never had. Psychological aid from professionals for resilience has not been appropriate for 32% of the participants at 6 months and for 39% at 18 months. In both waves, non-satisfaction of follow-up was more frequent among witnesses than with those who were directly exposed. Conclusions Six months after the January 2015 terrorist attacks in Paris, among the participants without psychological follow-up, it was not offered to nearly a third of participants. In order to enhance resilience, psychological aid should also be provided to those who have not been directly exposed. Main message Psychological follow-up should be provided to all civilians in short and long-term.

In recent years, Europe witnessed several terrorist attacks by Islamist terrorists. To date, crucial questions are whether and how such events influence the European public’s resistance towards Muslims, and if such influence depends on the level of intergroup competition, both at the contextual and individual level. Using the European Social Survey (ESS7), we were able to compare respondents interviewed shortly before and after the terrorist attack on Charlie Hebdo in January 2015. While we found no support for a moderating role of intergroup competition, our study shows that the levels of resistance towards Muslim immigrants were higher shortly after the attacks in Ireland and Czech Republic, however, lower in France. For Austria, Finland and Germany we found no influence. Our findings indicate that one cannot be too careful with generalizing conclusions from single countries.

In the wake of the January 2015 attacks on Charlie Hebdo, (a satirical newspaper in Paris), there was much commentary on free speech, security, intelligence and the marginalization and dispossession of some young Muslim immigrants (and children of immigrants). Analysis has seemed, reasonably, to focus on economic opportunities, as well as addressing some identity and cultural issues, such as whether or not female Muslims should be allowed to wear a headscarf. The media reported that the two young men who seem to have led the attack on Charlie Hebdo had dropped out from school, going on to work low-wage jobs such as pizza delivery. Little of the news coverage details their education beyond that they were remembered as average Parisian boys, as media coverage focused of course on live breaking events, with less in-depth analysis of the social, economic and political factors driving the broader conflict between European and North American states and their Muslim immigrant residents and citizens. The Charlie Hebdo attacks, like 9/11, were only one expression of this broader escalating and expanding conflict. The academic literature does discuss in depth the history of France’s colonization of countries such as Algeria and Morocco, as well as the racist oppression and economic marginalization Maghrebi immigrant families face—even two generations later. (Bienkowski, 2010; Bowen 2007; Cesari 2002; Franz 2007; Limage 2010; Keaton 2005; Jugé and Perez 2006; Landof and Pagan 2005; Levine 2004; Mahmood 2006; Zimmerman 2015). This paper will thus explore the question of whether there is a “school to terror” pipeline—that is, is there anything about the pedagogy, curriculum, school culture or educational policies of France which might well be contributing to the radicalization of young people? I will conclude with consideration of what peace pedagogy might be able to contribute in terms of conflict transformation.

Abstract Background In Syria, disruption to water and sanitation systems, together with poor access to vaccination, forced displacement and overcrowding contribute to increases in waterborne diseases (WBDs). The aim of this study is to perform a spatiotemporal analysis to investigate potential associations between interruptions to water, sanitation, and hygiene (WASH) and WBDs in northeast Syria using data collected by the Early Warning Alert and Response Network (EWARN) from Deir-ez-Zor, Raqqa, Hassakeh and parts of Aleppo governorates. Methods We reviewed the literature databases of MEDLINE and Google Scholar and the updates of ReliefWeb to obtain information on acute disruptions and attacks against water infrastructure in northeast Syria between January 2015 and June 2021. The EWARN weekly trends of five syndromes representing waterborne diseases were plotted and analysed to identify time trends and the influence of these disruptions. To investigate a potential relationship, the Wilcoxon rank sum test was used to compare districts with and without disruptions. Time series analyses were carried out on major disruptions to analyse their effect on WBD incidence. Results The literature review found several instances where water infrastructure was attacked or disrupted, suggesting that water has been deliberately targeted by both state and non-state actors in northeast Syria throughout the conflict. Over time, there was an overall upwards trend of other acute diarrhoea (OAD, p < 0.001), but downwards trends for acute jaundice syndrome, suspected typhoid fever and acute bloody diarrhoea. For the major disruption of the Alouk water plant, an interrupted time series analysis did not find a strong correlation between the disruption and changes in disease incidence in the weeks following the incident, but long-term increases in WBD were observed. Conclusions While no strong immediate correlation could be established between disruptions to WASH and WBDs in northeast Syria, further research is essential to explore the impact of conflict-associated damage to civil infrastructure including WASH. This is vital though challenging given confounding factors which affect both WASH and WBDs in contexts like northeast Syria. As such, research which includes exploration of mitigation after damage to WASH is essential to improve understanding of impacts on quantity and quality of WASH. More granular research which explores the origin of cases of WBDs and how such communities are affected by challenges to WASH is needed. One step towards research on this, is the implementation of adequate reporting mechanisms for real time tracking of the WASH attacks, damages, direct effects, and likely impact in conjunction with environmental and public health bodies and surveillance systems.

In Vietnam, traditional medicine (TM) is an integral part of the national health care system. The social trend to return to products of natural materials is increasingly popular. Domestic consumers are very concerned about the following factors: treatment effectiveness, safety, price, convenience and package design of TM products. However, a preliminary survey showed, many domestic TM products were not highly appreciated by the TM practioners and consumers, and lacked competing capability with imported TM products. The reason is that domestic TM products still have such limitations: lack of quality stability, lack of diversity in types and design. Therefore, identifying tools which can help solve the problems of domestic TM products is necessary. This study aims to find out the impact of R&D activities on the friendly degree of traditional medicines, suggesting tools for domestic TM organizations to improve the quality and competitiveness of TM products. Keywords R&D activities, the friendly degree of traditional medicines. References [1] Martins Ekor, The growing use of herbal medicines: issues relating to adverse reactions and challenges in monitoring safety, Front. Pharmacol. , https://doi.org/10.3389/fphar.2013.00177, 10 January 2014 (accessed 11 March 2021).[2] Alternative Medicine: Complete Sector Overview. https://www.reportlinker.com/ci02242/Alternative-Medicine.html (accessed 11 March 2021).[3] P.V. Khanh, Developing sustainable medicinal materials in association with the development of traditional medicine, Proceedings of the Government's online conference on the development of Vietnamese traditional medicine, Lao Cai, 2017, p.157 (in Vietnamese).[4] National Istitute of Medicinal Materials, List of Vietnamese medicinal plants Science and Technology Publishing House, 2016 (in Vietnamese).[5] T.N. Ca, Research to make a policy linking 4 “houses”: state - entrepreneur - scientist - farmer, to develop and use effectively Vietnamese medicinal plants, Research project on social sciences and humanities 2011 - 2012 at ministerial level of the National Science and Technology Policy Council, 2012, p.77 (in Vietnamese).[6] OECD, Frascati Manual 2015: Guidelines for Collecting and Reporting Data on Research and Experimental Development, 2015, p.44.[7] D.T. Ha, Policy to develop Research and Development (R&D) activities to increase the friendly degree of traditional medicines to consumers (in Vietnamese), Doctoral thesis in Science and Technology Management, University of Social Sciences and Humanities/Vietnam National University, Hanoi, 2017.[8] Traphaco, http://www.traphaco.com.vn, 2016 (accessed 11 March 2021)

In a TED talk in June 2009, media scholar Clay Shirky cited the devastating earthquake that struck the Sichuan province of China in May 2008 as an example of how media flows are changing. He explained how the first reports of the quake came not from traditional news media, but from local residents who sent messages on QQ, China’s largest social network, and on Twitter, the world’s most popular micro-blogging service. "As the quake was happening, the news was reported," said Shirky. This was neither a unique nor isolated incident. It has become commonplace for the people caught up in the news to provide the first accounts, images and video of events unfolding around them. Studies in participatory journalism suggest that professional journalists now share jurisdiction over the news in the sense that citizens are participating in the observation, selection, filtering, distribution and interpretation of events. This paper argues that the ability of citizens to play “an active role in the process of collecting, reporting, analysing and disseminating news and information” (Bowman and Willis 9) means we need to reassess the meaning of ‘ambient’ as applied to news and journalism. Twitter has emerged as a key medium for news and information about major events, such as during the earthquake in Chile in February 2010 (see, for example, Silverman; Dickinson). This paper discusses how social media technologies such as Twitter, which facilitate the immediate dissemination of digital fragments of news and information, are creating what I have described as “ambient journalism” (Hermida). It approaches real-time, networked digital technologies as awareness systems that offer diverse means to collect, communicate, share and display news and information in the periphery of a user's awareness. Twitter shares some similarities with other forms of communication. Like the telephone, it facilitates a real-time exchange of information. Like instant messaging, the information is sent in short bursts. But it extends the affordances of previous modes of communication by combining these features in both a one-to-many and many-to-many framework that is public, archived and searchable. Twitter allows a large number of users to communicate with each other simultaneously in real-time, based on an asymmetrical relationship between friends and followers. The messages form social streams of connected data that provide value both individually and in aggregate. News All Around The term ‘ambient’ has been used in journalism to describe the ubiquitous nature of news in today's society. In their 2002 study, Hargreaves and Thomas said one of the defining features of the media landscape in the UK was the easy availability of news through a host of media platforms, such as public billboards and mobile phones, and in spaces, such as trains and aircraft. “News is, in a word, ambient, like the air we breathe,” they concluded (44). The availability of news all around meant that citizens were able to maintain an awareness of what was taking place in the world as they went about their everyday activities. One of the ways news has become ambient has been through the proliferation of displays in public places carrying 24-hour news channels or showing news headlines. In her book, Ambient Television, Anna McCarthy explored how television has become pervasive by extending outside the home and dominating public spaces, from the doctor’s waiting room to the bar. “When we search for TV in public places, we find a dense, ambient clutter of public audio-visual apparatuses,” wrote McCarthy (13). In some ways, the proliferation of news on digital platforms has intensified the presence of ambient news. In a March 2010 Pew Internet report, Purcell et al. found that “in the digital era, news has become omnipresent. Americans access it in multiple formats on multiple platforms on myriad devices” (2). It seems that, if anything, digital technologies have increased the presence of ambient news. This approach to the term ‘ambient’ is based on a twentieth century model of mass media. Traditional mass media, from newspapers through radio to television, are largely one-directional, impersonal one-to-many carriers of news and information (McQuail 55). The most palpable feature of the mass media is to reach the many, and this affects the relationship between the media and the audience. Consequently, the news audience does not act for itself, but is “acted upon” (McQuail 57). It is assigned the role of consumer. The public is present in news as citizens who receive information about, and interpretation of, events from professional journalists. The public as the recipient of information fits in with the concept of ambient news as “news which is free at the point of consumption, available on demand and very often available in the background to people’s lives without them even looking” (Hargreaves and Thomas 51). To suggest that members of the audience are just empty receptacles to be filled with news is an oversimplification. For example, television viewers are not solely defined in terms of spectatorship (see, for example, Ang). But audiences have, traditionally, been kept well outside the journalistic process, defined as the “selecting, writing, editing, positioning, scheduling, repeating and otherwise massaging information to become news” (Shoemaker et al. 73). This audience is cast as the receiver, with virtually no sense of agency over the news process. As a result, journalistic communication has evolved, largely, as a process of one-way, one-to-many transmission of news and information to the public. The following section explores the shift towards a more participatory media environment. News as a Social Experience The shift from an era of broadcast mass media to an era of networked digital media has fundamentally altered flows of information. Non-linear, many-to-many digital communication technologies have transferred the means of media production and dissemination into the hands of the public, and are rewriting the relationship between the audience and journalists. Where there were once limited and cost-intensive channels for the distribution of content, there are now a myriad of widely available digital channels. Henry Jenkins has written about the emergence of a participatory culture that “contrasts with older notions of passive media spectatorship. Rather than talking about media producers and consumers occupying separate roles, we might now see them as participants who interact with each other according to a new set of rules that none of us fully understands” (3). Axel Bruns has coined the term “produsage” (2) to refer to the blurred line between producers and consumers, while Jay Rosen has talked about the “people formerly know as the audience.” For some, the consequences of this shift could be “a new model of journalism, labelled participatory journalism,” (Domingo et al. 331), raising questions about who can be described as a journalist and perhaps, even, how journalism itself is defined. The trend towards a more participatory media ecosystem was evident in the March 2010 study on news habits in the USA by Pew Internet. It highlighted that the news was becoming a social experience. “News is becoming a participatory activity, as people contribute their own stories and experiences and post their reactions to events” (Purcell et al. 40). The study found that 37% of Internet users, described by Pew as “news participators,” had actively contributed to the creation, commentary, or dissemination of news (44). This reflects how the Internet has changed the relationship between journalists and audiences from a one-way, asymmetric model of communication to a more participatory and collective system (Boczkowski; Deuze). The following sections considers how the ability of the audience to participate in the gathering, analysis and communication of news and information requires a re-examination of the concept of ambient news. A Distributed Conversation As I’ve discussed, ambient news is based on the idea of the audience as the receiver. Ambient journalism, on the other hand, takes account of how audiences are able to become part of the news process. However, this does not mean that citizens are necessarily producing journalism within the established framework of accounts and analysis through narratives, with the aim of providing accurate and objective portrayals of reality. Rather, I suggest that ambient journalism presents a multi-faceted and fragmented news experience, where citizens are producing small pieces of content that can be collectively considered as journalism. It acknowledges the audience as both a receiver and a sender. I suggest that micro-blogging social media services such as Twitter, that enable millions of people to communicate instantly, share and discuss events, are an expression of ambient journalism. Micro-blogging is a new media technology that enables and extends society's ability to communicate, enabling users to share brief bursts of information from multiple digital devices. Twitter has become one of the most popular micro-blogging platforms, with some 50 million messages sent daily by February 2010 (Twitter). Twitter enables users to communicate with each other simultaneously via short messages no longer than 140 characters, known as ‘tweets’. The micro-blogging platform shares some similarities with instant messaging. It allows for near synchronous communications from users, resulting in a continuous stream of up-to-date messages, usually in a conversational tone. Unlike instant messaging, Twitter is largely public, creating a new body of content online that can be archived, searched and retrieved. The messages can be extracted, analysed and aggregated, providing a measure of activity around a particular event or subject and, in some cases, an indication of the general sentiment about it. For example, the deluge of tweets following Michael Jackson's death in July 2009 has been described as a public and collective expression of loss that indicated “the scale of the world’s shock and sadness” (Cashmore). While tweets are atomic in nature, they are part of a distributed conversation through a social network of interconnected users. To paraphrase David Weinberger's description of the Web, tweets are “many small pieces loosely joined,” (ix). In common with mass media audiences, users may be very widely dispersed and usually unknown to each other. Twitter provides a structure for them to act together as if in an organised way, for example through the use of hashtags–the # symbol–and keywords to signpost topics and issues. This provides a mechanism to aggregate, archive and analyse the individual tweets as a whole. Furthermore, information is not simply dependent on the content of the message. A user's profile, their social connections and the messages they resend, or retweet, provide an additional layer of information. This is called the social graph and it is implicit in social networks such as Twitter. The social graph provides a representation of an individual and their connections. Each user on Twitter has followers, who themselves have followers. Thus each tweet has a social graph attached to it, as does each message that is retweeted (forwarded to other users). Accordingly, social graphs offer a means to infer reputation and trust. Twitter as Ambient Journalism Services such as Twitter can be considered as awareness systems, defined as computer-mediated communication systems “intended to help people construct and maintain awareness of each others’ activities, context or status, even when the participants are not co-located” (Markopoulos et al., v). In such a system, the value does not lie in the individual sliver of information that may, on its own, be of limited value or validity. Rather the value lies in the combined effect of the communication. In this sense, Twitter becomes part of an ambient media system where users receive a flow of information from both established media and from each other. Both news and journalism are ambient, suggesting that “broad, asynchronous, lightweight and always-on communication systems such as Twitter are enabling citizens to maintain a mental model of news and events around them” (Hermida 5). Obviously, not everything on Twitter is an act of journalism. There are messages about almost every topic that often have little impact beyond an individual and their circle of friends, from random thoughts and observations to day-to-day minutiae. But it is undeniable that Twitter has emerged as a significant platform for people to report, comment and share news about major events, with individuals performing some of the institutionalised functions of the professional journalist. Examples where Twitter has emerged as a platform for journalism include the 2008 US presidential elections, the Mumbai attacks in November of 2008 and the January 2009 crash of US Airways flight (Lenhard and Fox 2). In these examples, Twitter served as a platform for first-hand, real-time reports from people caught up in the events as they unfolded, with the cell phone used as the primary reporting tool. For example, the dramatic Hudson River landing of the US Airways flight was captured by ferry passenger Janis Krum, who took a photo with a cell phone and sent it out via Twitter.One of the issues associated with services like Twitter is the speed and number of micro-bursts of data, together with the potentially high signal to noise ratio. For example, the number of tweets related to the disputed election result in Iran in June 2009 peaked at 221,774 in one hour, from an average flow of between 10,000 and 50,000 an hour (Parr). Hence there is a need for systems to aid in selection, organisation and interpretation to make sense of this ambient journalism. Traditionally the journalist has been the mechanism to filter, organise and interpret this information and deliver the news in ready-made packages. Such a role was possible in an environment where access to the means of media production was limited. But the thousands of acts of journalism taking place on Twitter every day make it impossible for an individual journalist to identify the collective sum of knowledge contained in the micro-fragments, and bring meaning to the data. Rather, we should look to the literature on ambient media, where researchers talk about media systems that understand individual desires and needs, and act autonomously on their behalf (for example Lugmayr). Applied to journalism, this suggests a need for tools that can analyse, interpret and contextualise a system of collective intelligence. An example of such a service is TwitterStand, developed by a group of researchers at the University of Maryland (Sankaranarayanan et al.). The team describe TwitterStand as “an attempt to harness this emerging technology to gather and disseminate breaking news much faster than conventional news media” (51). In their paper, they describe in detail how their news processing system is able to identify and cluster news tweets in a noisy medium. They conclude that “Twitter, or most likely a successor of it, is a harbinger of a futuristic technology that is likely to capture and transmit the sum total of all human experiences of the moment” (51). While such a comment may be something of an overstatement, it indicates how emerging real-time, networked technologies are creating systems of distributed journalism.Similarly, the US Geological Survey (USGS) is investigating social media technologies as a way quickly to gather information about recent earthquakes. It has developed a system called the Twitter Earthquake Detector to gather real-time, earthquake-related messages from Twitter and filter the messages by place, time, and keyword (US Department of the Interior). By collecting and analysing the tweets, the USGS believes it can access anecdotal information from citizens about a quake much faster than if it only relied on scientific information from authoritative sources.Both of these are examples of research into the development of tools that help users negotiate and regulate the streams and information flowing through networked media. They address issues of information overload by making sense of distributed and unstructured data, finding a single concept such as news in what Sankaranarayanan et al., say is “akin to finding needles in stacks of tweets’ (43). danah boyd eloquently captured the potential for such as system, writing that “those who are most enamoured with services like Twitter talk passionately about feeling as though they are living and breathing with the world around them, peripherally aware and in tune, adding content to the stream and grabbing it when appropriate.” Conclusion While this paper has focused on Twitter in its discussion of ambient journalism, it is possible that the service may be overtaken by another or several similar digital technologies. This has happened, for example, in the social networking space, with Friendster been supplanted by MySpace and more recently by Facebook. However, underlying services like Twitter are a set of characteristics often referred to by the catchall phrase, the real-time Web. As often with emerging and rapidly developing Internet trends, it can be challenging to define what the real-time Web means. Entrepreneur Ken Fromm has identified a set of characteristics that offer a good starting point to understand the real-time Web. He describes it as a new form of loosely organised communication that is creating a new body of public content in real-time, with a related social graph. In the context of our discussion of the term ‘ambient’, the characteristics of the real-time Web do not only extend the pervasiveness of ambient news. They also enable the former audience to become part of the news environment as it has the means to gather, select, produce and distribute news and information. Writing about changing news habits in the US, Purcell et al. conclude that “people’s relationship to news is becoming portable, personalized, and participatory” (2). Ambient news has evolved into ambient journalism, as people contribute to the creation, dissemination and discussion of news via social media services such as Twitter. To adapt Ian Hargreaves' description of ambient news in his book, Journalism: Truth or Dare?, we can say that journalism, which was once difficult and expensive to produce, today surrounds us like the air we breathe. Much of it is, literally, ambient, and being produced by professionals and citizens. The challenge going forward is helping the public negotiate and regulate this flow of awareness information, facilitating the collection, transmission and understanding of news. References Ang, Ien. Desperately Seeking the Audience. London: Routledge, 1991. Boczkowski, Pablo. J. Digitizing the News: Innovation in Online Newspapers. Cambridge: MIT Press, 2004. boyd, danah. “Streams of Content, Limited Attention.” UX Magazine 25 Feb. 2010. 27 Feb. 2010 ‹http://uxmag.com/features/streams-of-content-limited-attention›. Bowman, Shayne, and Chris Willis. We Media: How Audiences Are Shaping the Future of News and Information. The Media Center, 2003. 10 Jan. 2010 ‹http://www.hypergene.net/wemedia/weblog.php›. Bruns, Axel. Blogs, Wikipedia, Second Life, and Beyond: From Production to Produsage. New York: Peter Lang, 2008. Cashmore, Pete. “Michael Jackson Dies: Twitter Tributes Now 30% of Tweets.” Mashable 25 June 2009. 26 June 2010 ‹http://mashable.com/2009/06/25/michael-jackson-twitter/›. Department of the Interior. “U.S. Geological Survey: Twitter Earthquake Detector (TED).” 13 Jan. 2010. 12 Feb. 2010 ‹http://recovery.doi.gov/press/us-geological-survey-twitter-earthquake-detector-ted/›. Deuze, Mark. “The Web and Its Journalisms: Considering the Consequences of Different Types of Newsmedia Online.” New Media and Society 5 (2003): 203-230. Dickinson, Elizabeth. “Chile's Twitter Response.” Foreign Policy 1 March 2010. 2 March 2010 ‹http://blog.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2010/03/01/chiles_twitter_response›. Domingo, David, Thorsten Quandt, Ari Heinonen, Steve Paulussen, Jane B. Singer and Marina Vujnovic. “Participatory Journalism Practices in the Media and Beyond.” Journalism Practice 2.3 (2008): 326-342. Fromm, Ken. “The Real-Time Web: A Primer, Part 1.” ReadWriteWeb 29 Aug. 2009. 7 Dec. 2009 ‹http://www.readwriteweb.com/archives/the_real-time_web_a_primer_part_1.php›. Hargreaves, Ian. Journalism: Truth or Dare? Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003. Hargreaves, Ian, and Thomas, James. “New News, Old News.” ITC/BSC, Oct. 2002. 5 Dec. 2009 ‹http://legacy.caerdydd.ac.uk/jomec/resources/news.pdf›. Hermida, Alfred. “Twittering the News: The Emergence of Ambient Journalism.” Journalism Practice. First published on 11 March 2010 (iFirst). 12 March 2010 ‹http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/content~content=a919807525›. Jenkins, Henry. Convergence Culture: Where Old and New Media Collide. New York: New York University Press, 2006. Lenhard, Amanda, and Susannah Fox. “Twitter and Status Updating.” Pew Internet and American Life Project, 12 Feb. 2009. 13 Feb. 2010 ‹http://www.pewinternet.org/Reports/2009/Twitter-and-status-updating.aspx›. Lugmayr, Artur. “The Future Is ‘Ambient.’” Proceedings of SPIE Vol. 6074, 607403 Multimedia on Mobile Devices II. Vol. 6074. Eds. Reiner Creutzburg, Jarmo H. Takala, and Chang Wen Chen. San Jose: SPIE, 2006. Markopoulos, Panos, Boris De Ruyter and Wendy MacKay. Awareness Systems: Advances in Theory, Methodology and Design. Dordrecht: Springer, 2009. McCarthy, Anna. Ambient Television: Visual Culture and Public Space. Durham: Duke University Press, 2001. McQuail, Denis. McQuail’s Mass Communication Theory. London: Sage, 2000. Parr, Ben. “Mindblowing #IranElection Stats: 221,744 Tweets per Hour at Peak.” Mashable 17 June 2009. 10 August 2009 ‹http://mashable.com/2009/06/17/iranelection-crisis-numbers/›. Purcell, Kristen, Lee Rainie, Amy Mitchell, Tom Rosenstiel, and Kenny Olmstead, “Understanding the Participatory News Consumer.” Pew Internet and American Life Project, 1 March 2010. 2 March 2010 ‹http://www.pewinternet.org/Reports/2010/Online-News.aspx?r=1›. Rosen Jay. “The People Formerly Known as the Audience.” Pressthink 27 June 2006. 8 August 2009 ‹http://journalism.nyu.edu/pubzone/weblogs/pressthink/2006/06/27/ppl_frmr.html›. Sankaranarayanan, Jagan, Hanan Samet, Benjamin E. Teitler, Michael D. Lieberman, and Jon Sperling. “TwitterStand: News in Tweets. Proceedings of the 17th ACM SIGSPATIAL International Conference on Advances in Geographic Information Systems (GIS '09). New York: ACM, 2009. 42-51. Shirky, Clay. “How Social Media Can Make History.” TED Talks June 2009. 2 March 2010 ‹http://www.ted.com/talks/clay_shirky_how_cellphones_twitter_facebook_can_make_history.html›. Shoemaker, Pamela J., Tim P. Vos, and Stephen D. Reese. “Journalists as Gatekeepers.” Eds. Karin Wahl-Jorgensen and Thomas Hanitzsch, Handbook of Journalism Studies. New York: Routledge, 2008. 73-87. Silverman, Matt. “Chile Earthquake Pictures: Twitter Photos Tell the Story.” Mashable 27 Feb. 2010. 2 March 2010 ‹http://mashable.com/2010/02/27/chile-earthquake-twitpics/›. Singer, Jane. “Strange Bedfellows: The Diffusion of Convergence in Four News Organisations.” Journalism Studies 5 (2004): 3-18. Twitter. “Measuring Tweets.” Twitter blog, 22 Feb. 2010. 23 Feb. 2010 ‹http://blog.twitter.com/2010/02/measuring-tweets.html›. Weinberger, David. Small Pieces, Loosely Joined. Cambridge, MA: Perseus Publishing, 2002.

Informed by the uses and gratifications framework (Katz & Foulkes, 1962; Lasswell, 1948) according to which people produce and consume certain media for specific uses and because they expect specific gratifications, these variables address the types of communication purposes and social relations that content producers on social media seek to build with others when publishing specific types of posts. Field of application/theoretical foundation Four main purposes explain why individuals use social media (see e.g., Pelletier et al., 2020): informational purposes: people seek information and self-education entertainment purposes: people seek enjoyable experiences social purposes: people seek to interact with others and gain a sense of belonging convenience purposes: people seek to maximise convenience (e.g., easy and cheap communication) In the same vein, four motives can explain why social media users engage in leaving comments, split into individual and social reasons (Barnes, 2018): individual-centric reasons informational reasons: people seek to provide information and educate others entertainment reasons: people seek to provide enjoyment and fun personal identity reasons: people share their opinions and emotions with the community social interaction people seek to build relationships, interact with others and gain a sense of belonging Barnes’ four reasons for leaving comments can be broadened to publishing social media content in general. Let us now see how to infer these reasons from manifest content. Dolan (2015) analysed the communication purposes of wine brands on social media. She quantitatively inferred these three motivations from informational, entertaining and relational social media content. She defines the variable of relational content as “gratifications of integration and social interaction [that] involve members gaining insights into the circumstances of others, social empathy, identifying with others, gaining a sense of belonging, finding a basis for conversation and social interaction, helping carrying out social roles, and enabling a user to connect with family, friends and society”. It is evident from her definition that personal-identity/relational reasons and social interactions are intertwined and impossible to separate from each other. Rather, social relations permeate in informational, personal and entertainment content. As their name suggests, social media posts are social by nature. Example studies: Dolan (2015); Bouko (2024) Information on Dolan, 2015 Research question: What communication purposes do wine brands seek to fulfil when they publish social media content? Object of analysis: The study was based on the social media posts published by twelve Australian wine brands (N = 2,236). Time frame of analysis: January 1st 2013 – December 31st, 2013 Information about variables: Dolan (2015) coded informational, entertaining, and relational variables in relation to the social media content production of wine brands. Dolan’s informational content codes were : brand name, general information, product/vineyard/winery/venue image, price, website, product review, product award/image, testing and sampling, product variety/origin/making, opening hours, year made, contact details, brand news, service, wine shows/awards/reviews, event, product description. Her entertaining codes are: food/recipe, emoticon, weather, humour, interesting/fun fact, historic image, scenic/occasion/food and produce/celebrity/meme/animal image, slang. Finally, her relational content codes are: question, congratulations and thanking fans, quiz/game, holiday/event/day, affection (e.g., xo), ask for action, child/baby image, inspirational/motivational quote, customer/employee/community involvement image, friends and fan, employee name, emotion words, family. Level of analysis: social media post Reliability: 1) training session held in which the two coders, the researchers and a research assistant worked together on a sub-set of the data, in order to discuss agreement and disagreement on the coding of variables; 2) independent coding test on a sample of 100 posts by the two coders, 3) inter-coder agreement calculated with Cohen’s kappas (media kappa value of all variables = .77) (Dolan, 2015: 118-120). Information on Bouko, 2024 Research question: What informational, entertainment, and personal identity purposes do citizens fulfil in their image-based social media posts when expressing their political opinions and emotions? Object of analysis: The study was based on a dataset of Brexit-related image-based social media posts (N = 1,676 Flickr posts and 1,343 tweets) Time frame of analysis: June, 24 – July 23, 2016 (the month that followed the Brexit vote) Information about variables: The coding scheme (see Table 2) contains six variables, which are all coded as present (value 1) or absent (value 2). Types of purposes of social media content creation Descriptions and examples Cohen’s kappa Informational Information sharing Forwarded news, link to external content, informational statements and/or others’ points of view .878 Eye-witnessing Amateur pictures of events that the individual attended, possibly with text that refers to eye-witnessing (e.g., an amateur photograph of an anti-Brexit march) .944 Personal identity Intimacy sharing Event-related intimate moments in visual content and/or in text (e.g., a picture of a tree and the text “Treexit. A sad story. Another sad day. A tree that we had brought all the way from Italy when we moved into the house in 2000 has died and had to be cut down. It seems even more poignant after the disaster of the ‘Brexit’ referendum.”) .733 Personal points of view and appraisals Self-expression and appraisal in visuals and/or text (e.g., a picture of someone drinking in a pub and the text “Time to have a drink to forget all this mess”) .890 Entertainment Playing Playful content in visual and/or textual content, based on incongruity and/or exaggeration (e.g., a meme featuring Boris Johnson as a fool) .957 Other .921 Table 2. Types of purposes of social media content creation inferred from informational, relational and entertainment content (Bouko, 2024) These variables are not mutually exclusive: very often, several types can be inferred from each social media post, e.g., informing and expressing one’s point of view at the same time. The results reveal that self-expression is the most salient purpose in both corpora, concerning 46% and 62% of the Flickr and Twitter posts, respectively. What is more surprising is that one out of four Flickr posts (i.e., 25%) serves the purpose of sharing information. Play is a major purpose in both datasets (20% and 31%). The results for Twitter indicate a concentration on three types of communication purposes (self-expression, information and play); no other social function exceeds the 5% threshold. Finally, sharing elements of one’s personal life is relatively infrequent, especially on Twitter. Level of analysis: social media post Reliability: 1) training session held in which two coders worked together on a sub-set of the data, in order to discuss agreement and disagreement on the coding of variables; 2) independent coding test on a sample of 500 posts by two coders (i.e., 10% of the dataset), 3) inter-coder agreement calculated with Cohen’s kappas (Bouko et al., 2018). References Barnes, R. (2018). Uncovering Online Commenting Culture. Trolls, Fanboys and Lurkers. Palgrave MacMillan. Bouko, C. (2024). Visual Citizenship. Communicating political opinions and emotions on social media. Routledge. Bouko, C., De Wilde, J., Decock, S., Manchia, V., De Clercq, O., & Garcia, D. (2018). Reactions to Brexit in images: A multimodal content analysis of shared visual content on Flickr. Visual Communication, 20(1), 4–33. https://doi.org/10.1177/1470357218780530 Dolan, R. (2015). Social media engagement behaviour: A uses and gratifications perspective [University of Adelaide]. https://digital.library.adelaide.edu.au/dspace/bitstream/2440/109817/2/02whole.pdf Katz, E., & Foulkes, D. (1962). On the Use of Mass Media as “escape”: Clarification of a Concept. Public Opinion Quarterly, 26(3), 377–388. https://doi.org/10.1086/267111 Lasswell, H. D. (1948). The Structure and Function of Communication in Society. In L. Bryson (Ed.), The Communication of Ideas (pp. 37–52). Harper & Brothers. Pelletier, M. J., Krallman, A., Adams, F. G., & Hancock, T. (2020). One size doesn’t fit all: A uses and gratifications analysis of social media platforms. Journal of Research in Interactive Marketing, 14(2), 269–284. https://doi.org/10.1108/JRIM-10-2019-0159

Relative age effects (RAEs) have been associated with the common practice of grouping athletes by chronological age. Development and selection advantages are often awarded to those who are born closer to, but following, the cut-off date employed by sport systems. In 2015, the U.S. Soccer Federation announced that it would be changing its birth-year registration cut-off date from August 1st to January 1st. This change was introduced to align the U.S. youth soccer calendar with international standards, and simultaneously provide clearer information on player birthdates to “lessen” RAEs. The magnitude of this policy change has led to considerable controversy, with members of the soccer community taking to social media and website blogs, as well as the U.S. Youth Soccer's website, to voice their opinions and general unhappiness with this decision. Thus, the purpose of this study was to provide a summary of online reactions to the policy change, with attention to the manner in which the U.S. Soccer Federation framed (i.e., the underlying rationale for the decision) and publicly communicated its decision to change the annual cut-off date. Qualitative content analysis was used to analyze data collected from 63 social media sites (websites, n = 43; forums, n = 16; blogs, n = 4). From the 3,851 pages of text derived from these sources, a total of 404 unique passages of text were identified within 262 stakeholder posts. Four categories emerged from the data: stakeholder discussion, outcomes identified by stakeholders, recommended courses of action, and communication regarding the policy change. In general, the actions of the U.S. Soccer Federation and related outcomes were negatively perceived by stakeholders at various levels of the sport. Resistance to the change may have been reduced through enhanced communication from the national level and opportunities for stakeholder input. While one objective of this policy change was to combat RAEs, previous research suggests this organizational change will only shift which group of athletes experience relative age (dis)advantages. There appears to be a disconnect between the academic literature and sport policy with respect to solutions for RAEs, which can lead to unintended consequences for various sport stakeholders.

Give me the liberty to know, to utter, and to argue freely according to conscience, above all liberties. —John Milton (1608-1674) Introduction The publication of 12 cartoons depicting images of Prophet Mohammed [Peace Be Upon Him] first in Denmark’s Jyllands-Posten on 30 September 2005, and later reprinted in European media and two New Zealand newspapers, sparked protests around the Muslim world. The Australian newspapers – with the exception of The Courier-Mail, which published one cartoon – refrained from reprinting the cartoons, acknowledging that depictions of the Prophet are regarded as “blasphemous by Muslims”. How is this apparent act of restraint to be assessed? Edward Said, in his book Covering Islam has acknowledged that there have been many Muslim provocations and troubling incidents by Islamic countries such as Iran, Libya, Sudan, and others in the 1980s. However, he contends that the use of the label “Islam” by non-Muslim commentators, either to explain or indiscriminately condemn “Islam”, ends up becoming a form of attack, which in turn provokes more hostility (xv-xvi). This article examines how two Australian newspapers – The Australian and The West Australian – handled the debate on the Prophet Muhammad cartoons and considers whether in the name of “free speech” it ended in “a form of attack” on Australian Muslims. It also considers the media’s treatment of Muslim Australians’ “free speech” on previous occasions. This article is drawn from the oral testimonies of Muslims of diverse ethnic background. Since 1998, as part of PhD and post-doctoral research on Muslims in Australia, the author conducted 130 face-to-face, in-depth, taped interviews of Muslims, aged 18-90, both male and female. While speaking about their settlement experience, several interviewees made unsolicited remarks about Western/Australian media, all of them making the point that Muslims were being demonised. Australian Muslims Many of Australia’s 281,578 Muslims — 1.5 per cent of the total population (Australian Bureau of Statistics) — believe that as a result of media bias, they are vilified in society as “terrorists”, and discriminated in the workplace (Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission; Dreher 13; Kabir 266-277). The ABS figures support their claim of discrimination in the workplace; in 1996 the unemployment rate for Muslim Australians was 25 per cent, compared to 9 per cent for the national total. In 2001, it was reduced to 18.5 per cent, compared to 6.8 per cent for the national total, but the ratio of underprivileged positions in the labour market remained almost three times higher than for the wider community. Instead of reflecting on Muslims’ labour market issues or highlighting the social issues confronting Muslims since 9/11, some Australian media, in the name of “free speech”, reinforce negative perceptions of Muslims through images, cartoons and headlines. In 2004, one Muslim informant offered their perceptions of Australian media: I think the Australian media are quite prejudiced, and they only do show one side of the story, which is quite pro-Bush, pro-Howard, pro-war. Probably the least prejudiced media would be ABC or SBS, but the most pro-Jewish, pro-America, would be Channel Seven, Channel Nine, Channel Ten. They only ever show things from one side of the story. This article considers the validity of the Muslim interviewee’s perception that Australian media representation is one-sided. On 26 October 2005, under the headline: “Draw a Cartoon about Mohammed and You Must Die”, The Australian warned its readers: ISLAM is no laughing matter. Danish newspaper, Jyllands-Posten, is being protected by security guards and several cartoonists have gone into hiding after the newspaper published a series of 12 cartoons about the prophet Mohammed. According to Islam, it is blasphemous to make images of the prophet. Muslim fundamentalists have threatened to bomb the paper’s offices and kill the cartoonists (17). Militant Muslims The most provocative cartoons appearing in the Danish media are probably those showing a Muhammad-like figure wearing a turban shaped as a bomb with a burning fuse coming out of it, or a queue of smoking suicide bombers on a cloud with an Islamic cleric saying, “Stop stop we have run out of virgins”. Another showed a blindfolded Muslim man with two veiled Muslim women standing behind him. These messages appeared to be concerned with Islam’s repression of women (Jyllands-Posten), and possibly with the American channel CBS airing an interview in August 2001 of a Palestinian Hamas activist, Muhammad Abu Wardeh, who recruited terrorists for suicide bombings in Israel. Abu Wardeh was quoted as saying: “I described to him [the suicide bomber] how God would compensate the martyr for sacrificing his life for his land. If you become a martyr, God will give you 70 virgins, 70 wives and everlasting happiness” (The Guardian). Perhaps to serve their goals, the militants have re-interpreted the verses of the Holy Quran (Sura 44:51-54; 55:56) where it is said that Muslims who perform good deeds will be blessed by the huris or “pure being” (Ali 1290-1291; 1404). However, since 9/11, it is also clear that the Muslim militant groups such as the Al-Qaeda have become the “new enemy” of the West. They have used religion to justify the terrorist acts and suicide bombings that have impacted on Western interests in New York, Washington, Bali, Madrid amongst other places. But it should be noted that there are Muslim critics, such as Pakistani-born writer, Irshad Manji, Bangladeshi-born writer Taslima Nasreen and Somalian-born Dutch parliamentarian Ayaan Hirsi Ali, who have been constant critics of Muslim men’s oppression of women and have urged reformation. However, their extremist fellow believers threatened them with a death sentence for their “free speech” (Chadwick). The non-Muslim Dutch film director, Theo van Gogh, also a critic of Islam and a supporter of Ayaan Hirsi Ali, advocated a reduction in immigration into Holland, especially by Muslims. Both van Gogh and Hirsi Ali – who co-scripted and co-produced the film Submission – received death threats from Muslim extremists because the film exhibited the verses of the Quran across the chest, stomach and thighs of an almost naked girl, and featured four women in see-through robes showing their breasts, with texts from the Quran daubed on their bodies, talking about the abuse they had suffered under Islam (Anon 25). Whereas there may be some justification for the claim made in the film, that some Muslim men interpret the Quran to oppress women (Doogue and Kirkwood 220), the writing of the Quranic verses on almost-naked women is surely offensive to all Muslims because the Quran teaches Muslim women to dress modestly (Sura 24: 30-31; Ali 873). On 4 November 2004, The West Australian reported that the Dutch director Theo van Gogh was murdered by a 26-year-old Dutch-Moroccan Muslim on 2 November 2004 (27). Hirsi Ali, the co-producer of the film was forced to go into hiding after van Gogh’s murder. In the face of a growing clamour from both the Dutch Muslims and the secular communities to silence her, Ayaan Hirsi Ali resigned from the Dutch Parliament in May 2006 and decided to re-settle in Washington (Jardine 2006). It should be noted that militant Muslims form a tiny but forceful minority of the 1.4 billion Muslims worldwide. The Muslim majority are moderate and peaceful (Doogue and Kirkwood 79-80). Some Muslim scholars argue that there is specific instruction in the Quran for people to apply their knowledge and arrive at whatever interpretation is of greatest benefit to the community. It may be that stricter practitioners would not agree with the moderate interpretation of the Quran and vice versa (Doogue and Kirkwood 232). Therefore, when the Western media makes a mockery of the Muslim religion or their Prophet in the name of “free speech”, or generalises all Muslims for the acts of a few through headlines or cartoons, it impacts on the Muslims residing in the West. Prophet Muhammad’s Cartoons With the above-mentioned publication of Prophet Muhammad’s cartoons in Denmark, Islamic critics charged that the cartoons were a deliberate provocation and insult to their religion, designed to incite hatred and polarise people of different faiths. In February 2006, regrettably, violent reactions took place in the Middle East, Europe and in Asia. Danish embassies were attacked and, in some instances, were set on fire. The demonstrators chanted, “With our blood and souls we defend you, O Prophet of God!”. Some replaced the Danish flag with a green one printed with the first pillar of Islam (Kalima): “There is no god but God and Mohammed is the messenger of God”. Some considered the cartoons “an unforgivable insult” that merited punishment by death (The Age). A debate on “free speech” soon emerged in newspapers throughout the world. On 7 February 2006 the editorial in The West Australian, “World Has Had Enough of Muslim Fanatics”, stated that the newspaper would not publish cartoons of Mohammad that have drawn protests from Muslims around the world. The newspaper acknowledged that depictions of the prophet are regarded as “blasphemous by Muslims” (18). However, the editorial was juxtaposed with another article “Can Liberty Survive a Clash of Cultures?”, with an image of bearded men wearing Muslim head coverings, holding Arabic placards and chanting slogans, implying the violent nature of Islam. And in the letters page of this newspaper, published on the same day, appeared the following headlines (20): Another Excuse for Muslims to Threaten Us Islam Attacked Cartoon Rage: Greatest Threat to World Peace We’re Living in Dangerous Times Why Treat Embassies with Contempt? Muslim Religion Is Not So Soft Civilised World Is Threatened The West Australian is a state-based newspaper that tends to side with the conservative Liberal party, and is designed to appeal to the “man in the street”. The West Australian did not republish the Prophet Muhammad cartoon, but for 8 days from 7 to 15 February 2006 the letters to the editor and opinion columns consistently criticised Islam and upheld “superior” Western secular values. During this period, the newspaper did publish a few letters that condemned the Danish cartoonist, including the author’s letter, which also condemned the Muslims’ attack on the embassies. But the overall message was that Western secular values were superior to Islamic values. In other words, the newspaper adopted a jingoistic posture and asserted the cultural superiority of mainstream Australians. The Danish cartoons also sparked a debate on “free speech” in Australia’s leading newspaper, The Australian, which is a national newspaper that also tends to reflect the values of the ruling national government – also the conservative Liberal party. And it followed a similar pattern of debate as The West Australian. On 14 February 2006, The Australian (13) published a reader’s criticism of The Australian for not republishing the cartoons. The author questioned whether the Muslims deserved any tolerance because their Holy Book teaches intolerance. The Koran [Quran] (22:19) says: Garments of fire have been prepared for the unbelievers. Scalding water shall be poured upon their heads, melting their skins and that which is in their bellies. Perhaps this reader did not find the three cartoons published in The Australian a few days earlier to be ‘offensive’ to the Australian Muslims. In the first, on 6 February 2006, the cartoonist Bill Leak showed that his head was chopped off by some masked people (8), implying that Muslim militants, such as the Hamas, would commit such a brutal act. The Palestinian Hamas group often appear in masks before the media. In this context, it is important to note that Israel is an ally of Australia and the United States, whereas the Hamas is Israel’s enemy whose political ideology goes against Israel’s national interest. On 25 January 2006, the Hamas won a landslide victory in the Palestine elections but Israel refused to recognise this government because Hamas has not abandoned its militant ideology (Page 13). The cartoon, therefore, probably means that the cartoonist or perhaps The Australian has taken sides on behalf of Australia’s ally Israel. In the second cartoon, on 7 February 2006, Bill Leak sketched an Arab raising his sword over a school boy who was drawing in a classroom. The caption read, “One more line and I’ll chop your hand off!” (12). And in the third, on 10 February 2006, Bill Leak sketched Mr Mohammed’s shadow holding a sword with the caption: “The unacceptable face of fanaticism”. A reporter asked: “And so, Mr Mohammed, what do you have to say about the current crisis?” to which Mr Mohammed replied, “I refuse to be drawn on the subject” (16). The cartoonist also thought that the Danish cartoons should have been republished in the Australian newspapers (Insight). Cartoons are supposed to reflect the theme of the day. Therefore, Bill Leak’s cartoons were certainly topical. But his cartoons reveal that his or The Australian’s “freedom of expression” has been one-sided, all depicting Islam as representing violence. For example, after the Bali bombing on 21 November 2002, Leak sketched two fully veiled women, one carrying explosives under her veil and asking the other, “Does my bomb look big in this”? The cartoonist’s immediate response to criticism of the cartoon in a television programme was, “inevitably, when you look at a cartoon such as that one, the first thing you’ve got to do is remember that as a daily editorial cartoonist, you’re commenting first and foremost on the events of the day. They’re very ephemeral things”. He added, “It was…drawn about three years ago after a spate of suicide bombing attacks in Israel” (Insight). Earlier events also suggested that that The Australian resolutely supports Australia’s ally, Israel. On 13-14 November 2004 Bill Leak caricatured the recently deceased Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat in The Weekend Australian (18). In the cartoon, God appeared to be displeased with him and would not allow him to enter paradise. Arafat was shown with explosives strapped to his body and threatening God by saying, “A cloud to myself or the whole place goes up….”. On the other hand, on 6 January 2006 the same cartoonist sympathetically portrayed ailing Israeli leader Ariel Sharon as a decent man wearing a black suit, with God willing to accept him (10); and the next day Sharon was portrayed as “a Man of Peace” (12). Politics and Religion Thus, the anecdotal evidence so far reveals that in the name of “freedom of expression”, or “free speech” The West Australian and The Australian newspapers have taken sides – either glorifying their “superior” Western culture or taking sides on behalf of its allies. On the other hand, these print media would not tolerate the “free speech” of a Muslim leader who spoke against their ally or another religious group. From the 1980s until recently, some print media, particularly The Australian, have been critical of the Egyptian-born Muslim spiritual leader Imam Taj el din al-Hilali for his “free speech”. In 1988 the Australian Federation of Islamic Councils bestowed the title of Mufti to Imam al- Hilali, and al-Hilali was elevated to a position of national religious leadership. Al-Hilali became a controversial figure after 1988 when he gave a speech to the Muslim students at Sydney University and accused Jews of trying to control the world through “sex, then sexual perversion, then the promotion of espionage, treason and economic hoarding” (Hewett 7). The Imam started being identified as a “Muslim chief” in the news headlines once he directly criticised American foreign policy during the 1990-91 Gulf crisis. The Imam interpreted US intervention in Kuwait as a “political dictatorship” that was exploiting the Gulf crisis because it was seen as a threat to its oil supply (Hewett 7). After the Bali bombings in 2002, the Howard government distributed information on terrorism through the “Alert and Alarmed” kit as part of its campaign of public awareness. The first casualty of the “Be alert, but not alarmed” campaign was the Imam al-Hilali. On 6 January 2003, police saw a tube of plastic protruding from a passenger door window and suspected that al-Hilali might have been carrying a gun when they pulled him over for traffic infringements. Sheikh al-Hilali was charged with resisting arrest and assaulting police (Morris 1, 4). On 8 January 2003 The Australian reminded its readers “Arrest Adds to Mufti’s Mystery” (9). The same issue of The Australian portrayed the Sheikh being stripped of his clothes by two policemen. The letter page also contained some unsympathetic opinions under the headline: “Mufti Deserved No Special Treatment” (10). In January 2004, al-Hilali was again brought under the spotlight. The Australian media alleged that al-Hilali praised the suicide bombers at a Mosque in Lebanon and said that the destruction of the World Trade Center was “God’s work against oppressors” (Guillatt 24). Without further investigation, The Australian again reported his alleged inflammatory comments. Under the headline, “Muslim Leader’s Jihad Call”, it condemned al-Hilali and accused him of strongly endorsing “terrorist groups Hezbollah and Hamas, during his visit to Lebanon”. Federal Labor Member of Parliament Michael Danby said, “Hilali’s presence in Australia is a mistake. He and his associates must give authorities an assurance he will not assist future homicide attacks” (Chulov 1, 5). Later investigations by Sydney’s Good Weekend Magazine and SBS Television found that al-Hilali’s speech had been mistranslated (Guillatt 24). However, the selected print media that had been very critical of the Sheikh did not highlight the mistranslation. On the other hand, the Archbishop of Sydney, Cardinal George Pell has been critical of Islam and is also opposed to Australia’s involvement in the Iraq war in 2003, but the print media appeared to ignore his “free speech” (Dateline). In November 2004, Dr Pell said that secular liberal democracy was empty and selfish, and Islam was emerging as an alternative world view that attracted the alienated (Zwartz 3). In May 2006, Dr Pell said that he tried to reconcile claims that Islam was a faith of peace with those that suggested the Quran legitimised the killings of non-Muslims but: In my own reading of the Koran [Quran], I began to note down invocations to violence. There are so many of them, however, that I abandoned this exercise after 50 or 60 or 70 pages (Morris). Muslim leaders regarded Dr Pell’s anti-Islam statement as “inflammatory” (Morris). However, both the newspapers, The Australian and The West Australian remained uncritical of Dr Pell’s “free speech” against Islam. Conclusion Edward Said believed that media images are informed by official definitions of Islam that serve the interests of government and business. The success of the images is not in their accuracy but in the power of the people who produce them, the triumph of which is hardly challenged. “Labels have survived many experiences and have been capable of adapting to new events, information and realities” (9). In this paper the author accepts that, in the Australian context, militant Muslims are the “enemy of the West”. However, they are also the enemy of most moderate Australian Muslims. When some selected media take sides on behalf of the hegemony, or Australia’s “allies”, and offend moderate Australian Muslims, the media’s claim of “free speech” or “freedom of expression” remains highly questionable. Muslim interviewees in this study have noted a systemic bias in some Australian media, but they are not alone in detecting this bias (see the “Abu Who?” segment of Media Watch on ABC TV, 31 July 2006). To address this concern, Australian Muslim leaders need to play an active role in monitoring the media. This might take the form of a watchdog body within the Australian Federation of Islamic Councils. If the media bias is found to be persistent, the AFIC might then recommend legislative intervention or application of existing anti-discrimination policies; alternatively, AFIC could seek sanctions from within the Australian journalistic community. One way or another this practice should be stopped. References Ali, Abdullah Yusuf. The Holy Quran: Text, Translation and Commentary. New Revised Ed. Maryland, USA: Amana Corporation, 1989. Anonymous. “Dutch Courage in Aftermath of Film-Maker’s Slaying.” The Weekend Australian 6-7 Nov. 2004. Chadwick, Alex. “The Caged Virgin: A Call for Change in Islam.” 4 June 2006 http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=5382547>. Chulov, Martin. “Muslim Leader’s Jihad Call.” The Australian 19 Feb. 2004. Dateline. “Cardinal George Pell Interview.” SBS TV 6 April 2005. 7 June 2006 http://news.sbs.com.au/dateline/>. Dreher, Tanya. “Targeted”, Experiences of Racism in NSW after September 11, 2001. Sydney: University of Technology, 2005. Doogue, Geraldine, and Peter Kirkwood. Tomorrow’s Islam: Understanding Age-Old Beliefs and a Modern World. Sydney: ABC Books, 2005. Insight. “Culture Clash.” SBS TV 7 March 2006. 11 June 2006 http://news.sbs.com.au/insight/archive.php>. Guillatt, Richard. “Moderate or Menace.” Sydney Morning Herald Good Weekend 21 Aug. 2004. Hewett, Tony. “Australia Exploiting Crisis: Muslim Chief.” Sydney Morning Herald 27 Nov. 1990. Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission. Ismaa – Listen: National Consultations on Eliminating Prejudice against Arab and Muslim Australians. Sydney: Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission, 2004. Jyllands-Posten. 24 Jan. 2006. http://www.di2.nu/files/Muhammad_Cartoons_Jyllands_Posten.html>. Jardine, Lisa. “Liberalism under Pressure.” BBC News 5 June 2006. 12 June 2006 http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/magazine/5042418.stm>. Kabir, Nahid. Muslims in Australia: Immigration, Race Relations and Cultural History. London: Kegan Paul, 2005. Media Watch. “Abu Who?” ABC Television 31 July 2006. http://abc.net.au/mediawatch/>. Morris, Linda. “Imam Facing Charges after Row with Police.” Sydney Morning Herald 7 Jan. 2003. Morris, Linda. “Pell Challenges Islam – O Ye, of Little Tolerant Faith.” Sydney Morning Herald 5 May 2006. Page, Jeremy. “Russia May Sell Arms to Hamas.” The Australian 18 Feb. 2006. Said, Edward. Covering Islam: How the Media and the Experts Determine How We See the Rest of the World. London: Vintage, 1981, 1997. Submission. “Film Clip from Short Submission.” Submission. 11 June 2006. http://www.ifilm.com/ifilmdetail/2655656?htv=12> The Age. “Embassies Torched over Cartoons.” 5 Feb. 2006. http://www.theage.com.au>. The Guardian. “Virgins? What Virgins?” 12 Jan. 2002. 4 June 2006 http://www.guardian.co.uk/>. Zwartz, Barney. “Islam Could Be New Communism, Pell Tells US Audience.” Sydney Morning Herald 12 Nov. 2004. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Kabir, Nahid. "Depiction of Muslims in Selected Australian Media: Free Speech or Taking Sides." M/C Journal 9.4 (2006). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0609/1-kabir.php>. APA Style Kabir, N. (Sep. 2006) "Depiction of Muslims in Selected Australian Media: Free Speech or Taking Sides," M/C Journal, 9(4). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0609/1-kabir.php>.

My message is this in regard to SMS messages and swarming crowds; this is ludicrous behaviour; it is unAustralian. We all share this wonderful country. (NSW Police Assistant Commissioners Mark Goodwin, quoted in Kennedy) The cops hate and fear the swarming packs of Lebanese who respond when some of their numbers are confronted, mobilising quickly via mobile phones and showing open contempt for Australian law. All this is the real world, as distinct from the world preferred by ideological academics who talk about “moral panic” and the oppression of Muslims. They will see only Australian racism as the problem. (Sheehan) The Politics of Transmission On 11 December 2005, as Sydney was settling into early summer haze, there was a race riot on the popular Cronulla beach in the city’s southern suburbs. Hundreds of people, young men especially, gathered for a weekend protest. Their target and pretext were visitors from the culturally diverse suburbs to the west, and the need to defend their women and beaches in the face of such unwelcome incursions and behaviours. In the ensuing days, there were violent raids and assaults criss-crossing back and forth across Sydney’s beaches and suburbs, involving almost farcical yet deadly earnest efforts to identify, respectively, people of “anglo” or “Middle Eastern” appearance (often specifically “Lebanese”) and to threaten or bash them. At the very heart of this state of siege and the fear, outrage, and sadness that gripped those living in Sydney were the politics of transmission. The spark that set off this conflagration was widely believed to have been caused by the transmission of racist and violent “calls to arms” via mobile text messages. Predictably perhaps media outlets sought out experts on text messaging and cell phone culture for commentary, including myself and most mainstream media appeared interested in portraying a fascination for texting and reinforcing its pivotal role in the riots. In participating in media interviews, I found myself torn between wishing to attest to the significance and importance of cell phone culture and texting, on the one hand (or thumb perhaps), while being extremely sceptical about its alleged power in shaping these unfolding events, on the other — not to mention being disturbed about the ethical implications of what had unfolded. In this article, I wish to discuss the subject of transmission and the power of mobile texting culture, something that attracted much attention elsewhere — and to which the Sydney riots offer a fascinating and instructive lesson. My argument runs like this. Mobile phone culture, especially texting, has emerged over the past decade, and has played a central role in communicative and cultural practice in many countries and contexts as scholars have shown (Glotz and Bertschi; Harper, Palen and Taylor). Among other features, texting often plays a significant, if not decisive, role in co-ordinated as well as spontaneous social and political organization and networks, if not, on occasion, in revolution. However, it is important not to over-play the role, significance and force of such texting culture in the exercise of power, or the formation of collective action and identities (whether mobs, crowds, masses, movements, or multitudes). I think texting has been figured in such a hyperbolic and technological determinist way, especially, and ironically, through how it has been represented in other media (print, television, radio, and online). The difficulty then is to identify the precise contribution of mobile texting in organized and disorganized social networks, without the antimonies conferred alternatively by dystopian treatments (such as moral panic) or utopian ones (such as the technological sublime) — something which I shall try to elucidate in what follows. On the Beach Again Largely caught unawares and initially slow to respond, the New South Wales state government responded with a massive show of force and repression. 2005 had been marked by the state and Federal enactment of draconian terror laws. Now here was an opportunity for the government to demonstrate the worth of the instruments and rationales for suppression of liberties, to secure public order against threats of a more (un)civil than martial order. Outflanking the opposition party on law-and-order rhetoric once again, the government immediately formulated new laws to curtail accused and offender’s rights (Brown). The police “locked” down whole suburbs — first Cronulla, then others — and made a show of policing all beaches north and south (Sydney Morning Herald). The race riots were widely reported in the international press, and, not for the first time (especially since the recent Redfern and Macquarie Fields), the city’s self-image of a cosmopolitan, multicultural nation (or in Australian Prime Minister John Howard’s prim and loaded terms, a nation “relaxed and comfortable”) looked like a mirage. Debate raged on why the riots occurred, how harmony could be restored and what the events signified for questions of race and identity — the latter most narrowly construed in the Prime Minister’s insistence that the riots did not reflect underlying racism in Australia (Dodson, Timms and Creagh). There were suggestions that the unrest was rather at base about the contradictions and violence of masculinity, some two-odd decades after Puberty Blues — the famous account of teenage girls growing up on the (Cronulla) Shire beaches. Journalists agonized about whether the media amounted to reporter or amplifier of tensions. In the lead-up to the riots, at their height, and in their wake, there was much emphasis on the role mobile text messages played in creating the riots and sustaining the subsequent atmosphere of violence and racial tension (The Australian; Overington and Warne-Smith). Not only were text messages circulating in the Sydney area, but in other states as well (Daily Telegraph). The volume of such text messages and emails also increased in the wake of the riot (certainly I received one personally from a phone number I did not recognise). New messages were sent to exhort Lebanese-Australians and others to fight back. Those decrying racism, such as the organizers of a rally, pointedly circulated text messages, hoping to spread peace. Media commentators, police, government officials, and many others held such text messages directly and centrally responsible for organizing the riot and for the violent scuffles that followed: The text message hate mail that inspired 5000 people to attend the rally at Cronulla 10 days ago demonstrated to the police the power of the medium. The retaliation that followed, when gangs marauded through Maroubra and Cronulla, was also co-ordinated by text messaging (Davies). It is rioting for a tech-savvy generation. Mobile phones are providing the call to arms for the tribes in the race war dividing Sydney. More than 5000 people turn up to Cronulla on Sunday … many were drawn to the rally, which turned into a mob, by text messages on their mobiles (Hayes and Kearney). Such accounts were crucial to the international framing of the events as this report from The Times in London illustrates: In the days leading up to the riot racist text messages had apparently been circulating calling upon concerned “white” Australians to rally at Cronulla to defend their beach and women. Following the attacks on the volunteer lifeguards, a mobile telephone text campaign started, backed up by frenzied discussions on weblogs, calling on Cronulla locals to rally to protect their beach. In response, a text campaign urged youths from western Sydney to be at Cronulla on Sunday to protect their friends (Maynard). There were calls upon the mobile companies to intercept and ban such messages, with industry spokespeople pointing out text messages were usually only held for twenty-four hours and were in many ways more difficult to intercept than it was to tap phone calls (Burke and Cubby). Mobs and Messages I think there are many reasons to suggest that the transmission of text messages did constitute a moral panic (what I’ve called elsewhere a “mobile panic”; see Goggin), pace columnist Paul Sheehan. Notably the wayward texting drew a direct and immediate response from the state government, with legislative changes that included provisions allowing the confiscation of cell phones and outlawing sending, receipt or keeping of racist or inflammatory text messages. For some days police proceeded to stop cars and board buses and demand to inspect mobiles, checking and reading text messages, arresting at least one person for being responsible for transmitting banned text messages. However, there is another important set of ideas adduced by commentators to explain how people came together to riot in Sydney, taking their cue from Howard Rheingold’s 2002 book Smart Mobs, a widely discussed and prophetic text on social revolution and new technologies. Rheingold sees text messaging as the harbinger of such new, powerful forms of collectivity, studying emergent uses around the world. A prime example he uses to illustrate the “power of the mobile many” is the celebrated overthrow of President Joseph Estrada of the Philippines in January 2001: President Joseph Estrada of the Philippines became the first head of state in history to lose power to a smart mob. More than 1 million Manila residents, mobilized and coordinated by waves of text messages, assembled … Estrada fell. The legend of “Generation Txt” was born (Rheingold 157-58). Rheingold is careful to emphasize the social as much as technical nature of this revolution, yet still sees such developments leading to “smart mobs”. As with his earlier, prescient book Virtual Community (Rheingold 1993) did for the Internet, so has Smart Mobs compellingly fused and circulated a set of ideas about cell phones and the pervasive, wearable and mobile technologies that are their successors. The received view of the overthrow of the Estrada government is summed up in a remark attributed to Estrada himself: “I was ousted by a coup d’text” (Pertierra et al. ch. 6). The text-toppling of Estrada is typically attributed to “Generation Txt”, underlining the power of text messaging and the new social category which marks it, and has now passed into myth. What is less well-known is that the overriding role of the cell phone in the Estrada overthrow has been challenged. In the most detailed study of text messaging and subjectivity in the Philippines, which reviewed accounts of the events of the Estrada overthrow, as well as conducting interviews with participants, Pertierra et al. discern in EDSA2 a “utopian vision of the mobile phone that is characteristic of ‘discourses of sublime technology’”: It focuses squarely on the mobile phone, and ignores the people who used it … the technology is said to possess a mysterious force, called “Text Power” ... it is the technology that does things — makes things happen — not the people who use it. (Pertierra et al. ch. 6) Given the recrudescence of the technological sublime in digital media (on which see Mosco) the detailed examination of precise details and forms of agency and coordination using cell phones is most instructive. Pertierra et al. confirm that the cell phone did play an important role in EDSA2 (the term given to the events surrounding the downfall of Estrada). That role, however, was not the one for which it has usually been praised in the media since the event — namely, that of crowd-drawer par excellence … less than half of our survey respondents who took part in People Power 2 noted that text messaging influenced them to go. If people did attend, it was because they were persuaded to by an ensemble of other reasons … (2002: ch. 6) Instead, they argue, the significance of the cell phone lay firstly, in the way it helped join people who disapproved of Pres. Estrada in a network of complex connectivity … Secondly, the mobile phone was instrumental as an organizational device … In the hands of activists and powerbrokers from politics, the military, business groups and civil society, the mobile phone becomes a “potent communications tool” … (Pertierra et al. 2002: ch. 6) What this revisionist account of the Estrada coup underscores is that careful research and analysis is required to understand how SMS is used and what it signifies. Indeed it is worth going further to step back from either the celebratory or minatory discourses on the cell phone and its powerful effects, and reframe this set of events as very much to do with the mutual construction of society and technology, in which culture is intimately involved. This involves placing both the technology of text messaging and the social and political forces manifested in this uprising in a much wider setting. For instance, in his account of the Estrada crisis Vicente L. Rafael terms the tropes of text messaging and activism evident in the discourses surrounding it as: a set of telecommunicative fantasies among middle-class Filipinos … [that] reveal certain pervasive beliefs of the middle classes … in the power of communication technologies to transmit messages at a distance and in their own ability to possess that power (Rafael 399). For Rafael, rather than possessing instrinsic politics in its own right, text messaging here is about a “media politics (understood in both senses of the phrase: the politics of media systems, but also the inescapable mediation of the political) [that] reveal the unstable workings of Filipino middle-class sentiments” (400). “Little Square of Light” Doubtless there are emergent cultural and social forms created in conjunction with new technologies, which unfreeze and open up (for a time) social relations. As my discussion of the Estrada “coup d’text” shows, however, the dynamics of media, politics and technology in any revolution or riot need to be carefully traced. A full discussion of mobile media and the Sydney uprising will need to wait for another occasion. However, it is worth noting that the text messages in question to which the initial riot had been attributed, were actually read out on one of the country’s highest-rating and most influential talk-radio programs. The contents of such messages had also been detailed in print media, especially tabloids, and been widely discussed (McLellan, Marr). What remains unknown and unclear, however, is the actual use of text messages and cell phones in the conceiving, co-ordination, and improvisational dynamics of the riots, and affective, cultural processing of what occurred. Little retrospective interpretation at all has emerged in the months since the riots, but it certainly felt as if the police and state’s over-reaction, and the arrival of the traditionally hot and lethargic Christmas — combined with the underlying structures of power and feeling to achieve the reinstitution of calm, or rather perhaps the habitual, much less invisible, expression of whiteness as usual. The policing of the crisis had certainly been fuelled by the mobile panic, but setting law enforcement the task of bringing those text messages to book was much like asking them to catch the wind. For analysts, as well as police, the novel and salience appearance of texting also has a certain lure. Yet in concentrating on the deadly power of the cell phone to conjure up a howling or smart mob, or in the fascination with the new modes of transmission of mobile devices, it is important to give credit to the formidable, implacable role of media and cultural representations more generally, in all this, as they are transmitted, received, interpreted and circulated through old as well as new modes, channels and technologies. References The Australian. “SMS Message Goes Out: Let’s March for Racial Tolerance.” The Australian. 17 September, 2005. 6. Brown, M. “Powers Tested in the Text”. Sydney Morning Herald. 20 December, 2005. 7. Burke, K. and Cubby, B. “Police Track Text Message Senders”. Sydney Morning Herald, 23-25 December, 2005. 7. Daily Telegraph. “Police Intercept Interstate Riot SMS — Race Riot: Flames of Fear.” Daily Telegraph. 15 December, 2005. 5. Davis, A. “Flying Bats Rang Alarm”. Sydney Morning Herald. 21 December, 2005. 1, 5. Dodson, L., Timms, A. and Creagh, S. “Tourism Starts Counting the Cost of Race Riots”, Sydney Morning Herald. 21 December, 2005. 1. Goggin, G. Cell Phone Culture: Mobile Technology in Everyday Life. London: Routledge, 2006. In press. Glotz, P., and Bertschi, S. (ed.) Thumb Culture: Social Trends and Mobile Phone Use, Bielefeld: Transcript Verlag. Harper, R., Palen, L. and Taylor, A. (ed.)_ _The Inside Text: Social, Cultural and Design Perspectives on SMS. Dordrecht: Springer. Hayes, S. and Kearney, S. “Call to Arms Transmitted by Text”. Sydney Morning Herald. 13 December, 2005. 4. Kennedy, L. “Police Act Swiftly to Curb Attacks”. Sydney Morning Herald. 13 December, 2005. 6. Maynard, R. “Battle on Beach as Mob Vows to Defend ‘Aussie Way of Life.’ ” The Times. 12 December 2005. 29. Marr, D. “One-Way Radio Plays by Its Own Rules.” Sydney Morning Herald. 13 December, 2005. 6. McLellan, A. “Solid Reportage or Fanning the Flames?” The Australian. 15 December, 2005. 16. Mosco, V. The Digital Sublime: Myth, Power, and Cyberspace. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2004. Overington, C. and Warne-Smith, D. “Countdown to Conflict”. The Australian. 17 December, 2005. 17, 20. Pertierra, R., E.F. Ugarte, A. Pingol, J. Hernandez, and N.L. Dacanay, N.L. Txt-ing Selves: Cellphones and Philippine Modernity. Manila: De La Salle University Press, 2002. 1 January 2006 http://www.finlandembassy.ph/texting1.htm>. Rafael, V. L. “The Cell Phone and the Crowd: Messianic Politics in the Contemporary Philippines.” Public Culture 15 (2003): 399-425. Rheingold, H. Smart Mobs: The Next Social Revolution. Cambridge, MA: Perseus, 2002. Sheehan, P. “Nasty Reality Surfs In as Ugly Tribes Collide”. Sydney Morning Herald. 12 December, 2005. 13. Sydney Morning Herald. “Beach Wars 1: After Lockdown”. Editorial. Sydney Morning Herald. 20 December, 2005. 12. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Goggin, Gerard. "SMS Riot: Transmitting Race on a Sydney Beach, December 2005." M/C Journal 9.1 (2006). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0603/02-goggin.php>. APA Style Goggin, G. (Mar. 2006) "SMS Riot: Transmitting Race on a Sydney Beach, December 2005," M/C Journal, 9(1). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0603/02-goggin.php>.

Background “The sense of taste,” write Nelson and colleagues in a 2002 issue of Nature, “provides animals with valuable information about the nature and quality of food. Mammals can recognize and respond to a diverse repertoire of chemical entities, including sugars, salts, acids and a wide range of toxic substances” (199). The authors go on to argue that several amino acids—the building blocks of proteins—taste delicious to humans and that “having a taste pathway dedicated to their detection probably had significant evolutionary implications”. They imply, but do not specify, that the evolutionary implications are positive. This may be the case with some amino acids, but contemporary tastes, and changes in them, are far from universally beneficial. Indeed, this article argues that modern food production shapes and distorts human taste with significant implications for health and wellbeing. Take the western taste for fried chipped potatoes, for example. According to Schlosser in Fast Food Nation, “In 1960, the typical American ate eighty-one pounds of fresh potatoes and about four pounds of frozen french fries. Today [2002] the typical American eats about forty-nine pounds of fresh potatoes every year—and more than thirty pounds of frozen french fries” (115). Nine-tenths of these chips are consumed in fast food restaurants which use mass-manufactured potato-based frozen products to provide this major “foodservice item” more quickly and cheaply than the equivalent dish prepared from raw ingredients. These choices, informed by human taste buds, have negative evolutionary implications, as does the apparently long-lasting consumer preference for fried goods cooked in trans-fats. “Numerous foods acquire their elastic properties (i.e., snap, mouth-feel, and hardness) from the colloidal fat crystal network comprised primarily of trans- and saturated fats. These hardstock fats contribute, along with numerous other factors, to the global epidemics related to metabolic syndrome and cardiovascular disease,” argues Michael A. Rogers (747). Policy makers and public health organisations continue to compare notes internationally about the best ways in which to persuade manufacturers and fast food purveyors to reduce the use of these trans-fats in their products (L’Abbé et al.), however, most manufacturers resist. Hank Cardello, a former fast food executive, argues that “many products are designed for ‘high hedonic value’, with carefully balanced combinations of salt, sugar and fat that, experience has shown, induce people to eat more” (quoted, Trivedi 41). Fortunately for the manufactured food industry, salt and sugar also help to preserve food, effectively prolonging the shelf life of pre-prepared and packaged goods. Physiological Factors As Glanz et al. discovered when surveying 2,967 adult Americans, “taste is the most important influence on their food choices, followed by cost” (1118). A person’s taste is to some extent an individual response to food stimuli, but the tongue’s taste buds respond to five basic categories of food: salty, sweet, sour, bitter, and umami. ‘Umami’ is a Japanese word indicating “delicious savoury taste” (Coughlan 11) and it is triggered by the amino acid glutamate. Japanese professor Kikunae Ikeda identified glutamate while investigating the taste of a particular seaweed which he believed was neither sweet, sour, bitter, or salty. When Ikeda combined the glutamate taste essence with sodium he formed the food additive sodium glutamate, which was patented in 1908 and subsequently went into commercial production (Japan Patent Office). Although individual, a person’s taste preferences are by no means fixed. There is ample evidence that people’s tastes are being distorted by modern food marketing practices that process foods to make them increasingly appealing to the average palate. In particular, this industrialisation of food promotes the growth of a snack market driven by salty and sugary foods, popularly constructed as posing a threat to health and wellbeing. “[E]xpanding waistlines [are] fuelled by a boom in fast food and a decline in physical activity” writes Stark, who reports upon the 2008 launch of a study into Australia’s future ‘fat bomb’. As Deborah Lupton notes, such reports were a particular feature of the mid 2000s when: intense concern about the ‘obesity epidemic’ intensified and peaked. Time magazine named 2004 ‘The Year of Obesity’. That year the World Health Organization’s Global Strategy on Diet, Physical Activity and Health was released and the [US] Centers for Disease Control predicted that a poor diet and lack of exercise would soon claim more lives than tobacco-related disease in the United States. (4) The American Heart Association recommends eating no more than 1500mg of salt per day (Hamzelou 11) but salt consumption in the USA averages more than twice this quantity, at 3500mg per day (Bernstein and Willett 1178). In the UK, a sustained campaign and public health-driven engagement with food manufacturers by CASH—Consensus Action on Salt and Health—resulted in a reduction of between 30 and 40 percent of added salt in processed foods between 2001 and 2011, with a knock-on 15 percent decline in the UK population’s salt intake overall. This is the largest reduction achieved by any developed nation (Brinsden et al.). “According to the [UK’s] National Institute for Health and Care Excellence (NICE), this will have reduced [UK] stroke and heart attack deaths by a minimum of 9,000 per year, with a saving in health care costs of at least £1.5bn a year” (MacGregor and Pombo). Whereas there has been some success over the past decade in reducing the amount of salt consumed, in the Western world the consumption of sugar continues to rise, as a graph cited in the New Scientist indicates (O’Callaghan). Regular warnings that sugar is associated with a range of health threats and delivers empty calories devoid of nutrition have failed to halt the increase in sugar consumption. Further, although some sugar is a natural product, processed foods tend to use a form invented in 1957: high-fructose corn syrup (HFCS). “HFCS is a gloopy solution of glucose and fructose” writes O’Callaghan, adding that it is “as sweet as table sugar but has typically been about 30% cheaper”. She cites Serge Ahmed, a French neuroscientist, as arguing that in a world of food sufficiency people do not need to consume more, so they need to be enticed to overeat by making food more pleasurable. Ahmed was part of a team that ran an experiment with cocaine-addicted rats, offering them a mutually exclusive choice between highly-sweetened water and cocaine: Our findings clearly indicate that intense sweetness can surpass cocaine reward, even in drug-sensitized and -addicted individuals. We speculate that the addictive potential of intense sweetness results from an inborn hypersensitivity to sweet tastants. In most mammals, including rats and humans, sweet receptors evolved in ancestral environments poor in sugars and are thus not adapted to high concentrations of sweet tastants. The supranormal stimulation of these receptors by sugar-rich diets, such as those now widely available in modern societies, would generate a supranormal reward signal in the brain, with the potential to override self-control mechanisms and thus lead to addiction. (Lenoir et al.) The Tongue and the Brain One of the implications of this research about the mammalian desire for sugar is that our taste for food is about more than how these foods actually taste in the mouth on our tongues. It is also about the neural response to the food we eat. The taste of French fries thus also includes that “snap, mouth-feel, and hardness” and the “colloidal fat crystal network” (Rogers, “Novel Structuring” 747). While there is no taste receptor for fats, these nutrients have important effects upon the brain. Wang et al. offered rats a highly fatty, but palatable, diet and allowed them to eat freely. 33 percent of the calories in the food were delivered via fat, compared with 21 percent in a normal diet. The animals almost doubled their usual calorific intake, both because the food had a 37 percent increased calorific content and also because the rats ate 47 percent more than was standard (2786). The research team discovered that in as little as three days the rats “had already lost almost all of their ability to respond to leptin” (Martindale 27). Leptin is a hormone that acts on the brain to communicate feelings of fullness, and is thus important in assisting animals to maintain a healthy body weight. The rats had also become insulin resistant. “Severe resistance to the metabolic effects of both leptin and insulin ensued after just 3 days of overfeeding” (Wang et al. 2786). Fast food restaurants typically offer highly palatable, high fat, high sugar, high salt, calorific foods which can deliver 130 percent of a day’s recommended fat intake, and almost a day’s worth of an adult man’s calories, in one meal. The impacts of maintaining such a diet over a comparatively short time-frame have been recorded in documentaries such as Super Size Me (Spurlock). The after effects of what we widely call “junk food” are also evident in rat studies. Neuroscientist Paul Kenny, who like Ahmed was investigating possible similarities between food- and cocaine-addicted rats, allowed his animals unlimited access to both rat ‘junk food’ and healthy food for rats. He then changed their diets. “The rats with unlimited access to junk food essentially went on a hunger strike. ‘It was as if they had become averse to healthy food’, says Kenny. It took two weeks before the animals began eating as much [healthy food] as those in the control group” (quoted, Trivedi 40). Developing a taste for certain food is consequently about much more than how they taste in the mouth; it constitutes an individual’s response to a mixture of taste, hormonal reactions and physiological changes. Choosing Health Glanz et al. conclude their study by commenting that “campaigns attempting to change people’s perception of the importance of nutrition will be interpreted in terms of existing values and beliefs. A more promising strategy might be to stress the good taste of healthful foods” (1126). Interestingly, this is the strategy already adopted by some health-focused cookbooks. I have 66 cookery books in my kitchen. None of ten books sampled from the five spaces in which these books are kept had ‘taste’ as an index entry, but three books had ‘taste’ in their titles: The Higher Taste, Taste of Life, and The Taste of Health. All three books seek to promote healthy eating, and they all date from the mid-1980s. It might be that taste is not mentioned in cookbook indexes because it is a sine qua non: a focus upon taste is so necessary and fundamental to a cookbook that it goes without saying. Yet, as the physiological evidence makes clear, what we find palatable is highly mutable, varying between people, and capable of changing significantly in comparatively short periods of time. The good news from the research studies is that the changes wrought by high salt, high sugar, high fat diets need not be permanent. Luciano Rossetti, one of the authors on Wang et al’s paper, told Martindale that the physiological changes are reversible, but added a note of caution: “the fatter a person becomes the more resistant they will be to the effects of leptin and the harder it is to reverse those effects” (27). Morgan Spurlock’s experience also indicates this. In his case it took the actor/director 14 months to lose the 11.1 kg (13 percent of his body mass) that he gained in the 30 days of his fast-food-only experiment. Trivedi was more fortunate, stating that, “After two weeks of going cold turkey, I can report I have successfully kicked my ice cream habit” (41). A reader’s letter in response to Trivedi’s article echoes this observation. She writes that “the best way to stop the craving was to switch to a diet of vegetables, seeds, nuts and fruits with a small amount of fish”, adding that “cravings stopped in just a week or two, and the diet was so effective that I no longer crave junk food even when it is in front of me” (Mackeown). Popular culture indicates a range of alternative ways to resist food manufacturers. In the West, there is a growing emphasis on organic farming methods and produce (Guthman), on sl called Urban Agriculture in the inner cities (Mason and Knowd), on farmers’ markets, where consumers can meet the producers of the food they eat (Guthrie et al.), and on the work of advocates of ‘real’ food, such as Jamie Oliver (Warrin). Food and wine festivals promote gourmet tourism along with an emphasis upon the quality of the food consumed, and consumption as a peak experience (Hall and Sharples), while environmental perspectives prompt awareness of ‘food miles’ (Weber and Matthews), fair trade (Getz and Shreck) and of land degradation, animal suffering, and the inequitable use of resources in the creation of the everyday Western diet (Dare, Costello and Green). The burgeoning of these different approaches has helped to stimulate a commensurate growth in relevant disciplinary fields such as Food Studies (Wessell and Brien). One thing that all these new ways of looking at food and taste have in common is that they are options for people who feel they have the right to choose what and when to eat; and to consume the tastes they prefer. This is not true of all groups of people in all countries. Hiding behind the public health campaigns that encourage people to exercise and eat fresh fruit and vegetables are the hidden “social determinants of health: The conditions in which people are born, grow, live, work and age, including the health system” (WHO 45). As the definitions explain, it is the “social determinants of health [that] are mostly responsible for health iniquities” with evidence from all countries around the world demonstrating that “in general, the lower an individual’s socioeconomic position, the worse his or her health” (WHO 45). For the comparatively disadvantaged, it may not be the taste of fast food that attracts them but the combination of price and convenience. If there is no ready access to cooking facilities, or safe food storage, or if a caregiver is simply too time-poor to plan and prepare meals for a family, junk food becomes a sensible choice and its palatability an added bonus. For those with the education, desire, and opportunity to break free of the taste for salty and sugary fats, however, there are a range of strategies to achieve this. There is a persuasive array of evidence that embracing a plant-based diet confers a multitude of health benefits for the individual, for the planet and for the animals whose lives and welfare would otherwise be sacrificed to feed us (Green, Costello and Dare). Such a choice does involve losing the taste for foods which make up the lion’s share of the Western diet, but any sense of deprivation only lasts for a short time. The fact is that our sense of taste responds to the stimuli offered. It may be that, notwithstanding the desires of Jamie Oliver and the like, a particular child never will never get to like broccoli, but it is also the case that broccoli tastes differently to me, seven years after becoming a vegan, than it ever did in the years in which I was omnivorous. When people tell me that they would love to adopt a plant-based diet but could not possibly give up cheese, it is difficult to reassure them that the pleasure they get now from that specific cocktail of salty fats will be more than compensated for by the sheer exhilaration of eating crisp, fresh fruits and vegetables in the future. Conclusion For decades, the mass market food industry has tweaked their products to make them hyper-palatable and difficult to resist. They do this through marketing experiments and consumer behaviour research, schooling taste buds and brains to anticipate and relish specific cocktails of sweet fats (cakes, biscuits, chocolate, ice cream) and salty fats (chips, hamburgers, cheese, salted nuts). They add ingredients to make these products stimulate taste buds more effectively, while also producing cheaper items with longer life on the shelves, reducing spoilage and the complexity of storage for retailers. Consumers are trained to like the tastes of these foods. Bitter, sour, and umami receptors are comparatively under-stimulated, with sweet, salty, and fat-based tastes favoured in their place. Western societies pay the price for this learned preference in high blood pressure, high cholesterol, diabetes, and obesity. Public health advocate Bruce Neal and colleagues, working to reduce added salt in processed foods, note that the food and manufacturing industries can now provide most of the calories that the world needs to survive. “The challenge now”, they argue, “is to have these same industries provide foods that support long and healthy adult lives. And in this regard there remains a very considerable way to go”. If the public were to believe that their sense of taste is mutable and has been distorted for corporate and industrial gain, and if they were to demand greater access to natural foods in their unprocessed state, then that journey towards a healthier future might be far less protracted than these and many other researchers seem to believe. References Bernstein, Adam, and Walter Willett. “Trends in 24-Hr Sodium Excretion in the United States, 1957–2003: A Systematic Review.” American Journal of Clinical Nutrition 92 (2010): 1172–1180. Bhaktivedanta Book Trust. 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Introduction Presidents “define who Americans are—often by declaring who they aren’t”, and “by their very utterances […] have shaped our sense of who we are as Americans” (Stuckey, front cover). This advocacy of some groups and policies to the exclusion of others has been facilitated in the United States’ political culture by the country music industry. Indeed, President Richard Nixon said of country music that it “radiates a love of this nation—a patriotism,” adding that it “makes America a better country” (Bufwack and Oermann 328). Country music’s ardent support of American military conflict, including Vietnam, has led to its long-term support of Republican candidates. There has been a general lack of scholarly interest, however, in how country music has promoted Republican definitions of what it means to be an American. Accordingly, we have two primary objectives. First, we will demonstrate that Republicans, aided by country music, have used the theme of defence of “country,” especially post-9/11, to attempt to intimidate detractors. Secondly, Republicans have questioned the love of “country,” or “patriotism,” of their electoral opponents just as country musicians have attempted to silence their own critics. This research is timely in that little has been done to merge Presidential advocacy and country music; furthermore, with the election of a new President mere days away, it is important to highlight the tendencies toward intolerance that both conservatism and country music have historically shared. Defence of ‘Country’ After the 9/11 attacks, President George W. Bush addressed the nation before a Joint Session of Congress on 20 September 2001. During this speech, the president threatened the international community and raised the spectre of fear in Americans both while drawing distinctions between the United States and its enemies. This message was reflected and reinforced by several patriotic anthems composed by country artists, thus enhancing its effect. In his remarks before Congress, Bush challenged the international community: “Either you are with us, or you are with the terrorists;” thus “advocating some groups to the exclusion of others” on the international stage (20 September 2001). With these words, the President expanded the definition of the United States’ enemies to include not only those responsible for the 9/11 attacks, but also anyone who refused to support him. Republican Senator John McCain’s hawkishness regarding the attacks mirrored the President’s. “There is a system out there or network, and that network is going to have to be attacked,” McCain said the next morning on ABC (American Broadcasting Company) News. Within a month he made clear his priority: “Very obviously Iraq is the first country,” he declared on CNN. Later he yelled to a crowd of sailors and airmen: “Next up, Baghdad!” (http://www.iht.com/articles/2008/08/17/america/mccain.php). Bush’s address also encouraged Americans at home to “be calm and resolute, even in the face of a continuing threat” (20 September 2001). The subtle “us vs. them” tension here is between citizens and those who would threaten them. Bush added that “freedom and fear” had always “been at war” and “God is not neutral between them” (20 September 2001) suggesting a dualism between God and Satan with God clearly supporting the cause of the United States. Craig Allen Smith’s research refers to this as Bush’s “angel/devil jeremiad.” The President’s emphasis on fear, specifically the fear that the American way of life was being assailed, translated into public policy including the creation of the Department of Homeland Security and the Patriot Act. This strategic nomenclature strengthened the power of the federal government and has been used by Republicans to suggest that if a candidate or citizen is not a terrorist then what does he/she have to fear from the government? The impact of Bush’s rhetoric of fear has of late been evaluated by scholars who have termed it “melodrama” in international affairs (Anker; Sampert and Treiberg). To disseminate his message for Americans to support his defence of “country,” Bush needed look no further than country music. David Firestein, a State Department diplomat and published authority on country music, asserted that the Bush team “recognised the power of country music as a political communication device” (86). The administration’s appeal to country music is linked to what Firestein called the “honky-tonk gap” which delineates red states and blue states. In an analysis of census data, Radio-Locator’s comprehensive listing by state of country music radio stations, and the official 2004 election results, he concluded that If you were to overlay a map of the current country music fan base onto the iconic red-and-blue map of the United States, you would find that its contours coincide virtually identically with those of the red state region. (84) And country musicians were indeed powerful in communicating the Republican message after 9/11. Several country musicians tapped into Bush’s defence of country rhetoric with a spate of songs including Alan Jackson’s Where Were You? (When the World Stopped Turning), Toby Keith’s Courtesy of the Red, White, and Blue (the Angry American), and Darryl Worley’s Have You Forgotten? to name a few. Note how well the music parallels Bush’s attempt to define Americans. For instance, one of the lines from Keith’s Courtesy of the Red, White, and Blue (the Angry American) speaks of those who have given their lives so that other Americans may rest peacefully. This sentiment is reiterated by the theme of Worley’s Have You Forgotten? in which he talks of spending time with soldiers who have no doubts about why they are at war. Both songs implicitly indict the listener for betraying United States soldiers if his/her support for the Iraqi war wanes or, put in Bush terms, the listener would become a supporter of “terrorism.” Country music’s appeal to middle-America’s red state conservatism has made the genre a natural vehicle for supporting the defence of country. Indeed, country songs have been written about every war in United States history; most expressing support for the conflict and the troops as opposed to protesting the United States’ action: “Since the Civil War and Reconstruction, ‘Dixie’ has always been the bellwether of patriotic fervour in time of war and even as the situation in Vietnam reached its lowest point and support for the war began to fade, the South and its distinctive music remained solidly supportive” (Andresen 105). Historically, country music has a long tradition of attempting to “define who Americans were by defining who they weren’t” (Stuckey). As Bufwack and Oermann note within country music “images of a reactionary South were not hard to find.” They add “Dixie fertilized ‘three r’s’ – the right, racism, and religion” (328). Country musicians supported the United States’ failed intervention in Vietnam with such songs as It’s for God and Country and You Mom (That’s Why I’m Fighting In Vietnam), and even justified the American massacre of noncombatants at My Lai in the Battle Hymn of Lt. Calley (328). Thus, a right-wing response to the current military involvement in Iraq was not unexpected from the industry and the honky-tonk state listeners. During the current election, Republican presidential nominee McCain has also received a boost from the country music genre as John Rich, of Big and Rich, wrote Raising McCain, a musical tribute to McCain’s military service used as his campaign theme song. The song, debuted at a campaign rally on 1 August 2008, in Florida, mentions McCain’s ‘Prisoner of War’ status to keep the focus on the war and challenge those who would question it. Scholars have researched the demographics of the country music listener as they have evaluated the massification theory: the notion that the availability of a widespread media culture would break down social and cultural barriers and result in a “homogenised” society as opposed to the results of government-controlled media in non-democratic countries (Peterson and DiMaggio). They have determined that the massification theory has only been partially demonstrated in that regional and class barriers have eroded to some extent but country music listeners are still predominately white and older (Peterson and DiMaggio 504). These individuals do tend to be more conservative within the United States’ political culture, and militarism has a long history within both country music and conservatism. If the bad news of the massification theory is that a mass media market may not perpetuate a homogenous society, there is good news. The more onerous fears that the government will work in tandem with the media to control the people in a democracy seem not to have been borne out over time. Although President Bush’s fear tactics were met with obsequious silence initially, resistance to the unquestioning support of the war has steadily grown. In 2003, a worldwide rally opposed the invasion of Iraq because it was a sovereign state and because the Bush doctrine lacked United Nations’ support. Further opposition in the United States included rallies and concerts as well as the powerful display in major cities across the nation of pairs of combat boots representing fallen soldiers (Olson). Bush’s popularity has dropped precipitously, with his disapproval ratings higher than any President in history at 71% (Steinhauser). While the current economic woes have certainly been a factor, the campaigns of Barack Obama and John McCain can also be viewed as a referendum on the Bush war. The American resistance to the Bush rhetoric and the Iraq war is all the more significant in light of research indicating that citizens incorrectly believe that the opposition to the Vietnam War was typified by protests against the troops rather than the war itself (Beamish). This false notion has empowered the Republicans and country musicians to challenge the patriotism of anyone who would subsequently oppose the military involvement of the United States, and it is to this topic of patriotism that we now turn. Patriotism Patriotism can be an effective way for presidential candidates to connect with voters (Sullivan et al). It has been a particularly salient issue since the 9/11 attacks and the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. Ironically, George W. Bush, a man whose limited military service had been the subject of debate in 2000, was able to employ the persistent patriotic themes of country music to his electoral advantage. In fact, Firestein argued that country music radio had a greater effect on the 2004 election than any ads run by issue groups because it “inculcated and reinforced conservative values in the red state electorate, helped frame the issues of the day on terms favourable to the conservative position on those issues, and primed red state voters to respond positively to President Bush’s basic campaign message of family, country, and God” (Firestein 83). Bush even employed Only in America, a patriotic anthem performed by Brooks and Dunn, as a campaign theme song, because the war and patriotism played such a prominent role in the election. That the Bush re-election campaign successfully cast doubt on the patriotism of three-time Purple Heart winner, Democratic Senator John Kerry, during the campaign is evidence of Firestein’s assertion. The criticism was based on a book: Unfit for Command: Swift Boat Veterans Speak Out Against John Kerry (O’Neill and Corsi). The book was followed by advertisements funded by Swift Boat Veterans for Truth which included unsubstantiated claims that Kerry lied or exaggerated his combat role in Vietnam in order to obtain two of his Purple Hearts and his Bronze Star; the testimony of Kerry’s crewmen and Navy records notwithstanding, these ads were effective in smearing Kerry’s service record and providing the President with an electoral advantage. As far as country music was concerned, the 2004 election played out against the backdrop of the battle between the patriotic Toby Keith and the anti-American Dixie Chicks. The Dixie Chicks were berated after lead singer Natalie Maines’s anti-Bush comments during a concert in London. The trio’s song about an American soldier killed in action, Travelin’ Soldier, quickly fell from the top spot of the country music charts. Moreover, while male singers such as Keith, Darryl Worley, and Alan Jackson received accolades for their post 9/11 artistic efforts, the Dixie Chicks endured a vitriolic reaction from country music fans as their CDs were burned, country radio refused to play their music, their names were added to an internet list of traitors, their concerts were protested by Bush supporters, and their lives were even threatened (http://www.poppolitics.com/archives/2003/04/Bandwagon). Speaking from experience at the 2008 Democratic National Convention, Kerry addressed the issue of patriotism stating: This election is a chance for America to tell the merchants of fear and division: you don’t decide who loves this country; you don’t decide who is a patriot; you don’t decide whose service counts and whose doesn’t. […] After all, patriotism is not love of power or some cheap trick to win votes; patriotism is love of country. (http://www.clipsandcomment.com/2008/08/27/full-text-john-kerry-speech-democratic-national-convention/) Kerry broached the issue because of the constant attacks on the patriotism of Democratic nominee, Senator Barack Obama. At the most basic level, many of the attacks questioned whether Obama was even an American. Internet rumours persisted that Obama was a Muslim who was not even an American citizen. The attacks intensified when the Obamas’ pastor, Reverend Jeremiah Wright, came under fire for comments made during a sermon in which he stated “God damn America.” As a result, Obama was forced to distance himself from his pastor and his church. Obama was also criticised for not wearing a United States flag lapel pin. When Michelle Obama stated for the “first time [she was] proud of her country” for its willingness to embrace change in February of 2008, Cindy McCain responded that she “had always been proud of her country” with the implication being, of course, a lack of patriotism on the part of Michelle Obama. Even the 13 July 2008 cover of the liberal New Yorker portrayed the couple as flag-burning Muslim terrorists. During the 2008 election campaign, McCain has attempted to appeal to patriotism in a number of ways. First, McCain’s POW experience in Vietnam has been front and centre as he touts his experience in foreign policy. Second, the slogan of the campaign is “Country First” implying that the Obama campaign does not put the United States first. Third, McCain’s running mate, Alaska Governor Sarah Palin, insisted in a speech on 4 October 2008, that Barack Obama has been “palling around with terrorists who would target their own country.” Her reference was to Obama’s acquaintance, Bill Ayers, who was involved in a series of Vietnam era bombings; the implication, however, was that Obama has terrorist ties and is unpatriotic. Palin stood behind her comments even though several major news organisations had concluded that the relationship was not significant as Ayers’ terrorist activities occurred when Obama was eight-years-old. This recent example is illustrative of Republican attempts to question the patriotism of Democrats for their electoral advantage. Country music has again sided with the Republicans particularly with Raising McCain. However, the Democrats may have realised the potential of the genre as Obama chose Only in America as the song played after his acceptance speech at the Democratic Convention. He has also attempted to reach rural voters by starting his post-convention campaign in Bristol, Virginia, a small, conservative town. Conclusion Thus, in the wake of 9/11, Republicans seized the opportunity to control the culture through fear and patriotic fervour. They were facilitated in this endeavor by the country music industry with songs that that would questions the motives, defence of “country,” and patriotism, of anyone who would question the Bush administration. This alliance between country music and the right is an historically strong one, and we recommend more research on this vital topic. While this election may indeed be a referendum on the war, it has been influenced by an economic downturn as well. Ultimately, Democrats will have to convince rural voters that they share their values; they don’t have the same edge as Republicans without the reliance of country music. However, the dynamic of country music has changed to somewhat reflect the war fatigue since the 2004 campaign. The Angry American, Toby Keith, has admitted that he is actually a Democrat, and country music listeners have grown tired of the “barrage of pro-troop sentiment,” especially since the summer of 2005 (Willman 115). As Joe Galante, the chief of the RCA family of labels in Nashville, stated, “It’s the relatability. Kerry never really spent time listening to some of those people” (Willman 201). Bill Clinton, a Southern governor, certainly had relatability, carrying the normally red states and overcoming the honky-tonk gap, and Obama has seen the benefit of country music by playing it as the grand finale of the Democratic Convention. Nevertheless, we recommend more research on the “melodrama” theory of the Presidency as the dynamics of the relationship between the Presidency and the country music genre are currently evolving. References Andreson, Lee. 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