Journal articles: 'Social psychology – Europen Union'

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Doerr, Nicole, and Massimiliano Andretta. "Imagining Europe: Internal and External Non-State Actors at the European Crossroads." European Foreign Affairs Review 12, Issue 3 (August 1, 2007): 385–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2007032.

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This article studies the construction of ideals and images associated with Europe and the European Union by non-state actors (social movements, trade unions and NGOs) based outside Europe. First, we analyse the external image of Europe and the EU through the content analysis of meaning attributed to the EU and EU politics on the homepages of non-EU NGOs, trade unions and social movements within the global justice movements. Secondly, we study the perspective of non-Western European activists within the European Social Forum process as a transnational forum ‘from below’ for ‘another’ Europe. The European Union seen from outside is an ambivalent powerful political community with both a hegemonic but also a socially transformative and democratic aspiration. While internal EU organizations and groups claim the internal democratization of Europe, activists based outside the EU see it as an important external ally for the implementation of human rights and democratization (or gender equality), though they are very critical on materialistic issues, such as trade relationships.

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Kerremans, Bart. "The Social Dimension of European Union Trade Policies." European Foreign Affairs Review 14, Issue 5 (December 1, 2009): 629–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2009045.

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The European Union (EU) is widely considered as a formidable trade power. It represents about one fourth of worldwide trade flows and generally speaks with one voice in its common commercial policies. In addition, policy-makers and scholars often regard the Union as a distinctive, ‘normative power’ in the world. From this perspective, Europe tries to be at the forefront of promoting values such as human rights, democracy, sustainable development, and social justice, this with a clear preference for supporting international dialogue and cooperation in these areas, rather than for using trade sanctions. This special issue combines both aspects of the EU’s international role. More specifically, it concerns the social dimension of the EU’s trade policies. It raises the questions of how, why, and with what impact the EU has promoted social objectives through its common commercial policies. These three questions will be addressed in this introduction, followed by a brief summary of the way in which the different contributions of this special issue deal with them.

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Leonori, Luigi, Manuel Muñoz, Carmelo Vázquez, José J. Vázquez, Mary Fe Bravo, María Nuche, Preben Brandt, Antonio Bento, and Bernard Horenbek. "The Mental Health and Social Exclusion European Network." European Psychologist 5, no. 3 (September 2000): 245–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027//1016-9040.5.3.245.

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This report concerns the activities developed by the Mental Health and Social Exclusion (MHSE) Network, an initiative supported by the Mental Health Europe (World Federation of Mental Health). We report some data from the preliminary survey done in five capital cities of the European Union (Madrid, Copenhagen, Brussels, Lisbon, and Rome). The main aim of this survey was to investigate, from a mostly qualitative point of view, the causal and supportive factors implicated in the situation of the homeless mentally ill in Europe. The results point out the familial and childhood roots of homelessness, the perceived causes of the situation, the relationships with the support services, and the expectations of future of the homeless mentally ill. The analysis of results has helped to identify the different variables implicated in the social rupture process that influences homelessness in major European cities. The results were used as the basis for the design of a more ambitious current research project about the impact of the medical and psychosocial interventions in the homeless. This project is being developed in 10 capital cities of the European Union with a focus on the program and outcome evaluation of the health and psychosocial services for the disadvantaged.

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Akaliyski, Plamen, and Christian Welzel. "Clashing Values: Supranational Identities, Geopolitical Rivalry and Europe’s Growing Cultural Divide." Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology 51, no. 9 (September 15, 2020): 740–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022022120956716.

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Soon after the collapse of Soviet-type communism in Central and Eastern Europe, a new geopolitical division began to reshape the continent. Our study demonstrates that this newly emerging geopolitical divide has been underpinned by a corresponding cultural divergence, of which “emancipative values” are the most powerful marker. Using the European Values Study/World Values Survey 1990 to 2014, we find that the former Iron Curtain no longer constitutes a cultural boundary because the ex-communist states that joined the European Union have been converging with the West’s strong emphasis on emancipative values. Instead, a new and steeply growing cultural gap has emerged between the European Union and its Eastern neighbors. The two competing geopolitical formations in the West and East—the European and Eurasian Unions, respectively—have diverged culturally in recent decades. The divergence goes back to contrasting supranational identities that originate in different religious traditions, which rulers have increasingly accentuated to strengthen their nations’ endorsement or dismissal of emancipative values. Through this sorting-out process, emancipative values became an increasingly significant marker of a Western-vs-Eastern cultural identity. Our study is the first to link this groundbreaking cultural transformation to civilizational identities and geopolitical rivalry.

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Hakoköngäs, Eemeli, Anna-Maija Pirttilä-Backman, and Merja Halme. "Something Old, Something New: Finnish Living Historical Memory in the 2010s." Journal of Pacific Rim Psychology 15 (January 2021): 183449092110070. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/18344909211007024.

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In this article, the authors present new results and discuss Finnish living historical memory in the 2010s. The data was collected as part of an international online survey in 2018–2019. The authors analyze the responses of 303 Finns who were asked to list three of the most influential events in Finnish history that had occurred in their lifetime or in the lifetime of someone they knew or had known. Cluster analysis is used to gain insight into the heterogeneous set of events that the respondents recalled. Finnish membership of the European Union (1995), recent global upheavals (e.g., 9/11), and historically more distant wars (1939–1944) characterize living historical memory. Five clusters—internationalizing nation, threatened nation, surviving nation, in favor of the European Union, and against the European Union—were discovered. Standpoints with regard to the European Union divide the respondent group. Political party preference and the level of identification with the world as a whole are related to cluster membership. Despite the differences in the level of identification and political orientation, the study shows a relatively homogeneous way of remembering events of the last century.

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Elgorriaga, Edurne, Izaskun Ibabe, and Ainara Arnoso. "Spanish migrants to European Union countries: predictors of psychological adjustment /Españoles que emigran a países de la Unión Europea: predictores de su ajuste psicológico." Revista de Psicología Social 31, no. 2 (February 29, 2016): 317–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02134748.2016.1143178.

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Golec de Zavala, Agnieszka, Müjde Peker, Rita Guerra, and Tomasz Baran. "Collective Narcissism Predicts Hypersensitivity to In–group Insult and Direct and Indirect Retaliatory Intergroup Hostility." European Journal of Personality 30, no. 6 (November 2016): 532–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/per.2067.

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Results of five studies (N = 1596) linked collective narcissism—a belief in in–group exaggerated greatness contingent on external validation—to direct and indirect, retaliatory hostility in response to situations that collective narcissists perceived as insulting to the in–group but which fell well beyond the definition of an insult. In Turkey, collective narcissists responded with schadenfreude to the European economic crisis after feeling humiliated by the Turkish wait to be admitted to the European Union (Study 1). In Portugal, they supported hostile actions towards Germans and rejoiced in the German economic crisis after perceiving Germany's position in the European Union as more important than the position of Portugal (Study 2). In Poland, they supported hostile actions towards the makers of a movie they found offensive to Poland (Studies 3 and 5) and responded with direct and indirect hostility towards a celebrity whose jokes about the Polish government they found offensive (Study 4). Comparisons with self–positivity and in–group positivity indices and predictors of intergroup hostility indicated that collective narcissism is the only systematic predictor of hypersensitivity to in–group insult followed by direct and indirect, retaliatory intergroup hostility. Copyright © 2016 European Association of Personality Psychology

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Brunkhorst, Hauke. "The Legitimation Crisis of the European Union." Constellations 13, no. 2 (June 2006): 165–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1351-0487.2006.00448.x.

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Demasi, Mirko A. "Facts as Social Action in Political Debates about the European Union." Political Psychology 40, no. 1 (October 28, 2018): 3–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/pops.12496.

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Hortaçsu, Nuran, and Nevra Cem-Ersoy. "Values, identities and social constructions of the European Union among Turkish university youth." European Journal of Social Psychology 35, no. 1 (October 25, 2004): 107–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ejsp.235.

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Olmuş, Hülya. "THE EFFECTS OF PROBABLE EUROPEAN UNION MEMBERSHIP OF TURKEY ON LIVES OF INDIVIDUALS." Social Behavior and Personality: an international journal 36, no. 6 (January 1, 2008): 783–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2224/sbp.2008.36.6.783.

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This study was an examination of the attitudes of individuals towards Turkey's probable membership of the European Union (EU). The analysis was done by using the results of the 2005 Life Satisfaction research carried out by the Turkish Statistical Institute (TURKSTAT, 2005). In addition to demographic characteristics, 6,983 individuals were asked about their expectations, personal development, hopes, and prosperity/well-being levels. Chi square analysis and multiple correspondence analysis were used to identify what the participants in the research survey thought would be the effect on their lives if Turkey were to become a full member of the EU.

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Reynolds, Megan M., and Veerle Buffel. "Organized Labor and Depression in Europe: Making Power Explicit in the Political Economy of Health." Journal of Health and Social Behavior 61, no. 3 (August 8, 2020): 342–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022146520945047.

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Despite engagement with the construct of power relations, research on the political economy of health has largely overlooked organized labor as a determinant of well-being. Grounded in the theory of power resources, our study aims to fill this gap by investigating the link between country-level union density and mental health while accounting for the compositional effects of individual-level union membership. We use three waves of the European Social Survey (N = 52,737) and a variation on traditional random-effects models to estimate both the contextual and change effects of labor unions on depressive symptoms. We find that country-level union density is associated with fewer depressive symptoms and that this is true irrespective of union membership. We discuss our findings vis-à-vis the literatures on the political economy of health, power resources, and fundamental causes of disease.

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Eldomiaty, Tarek I., Chong Ju Choi, and Philip Cheng. "Intercultural relations in the European Union: Economic convergences verses social mobility." Social Science Journal 44, no. 1 (March 1, 2007): 167–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.soscij.2006.12.013.

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Jovanović, Gordana. "How lost and accomplished revolutions shaped psychology: Early Critical Theory (Frankfurt School), Wilhelm Reich, and Vygotsky." Theory & Psychology 30, no. 2 (April 2020): 202–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959354320917216.

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On the occasion of recent centenaries of revolutions in Europe (1917, 1918–19), this article examines, within a general theme of different forms of relationships between revolution and psychology, two types of theories. First, this paper analyses Western theories that, while developing under conditions of a missed or lost revolution in Germany, argued for radical social change by referring to Marxism and psychoanalysis as necessary theoretical tools (Frankfurt School and Wilhelm Reich). Second, this paper analyses the influence of the October Revolution on the development of the psychological theory of Lev Vygotsky in the Soviet Union. In sum, psychology under the conditions of missed or lost revolution was conceptualized as a psychology of the unconscious, of the repression of human needs. Psychology under the conditions of accomplished revolution was conceptualized as a historical social psychology of self-mastery of human beings as social beings.

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Földesi, Gyöngyi. "Can We Talk about European Public Policy in the Field of Sport?" Physical Culture and Sport. Studies and Research 47, no. 1 (December 1, 2009): 28–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10141-009-0029-6.

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Can We Talk about European Public Policy in the Field of Sport?Despite the continuous deepening, development and enlargement, the members of the European Union still diverge in their policies and have to find a way to diminish this divergence. The social, economical and cultural significance of sport is well known in the whole of Europe. Accordingly, in the recent past, the various institutions of the European Union have come to pay more attention to sport issues. An important milestone of this was the European Commission issuing a White Paper on sport, and the inclusion of sport in the Lisbon Treaty. However the question is raised: Is there a European public policy of sport? The author's objective was to investigate this question. This paper aims to highlight the European sport policy and tries to find the answer to the following question: can we talk about European public policy in the field of sport? The research examines through the analysis of documents whether sport can be regarded as an element of public policy. We can talk about common public policy of a certain area if it corresponds to the following five criteria: content, social competence, coercive factor, normative orientation and programme. In the first part, the content and the social competence are analyzed, and then some critical issues of the definition, namely of the public policy will be discussed. In the opinion of the author, the most problematic criterion is the programme, which presumes at least a mid-term European sport conception. It is especially important that sport could fulfil its community building, identity-forming role to which it is suited in the continuously enlarging Europe. Finally the author draws the conclusion that the European sport policy corresponds partly to the above-mentioned criteria; however, the realization of the Pierre de Coubertin Action Plan included in the White Paper, and the ratification of the Lisbon Treaty can create opportunities for sport to become a public policy of the European Union.

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Laine-Frigren, Tuomas. "Psychology and Management of the Workforce in Post-Stalinist Hungary." Slavic Review 78, no. 01 (2019): 103–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2019.10.

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Over recent years, there has been a growing academic interest in the history of psychological disciplines and mental health in the Soviet Union and eastern Europe. This article explores psychological sciences and social planning in post-Stalinist Hungary after 1956. The focus is on the psychology of work as a socially- and historically-situated discourse. The article demonstrates how psychologists started to promote their expertise to reform the practices of management and to “humanize” the conditions of work. They suggested practical remedies for everyday problems of worker motivation and social adjustment and introduced concepts from social psychology to improve the state of interpersonal relations at the workplace. The study argues that the workplace was a particular context in which a post-Stalinist reassessment of the government's ideology was acted out. To elaborate this more fully, both published texts and archival materials are analyzed in the framework of the governmentality thesis, as developed by Nikolas Rose. In this context, the concept of the “human factor” crystallized different but reconcilable interests between psychology experts and party politicians.

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Afzaal, Muhammad. "Book review: Kennet Lynggaard, Discourse Analysis and European Union Politics (Palgrave Studies in European Union Politics)." Discourse Studies 22, no. 5 (July 31, 2020): 632–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461445620921656.

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Dahl, Viktor, Erik Amnå, Shakuntala Banaji, Monique Landberg, Jan Šerek, Norberto Ribeiro, Mai Beilmann, Vassilis Pavlopoulos, and Bruna Zani. "Apathy or alienation? Political passivity among youths across eight European Union countries." European Journal of Developmental Psychology 15, no. 3 (November 21, 2017): 284–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17405629.2017.1404985.

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Dincă, Iulian, Dragoș Dărăbăneanu, and Ionuț Mihai Oprea. "Collective and Social Representations on Nature and Environment: Social Psychology Investigation in Rural Areas." Land 10, no. 12 (December 14, 2021): 1385. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/land10121385.

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This is a qualitative research based on a phenomenological perspective of understanding, that aim to captures the way in which the population of rural areas from the western part of Romania understands the terms of nature and environment. Starting from valuable scientific studies related to the relationship between man and nature, we propose an original interdisciplinary approach that combines social methodology with a geographical, ecological and land use perspective. This study aims to identify the forms in which social representations about nature and environment are outlined on the level of rural areas people perceptions. As Romania is a European Union member state, its rural areas have seen transformations and changes in detail that reflect in the environmental-geographical ambience typical of the three main relief types (mountains, hills and plains), the mixed geomorphological type, its residents’ basic aspirations and conscious attitudinal and behavioral levels. The two study benchmarks are the notions of nature and environment, raising perception sensitivities and everyday concerns belonging to the residents of the rural areas surveyed. The administrative unit of Bihor County, belonging to the northern half of the Crișana Province and comprised of rural communities in 97 villages, was selected as the study’s target area. These villages were selected in such a way that they had to meet the requirements of balance and diversity of local environmental conditions, land use and the result of changing their land cover and the socio-geodemographic conditions of the population. A series of 1576 questionnaires were administered to subjects who are over 18 years old and are aware of the reality of their places. The results of the applied tests (Levene’s test) show that the concrete factors of daily activities are very good predictors of the relationship between man and nature.

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Stainforth, Elizabeth. "Collective memory or the right to be forgotten? Cultures of digital memory and forgetting in the European Union." Memory Studies 15, no. 2 (October 5, 2021): 257–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/17506980211044707.

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This article investigates cultures of digital memory and forgetting in the European Union. The article first gives some background to key debates in media memory studies, before going on to analyse the shaping of European Commission and European Union initiatives in relation to Google’s activities from the period 2004–present. The focus of inquiry for the discussion of memory is the Google Books project and Europeana, a database of digitized cultural collections drawn from European museums, libraries and archives. Attention is then given to questions of forgetting by exploring the tension between Google’s search and indexing mechanisms and the right to be forgotten. The article ends by reflecting on the scale of the shift in contemporary cultures of memory and forgetting, and considers how far European regulation enables possible interventions in this domain.

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Brändle, Verena K., and Olga Eisele. "Sharing Is Caring? Exploring the Relationship Between Preferences for Online Participation and Support for Solidarity Between EU Member States." American Behavioral Scientist 63, no. 4 (January 24, 2019): 523–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764218823845.

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The article explores the influence of online participation on individual-level support for burden-sharing measures among EU member states. The analysis is set against the backdrop of the discussion about solidarity in times of EU crises and follows an innovative approach by operationalizing social inclusion in the European Union via online participation. It is argued that the specific nature of the European Union favors the use of online channels for political information and participation, but that despite its inclusive potential, online participation does not necessarily mean public support for the European Union. Instead, we hypothesize that people who make more use of online participation channels—thus are supposedly better equipped to participate in EU politics—are more critical in their evaluation of burden-sharing measures. Based on a large-scale survey among EU citizens in late 2016, we conduct a regression analysis taking into account the influence of EU support and general considerations on solidarity. Results lend support to our hypothesis that people who participate in political affairs online do not express greater support for EU burden-sharing measures but are more critical. Results are interpreted as an expression of the constraining dissensus regarding EU politics: Negative effects are read as criticism of how solidarity in the European Union is implemented, not as opposition to solidarity in the European Union as such.

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Dennison, James, Daniel Seddig, and Eldad Davidov. "The Role of Human Values in Explaining Support for European Union Membership." Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology 52, no. 4 (March 26, 2021): 372–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00220221211005082.

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In recent years, there has been greater scholarly enquiry into explaining variation in support for European Union membership. We theorise that one cause of such variation is likely to be non-political psychological predispositions, such as one’s personal values. We test this proposition by applying Schwartz’s theory of basic human values to predict voting intentions in hypothetical referendums on EU membership. We theorise that these values determine both voting intentions and more proximate explanatory variables of support for EU membership: attitudes to immigration and identifying as European. Using data on 13 countries from the European Social Survey ( N=24,703 citizens) and multigroup structural equation modeling, we demonstrate that this psychological framework effectively predicts voting intentions, notably in terms of the consistent cross-country evidence for indirect effects of values on support for membership via European identity and attitudes to immigration. We then discuss the implications of our findings, including differences in effects between countries.

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Petkanopoulou, Katerina, Ángel Sánchez-Rodríguez, Guillermo B. Willis, Xenia Chryssochoou, and Rosa Rodríguez-Bailón. "Two Countries in Crisis: Economic Inequality in the EU and Disidentification With Europe in Spain and Greece." Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology 49, no. 6 (June 21, 2018): 888–906. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022022117751201.

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European identity is currently facing important challenges. From the beginning, European identity has been related to the national identities of Member States with different economic strengths. The recent economic recession made these disparities salient across countries. In this research conducted in two countries with relative low status in the European Union (EU), we explored whether the perceived disparities in wealth between the countries of the EU—perceived economic inequality—predicted disidentification with Europe. We also examined the mediators of this relationship. Study 1, conducted in Spain, revealed that perceived economic inequality positively predicted disidentification with Europe; importantly, this effect remained when controlling for individuals’ subjective socioeconomic status and the perceived status of the country. The experience of fear of economic inequality in the EU mediated this relationship. The results of Study 1 were replicated comparing a Spanish sample (Study 2a) and a Greek sample (Study 2b). These studies delved deeper into the specific appraisals of fear that mediate the relationship between economic inequality and disidentification with Europe. Four categories of fear appraisals obtained in a preliminary qualitative study were measured as potential mediators: losing national sovereignty, worsening of living conditions, being negatively stereotyped, and Europe losing fundamental values. The relationship between economic inequality in the EU and disidentification with Europe was mediated by fear of losing national sovereignty and fear of Europe losing fundamental values.

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1, Jacqui. "Trading-Off Gender Equality for Global Europe? The European Union and Free Trade Agreements." European Foreign Affairs Review 14, Issue 5 (December 1, 2009): 723–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2009050.

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Trade liberalization is generally assumed to be a gender-neutral process that increases overall prosperity and is best advanced when stripped of all social and institutional baggage. Yet trade frequently increases or exacerbates structural gender inequalities between women and men in household economies and in local and transnational labour markets. The European Union (EU) purports a different model of economic integration based on the harmonization of institutional, ostensibly ‘non-market’ rules and norms among Member States. This approach to economic integration opens a crucial political opportunity for gender-equal development advocates not seen in other multilateral trade organizations. Nascent EU institutional mechanisms could be strengthened to promote gender-sensitive trade policy and address gender inequalities resulting from free trade agreements (FTAs) with developing country partners. The ‘Global Europe’ competitiveness-oriented trade agenda, however, works against this potential for the EU’s internal model of economic integration with social standards to reshape globalization.

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Böllinger, Lorenz. "Recent Developments regarding Drug Law and Policy in Germany and the European Community: The Evolution of Drug Control in Europe." Journal of Drug Issues 32, no. 2 (April 2002): 363–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002204260203200202.

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Drug use and drug control are theoretically — in terms of both social psychology and sociology — viewed as complementary components of a complex social and historical interaction process. Subsequently historical and other evidence is presented to substantiate the theoretical hypotheses. This lays the ground for the presentation and interpretation of the actual drug control system in Germany and the European Union. Again some theoretical hypotheses and their empirical grounding are presented concerning the logic of development trends. In the final part, the evolution of drug laws and their implementation are viewed. Recent developments can be regarded as taking place in stages based on certain changeable paradigms: the abstinence paradigm, the medicalization paradigm and the acceptance paradigm. For the time being there seems to be a slow transition from the first to the latter, implying that elements of all three are presently active in a diversity of policies and strategies, differing between states and regions of the German federal state and the European Union as well as between different levels of drug policy and drug care.

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Sochos, Antigonos. "The European Union as an object of insecure collective attachment: A response to ‘Brexit: Who is afraid of group attachment? Part I. Europe: What Europe?’ by Arturo Ezquerro." Group Analysis 54, no. 2 (April 7, 2021): 299–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/05333164211001281.

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In this commentary I argue that the European Union has been functioning as an insecure object of collective attachment for large parts of the European population for many years. According to attachment theory, in relationships of asymmetrical power insecure attachment is formed as the narrative constructed by the most powerful party overwrites the authentic experience of the weakest, generating conflicted representation of self and the attachment object. That attachment object may be interpersonal or collective. The EU narrative on how it safeguards democracy and citizen well-being contradicts the true experience of many Europeans who struggle to make ends meet in neoliberal Europe. On this basis, an insecure collective bond with the EU is established, as the latter fails to recognize and address the needs of many of its citizens.

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GROSSMAN, MARGARET ROSSO, and A. BRYAN ENDRES. "Regulation of Genetically Modified Organisms in the European Union." American Behavioral Scientist 44, no. 3 (November 2000): 378–434. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00027640021956260.

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Doomernik, Jeroen, and Birgit Glorius. "The Future of the Common European Asylum System: Dystopian or Utopian Expectations?" Social Inclusion 10, no. 3 (July 27, 2022): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v10i3.5954.

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After the end of the Cold War, a decade started within which the idea of European unity gained considerable traction. The Maastricht Treaty transformed the Economic Community into the European Union and the scope of collaboration between its member states widened to include justice and home affairs. By the end of the decade, it had become clear this was not enough to address the challenges caused by refugee migration. Thus the Amsterdam Treaty aimed at proper joint policy and law‐making in the sphere of migration and asylum. This ought to be done with full respect to the 1951 Refugee Convention. By 2004, when the Union was joined by ten new member states, the essence of the Common European Asylum System (CEAS) had been formulated and turned into Regulations and Directives as part of the Union’s body of common law. The system was further fine‐tuned during the next decade, but during the 2015 “refugee crisis” the system collapsed for lack of solidarity and solid agreements on responsibility‐sharing between the member states. Since then, the single goal member states share is that asylum seekers and refugees are best kept from finding a way into Europe—for once they arrive political stress is the unavoidable consequence. Paradoxically, precisely the ideal of a CEAS has introduced practices that deviate from the EU’s norms regarding international protection. This thematic issue reviews some of those issues but also finds examples of harmonization and good practices.

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Brown, Adam. "European football and the European union: Governance, participation and social cohesion — towards a policy research agenda." Soccer & Society 1, no. 2 (June 2000): 129–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14660970008721268.

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Quinlan, Maurice. "Chapter 20: A Social Partnership Approach to Work-Life Balance in the European Union—." Journal of Workplace Behavioral Health 20, no. 3-4 (October 11, 2005): 381–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j490v20n03_10.

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Blanco-González, Alicia, Camilo Prado-Román, and Francisco Díez-Martín. "Building a European Legitimacy Index." American Behavioral Scientist 61, no. 5 (February 1, 2017): 509–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764217693282.

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This article outlines an approach to building a country-level legitimacy index designed specifically for European Union member states. The index allows intercountry as well as longitudinal comparisons. Changes over time reflect varying levels of confidence in the political system and may serve as leading indicators for differences in the economic, social, and political stability of member states. Source data for the index are derived from the European Social Survey, taken between 2002 and 2012 in 35 countries. The index is built around three dimensions (legality, justification, and consent). Results from the index vary among member states but, overall, show a tendency toward diminishing legitimacy. Citizens trust their police forces and laws, but are dissatisfied with institutions and the economy. Moreover, they feel increasing distance from their leaders, their representative bodies, and the effectiveness of political institutions. These trends highlight the need for public–private efforts to increase the legitimacy of European Union member states.

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Sbârcea, Loana, and Cristina Bătuşaru. "European Banking System - Before and After Brexit -." Studies in Business and Economics 16, no. 2 (August 1, 2021): 218–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/sbe-2021-0035.

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Abstract The history of the last 15 years has been marked by many events at European level, some which led to the last wave of EU enlargement in 2013, with the accession of Croatia, others that led European authorities to take radical action in order to overcome the crisis of 2007-2008, and recently the pandemic crisis of 2020, and the others that marked the first contraction of the European Union since its establishment, together with the decision of Great Britain to no longer be part of the European Union, a phenomenon known as Brexit. Starting from the important role that Great Britain played in the European Union, London being a famous financial and banking center, through this paper we propose to analyze the evolution of the banking system before and after Brexit, in order to highlight the impact that the Brits’ decision had on the European Union banking system. The broad context of the impact of Brexit on the European banking system, which has effects on both British and EU banks, will also be analyzed in this paper.

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Patberg, Markus. "Extraordinary partisanship in the European Union: Constituent power and the problem of political agency." Constellations 27, no. 1 (March 2020): 143–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8675.12474.

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Rodriguez Barrera, Juan Carlos, Miryam Bastidas, Giuseppe Genta, and Patricia Olaya-Contreras. "Calidad de vida percibida por los escolares con sobrepeso y obesidad, de sectores populares de Medellín, Colombia." Universitas Psychologica 15, no. 2 (September 20, 2016): 301. http://dx.doi.org/10.11144/javeriana.upsy15-2.cves.

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Obesity in children affects physical-and mental health and can develop anxiety, depression, as well as other disorders. The objective was to evaluate the Health-Related Quality of Live (HRQOL) in schoolchildren, according to the nutritional status, and to compare our results with those of the European Union. A cross-sectional study was conducted with 679 schoolchildren, 10-14 years, in a public school of Medellin. The KIDSCREEN -27 questionnaire was used to asses HRQOL. Women, especially with obesity, had a less favorable perception of their physical activity, health, mood and family life, while men perceived less social support from friends; they were mocked by their peers and also felt harassed. Our results are consistent with those found in the European study. The Health-Related Quality of Live in schoolchildren is not homogenous, is affected by age, sex and by the cultural constraints about the construction of the body image. Key words: Bullying, obesity, schoolchildren, overweight, quality of life, social acceptance Health Psychology, Quality of Life La obesidad afecta la salud física y mental de niños/niñas. Se evaluó la calidad de vida relacionada con la salud (CVRS) en escolares, de acuerdo al estado nutricional y se compararon los resultados con los de la Unión Europea. Se realizó un estudio transversal con 679 escolares, 10 a 14 años, de una escuela pública de Medellín, Colombia. Se empleó el KIDSCREEN-27 para medir CVRS. Las mujeres, especialmente con obesidad, tuvieron una percepción menos favorable de la actividad física, salud, estado de ánimo y vida familiar, mientras que los hombres perciben más desfavorablemente el apoyo de amigos y la aceptación social, sintiéndose objeto de burla e intimidación. Los resultados son consistentes con los encontrados en el estudio europeo. La percepción de CVRS de los escolares no es homogénea, está afectada por la edad, el sexo y los condicionantes culturales alrededor de la construcción de la imagen corporal. Palabras claves autores Aceptación social, acoso escolar, calidad de vida, obesidad escolar, sobrepeso, Palabras claves descriptores Calidad de Vida, Psicología de la Salud,

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Fouquereau, Evelyne, Anne Fernandez, Antonio Manuel Fonseca, Maria Constança Paul, and Virpi Uotinen. "Perceptions of and satisfaction with retirement: A comparison of six European Union countries." Psychology and Aging 20, no. 3 (2005): 524–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/0882-7974.20.3.524.

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Hegarty, Peter, and Xenia Chryssochoou. "Why “Our” Policies Set the Standard More Than “Theirs”: Category Norms and Generalization Between European Union Countries." Social Cognition 23, no. 6 (December 2005): 491–528. http://dx.doi.org/10.1521/soco.2005.23.6.491.

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Braack, Mirko K., and Nadja Milewski. "A different perspective on exogamy: Are non-migrant partners in mixed unions more liberal in their attitudes toward gender, family, and religion than other natives?" Family migration processes in a comparative perspective 31, no. 3-2019 (December 18, 2019): 361–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/zff.v31i3.06.

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Classic assimilation theory perceives migrant-native intermarriage as both a means to and a result of immigrants’ integration processes into host societies. The literature is increasingly focusing on marital exogamy of immigrants, yet almost nothing is known about their native partners. This explorative study contributes to the literature on migrant integration and social cohesion in Europe by asking whether the native partners in exogamous unions have different attitudes toward gender equality, sexual liberalization, family solidarity, and religiosity/secularization than natives in endogamous unions. Our theoretical considerations are based on preference, social exchange, and modernization theories. We use data of the Generations and Gender Survey (GGS) of seven countries. The sample size is 38,447 natives aged 18 to 85, of whom about 4% are in a mixed union. The regression results of the study are mixed. Persons in exogamous unions show greater agreement with family solidarity, are thus less individualistic than those in endogamous couples. Yet, mixing is associated with greater openness to sexual liberalization and gender equality as well as more secular attitudes. These findings can only partially be explained by sociodemographic control variables. Hence, immigrants in exogamous unions with natives may integrate into the more liberal milieu of their host societies, in which natives continue to place a high value on providing support to family members.

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van Prooijen, Jan-Willem, and André P. M. Krouwel. "Extreme Political Beliefs Predict Dogmatic Intolerance." Social Psychological and Personality Science 8, no. 3 (September 26, 2016): 292–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1948550616671403.

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Dogmatic intolerance—defined as a tendency to reject, and consider as inferior, any ideological belief that differs from one’s own—is often assumed to be more prominent at the political right than at the political left. In the present study, we make two novel contributions to this perspective. First, we show that dogmatic intolerance is stronger among left- and right-wing extremists than moderates in both the European Union (Study 1) as well as the United States (Study 2). Second, in Study 3, participants were randomly assigned to describe a strong or a weak political belief that they hold. Results revealed that compared to weak beliefs, strong beliefs elicited stronger dogmatic intolerance, which in turn was associated with willingness to protest, denial of free speech, and support for antisocial behavior. We conclude that independent of content, extreme political beliefs predict dogmatic intolerance.

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YILDIRIM, Yavuz, and Sahin KAVUNCUBASI. "Comparison of Expectations and Perceptions of Resident European Union (EU) Citizens about Hospital Service Quality in Their Home Countries and Turkey." Revista de Cercetare si Interventie Sociala 71 (December 1, 2020): 285–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.33788/rcis.71.18.

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The aim of this research is to reveal the assessment of EU (European Union) citizens residing in Alanya regarding the quality of hospital services in both their own countries and Alanya. The study was carried out face-to-face with a survey method with 295 resident EU (European Union) citizens between June and August 2018 in Alanya. The analysis was done with the SPSS 22.0 package program. 229 (76.60%) of the participants are women and 66 (22.40%) are men, 159 (54%) are German citizens and 30 (10.22%) are British citizens. Expectations of EU citizens regarding hospital service quality are empathy, reliability and assurance, particularly physical assets and accountability. It was found that quality expectations of EU citizens were met in terms of accountability and reliability, whereas expectations related to other dimensions were not satisfied. The overall perception levels of EU citizens regarding hospitals in their own countries are higher than the overall levels of perception of hospitals in Alanya. For this, Hospital managers in Alanya need to pay particular attention to assurance, physical assets and empathy dimensions for better quality health service delivery.

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Hoikkala, Tommi. "The diversity of youth citizenships in the European Union." YOUNG 17, no. 1 (February 2009): 5–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/110330880801700102.

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Liu, James H., and Sammyh S. Khan. "Implications of a Psychological Approach to Collective Remembering: Social Representations as Cultural Ground for Interpreting Survey and Experimental Results." Journal of Pacific Rim Psychology 15 (January 2021): 183449092110079. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/18344909211007938.

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Psychology has become connected to the “memory boom” in research, that highlights the concept of social representations, defined as a shared system of knowledge and belief that facilitates communication about social objects where culture is conceptualized as a meta-system of social representations mediated by language, symbols, and their institutional carriers. Six articles on collective remembering, including survey results, text analysis, and experiments, are summarized in this introduction. All rely on content-rich meanings, embedded in sociocultural contexts that influence the results of the surveys and experiments. In the cases of Germany and China, the “historical charter” of the states in the late 19th century was ruptured, resulting in substantially different expressions of nationalism and national identity (in Germany) and filial piety and nationalism (in China) today. Surveys on the organization of living historical memory in Hungary and Finland found that the European Union formed an enduring social context for the formation of memory groups regarding recent history. Finally, in experiments, historical reminders are likely to be anchored in existing networks of meaning, and prime people about what they already believe, rather than exert independent causal effects. This anchoring of historical memory in communicating societies explains why the experimental results in this area are so inconsistent.

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ACKERS, LOUISE, and PETER DWYER. "Fixed laws, fluid lives: the citizenship status of post-retirement migrants in the European Union." Ageing and Society 24, no. 3 (April 26, 2004): 451–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0144686x0300165x.

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This paper presents key findings of a recently completed socio-legal study of international retirement migration in the European Union (EU). It highlights the diverse nature of retirement migration and the differential citizenship status that is formally granted to various groups of retired migrants. ‘Citizenship of the European Union’ (Articles 17–22 of the Treaty establishing the European Community) bestows important social and political rights on nationals of EU Member States (‘Community nationals’). These rights are not, however, universal or based on nationality as such. In practice, the residency and social rights that a mobile EU national can claim in another Member State depend on the type of social contribution they have made and their personal relationships. Contributions through paid employment and/or membership of the family of a mobile EU worker gives rise to maximum social benefit. Whilst the European Union citizenship provisions extend residency rights to all EU nationals (irrespective of work status), those whose mobility is not connected to employment derive significantly inferior social entitlements when resident in a host Member State. Put simply, the rights of people (and members of their family) who move following retirement in their home country differ substantially from those who retire following a period of working in another Member State (and achieve the status of ‘community migrant worker’ prior to retirement). This formal ‘discrimination’ is further compounded by the diversity of the social welfare systems of the member states that results in distinct social, economic and spatial inequalities across the EU. To that extent, the ‘choice’ of retirement location significantly impacts on citizenship status. However, retired migrants are not merely passive spectators of formal rights and policies. Many show considerable skill in actively managing their rights (at both national and EU levels) and other resources to optimise personal benefit. This ability to maximise wellbeing is unevenly distributed.

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van Prooijen, Jan-Willem, André P. M. Krouwel, and Julia Emmer. "Ideological Responses to the EU Refugee Crisis." Social Psychological and Personality Science 9, no. 2 (October 3, 2017): 143–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1948550617731501.

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The 2016 European Union (EU) refugee crisis exposed a fundamental distinction in political attitudes between the political left and right. Previous findings suggest, however, that besides political orientation, ideological strength (i.e., political extremism) is also relevant to understand such distinctive attitudes. Our study reveals that the political right is more anxious, and the political left experiences more self-efficacy, about the refugee crisis. At the same time, the political extremes—at both sides of the spectrum—are more likely than moderates to believe that the solution to this societal problem is simple. Furthermore, both extremes experience more judgmental certainty about their domain-specific knowledge of the refugee crisis, independent of their actual knowledge. Finally, belief in simple solutions mediated the relationship between ideology and judgmental certainty, but only among political extremists. We conclude that both ideological orientation and strength matter to understand citizens’ reactions to the refugee crisis.

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Chryssochoou, Xenia. "Memberships in a superordinate level: re-thinking European Union as a multi-national society." Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology 10, no. 5 (2000): 403–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/1099-1298(200009/10)10:5<403::aid-casp597>3.0.co;2-4.

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Pham, Tuan-Vu, Hui-Chuan Hsu, Asghar Zaidi, and Ya-Mei Chen. "Active Aging Index in Vietnam Relative to China, South Korea, Taiwan, and 28 European Union Countries." Research on Aging 42, no. 9-10 (June 29, 2020): 312–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0164027520934049.

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Objectives This study constructed an Active Aging Index (AAI) for Vietnam and compares Vietnam’s AAI with those of China, Korea, Taiwan, and 28 countries in the European Union. Methods A survey of 1,105 people aged 55 or above in three provinces from the northern, central, and southern parts of Vietnam was conducted. Active aging was measured using the AAI; its 22 indicators were grouped into four domains: employment, social participation, independent/healthy/secure living, and enabling environments. Results Of the 32 countries reviewed, Vietnam ranked 11th. It ranked high for employment (1st) and social participation (5th) but low for independent/healthy/secure living (32nd) and enabling environments (26th). Conclusion Three policy priorities were identified: maintaining a high preference-driven social and workforce participation rate among older adults; promoting medical care and healthy behaviors among older adults; and improving other poorly performing aspects of active aging, including voluntary activities, poverty risk, Internet usage, and lifelong learning.

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Smith, Laura G. E., Craig McGarty, and Emma F. Thomas. "After Aylan Kurdi: How Tweeting About Death, Threat, and Harm Predict Increased Expressions of Solidarity With Refugees Over Time." Psychological Science 29, no. 4 (February 15, 2018): 623–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0956797617741107.

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Viral social media content has been heralded for its power to transform policy, but online responses are often derided as “slacktivism.” This raises the questions of what drives viral communications and what is their effect on support for social change. We addressed these issues in relation to Twitter discussions about Aylan Kurdi, a child refugee who died en route to the European Union. We developed a longitudinal paradigm to analyze 41,253 tweets posted 1 week before the images of Aylan Kurdi emerged, the week they emerged, and 10 weeks afterward—at the time of the Paris terror attacks. Tweeting about death before the images emerged predicted tweeting about Aylan Kurdi, and this, sustained by discussion of harm and threat, predicted the expression of solidarity with refugees 10 weeks later. Results suggest that processes of normative conflict and communication can be intertwined in promoting support for social change.

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Maher, Paul J., Eric R. Igou, and Wijnand A. P. van Tilburg. "Brexit, Trump, and the Polarizing Effect of Disillusionment." Social Psychological and Personality Science 9, no. 2 (January 16, 2018): 205–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1948550617750737.

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We investigate experiences of disillusionment as a source of political polarization. Disillusioning experiences motivate a search for meaning, and we propose that people respond by seeking reassurance in political ideologies, reflected in political polarization. We first tested this hypothesis in the context of two major political events: the European Union (EU) membership referendum in the United Kingdom and the 2016 U.S. presidential election. In Study 1, disillusionment stemming from the EU referendum outcome led “remain” supporters to express more extreme political views. In Study 2, we measured political stance and disillusionment before and after the U.S. presidential election. Political polarization occurred among Clinton supporters, and this was mediated by increased disillusionment levels. In Study 3, we manipulated disillusionment and found that disillusioned participants expressed stronger support for diverging forms of political activism. Consistent with our approach, this effect was mediated by epistemic motivations. Implications regarding the effect of political polarization in society are discussed.

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van Prooijen, Jan-Willem, and André P. M. Krouwel. "Overclaiming Knowledge Predicts Anti-establishment Voting." Social Psychological and Personality Science 11, no. 3 (July 18, 2019): 356–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1948550619862260.

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People often vote against the political establishment, as underscored by “Brexit” and the Trump election. The current contribution proposes that overclaiming one’s own knowledge predicts anti-establishment voting. We tested this idea in the context of a Dutch referendum on a European Union treaty with a clear pro- versus anti-establishment voting option. In a first wave (6 weeks before the referendum), Dutch citizens indicated their self-perceived understanding of the treaty, after which we tested their actual knowledge. We also measured participants’ general tendency to overclaim knowledge by assessing their familiarity with nonexisting stimuli. In a second wave shortly after the referendum, we asked participants what they had voted. Results revealed that increased self-perceived understanding yet decreased actual knowledge of the treaty, and general knowledge overclaiming, predicted an anti-establishment vote. Furthermore, these effects were most pronounced among right-wing extremists. We conclude that knowledge overclaiming predicts anti-establishment voting, particularly at the radical right.

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Mihic, Vladimir. "Voting preferences and political attitudes in Vojvodina." Psihologija 38, no. 2 (2005): 197–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/psi0502197m.

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This paper deals with political attitudes of voters in the Vojvodina region and some correlates of these attitudes. Sample was 302 people, all voters of either six of the parties currently in the Serbian parliament (DSS, SRS, SPS, G17+, DS or SPO), or three of the other major parties in Vojvodina (LSV, PSS or SVM). Instruments used were: political attitude scale, social dominance orientation scale (SDO), and a questionnaire dealing with several important issues, such as support for the integration of Serbia into European Union. Factor analysis extracted six factors at the political attitudes scale-antimilitarism, support for the better minority status in the society, support for the different social issues, openness to the world, liberalism and conservativism. All differences concerning the voters? preferences were statistically significant (p < .01). Also, differences at the SDO scale also proved to be significant, as well as correlations between SDO scale and all of the political attitudes factors (correlation varied from .17 to .39). All of these correlations were negative, except for the SDO-conservativism scale. Another difference has been found at the perceived importance of different group identification. Groups were- person's ethnic group, Vojvodina, Serbia and Europe. Most important identification was with the Europe and the least one with the Serbia. Finally, more than 77% of the people in the sample said that they would vote ?yes? at the Serbia joining the EU referendum.

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Motti-Stefanidi, Frosso, and Elvira Cicognani. "Bringing the European Union closer to its young citizens: Youth active citizenship in Europe and trust in EU institutions." European Journal of Developmental Psychology 15, no. 3 (January 16, 2018): 243–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17405629.2017.1423052.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Social psychology – Europen Union'

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