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Journal articles on the topic 'Social movements'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 31 August 2024

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1

Yadav, Ajay Kumar. "Social Movements, Social Problems and Social Change." Academic Voices: A Multidisciplinary Journal 5 (September 30, 2016): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/av.v5i0.15842.

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Social movement is an organized effort by a significant number of people to change (or resist change in) some major aspect or aspects of society. Sociologists have usually been concerned to study the origins of such movements, their sources of recruitment, organizational dynamics, and their impact upon society. Social movements must be distinguished from collective behavior. Social movements are purposeful and organized; collective behavior is random and chaotic. Social movements include those supporting civil rights, gay rights, trade unionism, environmentalism, and feminism. Collective behaviors include riots, fads and crazes, panics, cultic religions, rumors. This paper deals with formation of social movement, emergence of social movement, social problems and social change.Academic Voices Vol.5 2015: 1-4

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2

Useem, Bert, and Jack A. Goldstone. "The paradox of victory: social movement fields, adverse outcomes, and social movement success." Theory and Society 51, no. 1 (October 2, 2021): 31–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11186-021-09460-2.

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AbstractRecent work on social movement fields has expanded our view of the dynamics of social movements; it should also expand our thinking about social movement success. Such a broader view reveals a paradox: social movements often snatch defeat from the jaws of victory by narrowly targeting authorities with their actions instead of targeting the broader social movement field. Negative impacts from the wider social movement field can then reverse or overshadow initial victories. We distinguish between a social movement’s victory over the immediate target, and more lasting success that arises from shifting alignments in the broader social movement field. To test the predictive value of the distinction, we compare two very similar student-led social movements, both of which targeted university policies regarding sensitivity to race issues and changes in university personnel. One built a broad coalition of support that extended across its social movement field and was thereby able to institute durable change. The other did not, and despite its clear initial success, this protest movement produced consequences mainly adverse to its preferred outcomes. We demonstrate how pervasive this paradox is with examples from other U.S. protest outcomes and studies of revolutions. The paradox is resolved by focusing on changes in the entire social movement field. We thus argue that achieving, and understanding, lasting social movement success requires attention to the entire social movement field.

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3

Kovasic, Nikolay. "Impact of Social Movements on Social Change." Journal of International Relations 3, no. 1 (March 22, 2023): 20–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.47604/jir.1866.

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Purpose: The study sought to investigate the impact of social movements on social change. Methodology: The study adopted a desktop methodology. Desk research refers to secondary data or that which can be collected without fieldwork. Desk research is basically involved in collecting data from existing resources hence it is often considered a low cost technique as compared to field research, as the main cost is involved in executive’s time, telephone charges and directories. Thus, the study relied on already published studies, reports and statistics. This secondary data was easily accessed through the online journals and library. Findings: The study concluded that the society is not a static element. It is a complex system of movements and counter movements pulling it in different directions. When this tussle is finally in favor of the movement, it becomes part of the social structure. A successful movement may become a part of the social order such as a trade union movement or save environment movement. The movement may disappear after achieving its goal. Unique Contribution to Theory, Practice and Policy: The study was informed by relative deprivation theory, the strain theory and the theory of revitalization. The study recommended that, successful movements must define their goals clearly and target the institutions that have the power to make the changes they are demanding. Moreover successful movements should act in a political environment in which they have leverage to demand systemic change.

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Staggenborg, Suzanne, and Verta Taylor. "Whatever Happened to The Women's Movement?" Mobilization: An International Quarterly 10, no. 1 (February 1, 2005): 37–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.10.1.46245r7082613312.

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Analyses of the women's movement that focus on its "waves" and theories of social movements that focus on contentious politics have encouraged the view that the women's movement is in decline. Employing alternative perspectives on social movements, we show that the women's movement continues to thrive. This is evidenced by organizational maintenance and growth, including the international expansion of women's movement organizations; feminism within institutions and other social movements; the spread of feminist culture and collective identity; and the variety of the movement's tactical repertoires. Moreover, the movement remains capable of contentious collective action. We argue for research based on broader conceptions of social movements as well as the contentious politics approach.

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Febrianto, Martinus, Dam. "SOCIAL MOVEMENT BASED ON SOCIAL MEDIA IN SOCIAL MORAL PERSPECTIVE." Jurnal Teologi 11, no. 1 (May 25, 2022): 33–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.24071/jt.v11i01.4397.

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Social media as the prominent phenomenon of digital culture has become the infrastructure for social and political movements. Digital media platforms such as Facebook and Twitter have become practical tools for social movements, especially for communicating, organizing, and gaining wider publicity. However, a more careful study shows that activism on social media can only become an impactful socio-political movement if it meets the requirements of contemporary culture. Social media apparently does not support the absorption and deepening of complex discourses or difficult issues. In addition, direct (offline) activities, namely traditional forms of organization, are absolutely necessary for resilient and impactful social movements. These findings are in line with the study of social movements in the Catholic Church. Only through direct action in the offline realm can social movements foster spirituality, empower people, manifest a sense of solidarity, and become deep collective movements that inspire continuous effort for the sake of the common good.

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Hanna, Sabba. "Theories of Social Movements." International Journal of Engineering Research in Computer Science and Engineering 9, no. 7 (July 21, 2022): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.36647/ijercse/09.07.art001.

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Social movement is one of the important manifestation of collective behaviour .In the contemporary years the study of social movements has devoted the attraction of large number of sociologists not only in India but also in West. Every social movement whether new or old is launched for one or other reason .This paper reviewed the various theories which conceptualise the beginning of social movements .This paper also examined the historical and social context about the social movements .The researcher has used the secondary sources like- published books, journals ,internet ,etc. for data collection. The knowledge of literature on social movements can help the researchers to develop insights about new ideology, leadership, theoretical orientation and organisations of social movements.

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7

Fairbrother, Peter. "Social Movement Unionism or Trade Unions as Social Movements." Employee Responsibilities and Rights Journal 20, no. 3 (June 28, 2008): 213–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10672-008-9080-4.

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8

Linda Gordon. "Social Movements." Frontiers: A Journal of Women Studies 36, no. 1 (2015): 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.5250/fronjwomestud.36.1.0002.

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Kolers, Avery. "Social movements." Philosophy Compass 11, no. 10 (October 2016): 580–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/phc3.12351.

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10

Eyerman, Ron. "Social movements." Theory and Society 18, no. 4 (July 1989): 531–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00136437.

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Huber, Joseph. "Social movements." Technological Forecasting and Social Change 35, no. 4 (July 1989): 365–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0040-1625(89)90072-3.

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Gordon, Linda. "Social Movements." Frontiers: A Journal of Women Studies 36, no. 1 (2015): 2–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/fro.2015.a576864.

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13

Sandell, Rickard. "Organizational Growth and Ecological Constraints: The Growth of Social Movements in Sweden, 1881 to 1940." American Sociological Review 66, no. 5 (October 2001): 672–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000312240106600503.

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Based on the theoretical framework of organizational ecology, it is suggested that social movement organizations are inert structures that rarely exceed their initial size. The ecological concept of organizational growth is tested using membership data for Sweden from 1881 to 1940 for virtually all local social movement organizations (29,193 organizations) in three major social movements: the temperance, free church, and trade union movements. Findings show that the organizations in two of the movements have average growth trajectories approximating zero. The ecological argument is then expanded to include information on the movements’ organizational niches and intra- and intermovement density development. After controlling for the local organization's initial size, findings reveal that the remaining variation in aggregate membership is more likely to depend on population and niche dynamics (which organizational ecologists focus on) than on the capacity of the movement's local organizations to expand. These findings are consistent for all three Swedish movements. The ecological argument and the findings presented here are contrary to almost all research on social movements, which takes for granted that social movement organizations are necessarily capable of individual growth.

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Reisinezhad, Arash, and Parisa Farhadi. "Cultural Opportunity and Social Movements." Sociology of Islam 4, no. 3 (July 5, 2016): 236–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22131418-00403004.

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The emergence of the Arab Spring in 2010 heralded a deep transformation within Muslim societies as well as the geopolitical arrangement of the region. These movements emerged after a non-Arab movement, the Iranian Green Movement in 2009, with which they shared various characteristics, ranging from its broad use of virtual space to movement without a classic leadership. While a large body of movement literature links the formation of social movement to either the structural opportunities or rational choice theory, the present paper addresses the cultural opportunity as a main facilitator-constraint in the movement formation. Given this fact that mediating between opportunities and mobilization are the shared meanings, the article seeks to empirically investigate cultural factors that construct and drive protests. From this perspective, the present study argues that movements tend to cluster in time and space because they are not independent of one another. Thus, it goes deep down in the way that different movements have had tremendous impacts on each other through examining the presence of the Master of Protest Frame (mpf). Transgressing the geographical borders and chronological phases, this factor has shaped movements strategies. Finally and to place recent events in a generalizable analysis, the paper employs a cross-national analysis, with focusing on Iran in 2009 and Egypt in 2010.

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Gale, Richard P. "Social Movements and the State." Sociological Perspectives 29, no. 2 (April 1986): 202–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1388959.

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This article modifies resource mobilization theory to emphasize interaction among social movements, countermovements, and government agencies. The framework developed for tracing social movement-state relationships gives special attention to movement and countermovement agency alignments. There are six stages of movement-state relationships illustrated with an analysis of the contemporary environmental movement.

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Cammaerts, Bart. "THE NEW-NEW SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: ARE SOCIAL MEDIA CHANGING THE ONTOLOGY OF SOCIAL MOVEMENTS?" Mobilization: An International Quarterly 26, no. 3 (September 1, 2021): 343–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-26-3-343.

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Our hypermediated societies affect the very nature of what a social movement is. This article identifies five core nodal points of what constitutes a social movement: Program claims, Identity construction, Connections, Actions, and Resolve (PICAR). Primarily using France’s yellow vest movement case, I assess the impact of social media on these nodal points. I find that social media afford opportunities as well as present challenges for contemporary movements which taken together amounts to a newly emerging ontology. This new-new social movement ontology is characterized by processes of discontinuity (open ideological positioning, fluid collective identities, weak ties, an online repertoire of action, and relative ephemerality) co-existing with continuity (the return of a class politics of redistribution, the continued importance of collective identity, offline repertoires, and cycles of protest). This analysis demonstrates the dynamic interplay between political and mediation opportunity structures, producing new emancipatory potentials and challenging constraints.

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17

Seguin, Charles, Thomas V. Maher, and Yongjun Zhang. "A Seat at the Table: A New Data Set of Social Movement Organization Representation before Congress during the Twentieth Century." Socius: Sociological Research for a Dynamic World 9 (January 2023): 237802312211445. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23780231221144598.

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The authors ask descriptive questions concerning the relationship between social movement organizations (SMOs) and the state. Which movement’s SMOs are consulted the most by the state? Do only a few “spokes-organizations” speak for the whole of movements? Has the state increasingly consulted SMOs over time? Do the movements consulted most by the state advise only a few state venues? The authors present and describe a new publicly available data set covering 2,593 SMOs testifying at any of the 87,249 public congressional hearings held during the twentieth century. Testimony is highly concentrated across movements, with just four movements giving 64 percent of the testimony before Congress. A very few “spokes-organizations” testify far more often than typical SMOs. The SMO congressional testimony diversified over the twentieth century from primarily “old” movements such as Labor to include “new” movements such as the Environmental movement. The movements that testified most often did so before a broader range of congressional committees.

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18

Takovski, Aleksandar. "Coloring social change: Humor, politics, and social movements." HUMOR 33, no. 4 (September 11, 2019): 485–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/humor-2019-0037.

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AbstractAs many social movements demonstrate, humor can serve as an important resource to resist oppression, fight social injustice and bring social change. Existing research has focused on humor’s role within social movements and its positive effects on the free expression of criticism, reduction of fear, communication, mobilization of participants and so on. However, the current literature on the activist use of humor also expresses some reservations about its political efficacy. While humor may steam off the energy necessary to counteract oppression and injustice, other tools of achieving the same political ends have been successfully deployed, primarily social media. Building upon this research, the present case study explores the 2016 Macedonian social movement called the Colorful Revolution. In particular, through the analysis of social media and activists’ reflection on the political use of humor, this case study examines how on-line humor contributed to the emergence and development of the movement. Factoring in activists’ opinions on the role of humor in society and especially in movements, while also paying attention to the role of social media, this case study tends to re-interpret the role of humor in the totality of the actions and circumstances underpinning the development of a social movement.

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Wisler, Dominique, and Marco G. Giugni. "Social Movements and Institutional Selectivity." Sociological Perspectives 39, no. 1 (March 1996): 85–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1389344.

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Contrary to what is usually implied by work on the relationship between political opportunity structures and social movements, political institutions are not a general setting offering or denying formal access and political opportunities to every challenge, but rather favor certain types of movements and constrain others. This process of institutional selectivity depends on the relationship between the structure of a given political institution and the movement type and defines social movements as pro-institutional, counter-institutional, or neutral. Accordingly, variation in the movements' action repertoire and degree of success can be observed. Yet, political institutions leave the door open to different interpretations by social actors so that a framing struggle takes place; at stake is the fit between movement demands and the structure of political institutions. The argument is developed through the example of federalism and its impact on two types of movements—namely, regionalist and squatters' movements—and illustrated by discussing their fate in France, the Netherlands and Switzerland. Empirical data suggest that institutional selectivity is to be taken into account to reach a better understanding of the relationship between social movements and their political context.

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20

Ruggiero, Vincenzo. "New Social Movements and the ‘Centri Sociali’ in Milan." Sociological Review 48, no. 2 (May 2000): 167–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-954x.00210.

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This paper discusses the social movement known in Italy as the movement of the centri sociali. The empirical material presented relies heavily on the centri sociali operating in Milan. Such material offers the opportunity to revisit issues related to social movement theories. In part one, a brief overview of these theories is sketched, and concepts suggested by both resource mobilisation theorists and new social movements theorists are presented. Attempts to unify the two approaches are also briefly reviewed. In part two, the origin of the centri sociali is traced. Some of the motives and practices inspiring the movement are described as a legacy, though re-elaborated and re-contextualised, of the particularly troubled, if compelling, Italian 1970s. The methodology used for the empirical work undertaken is then presented. Finally, the discussion moves back to social movement theories, against which the movement of the centri sociali is analysed. Here, the utility of some aspects of both resource mobilisation and new social movement theories will be underlined, thus adding a modest, tentative, contribution to previous attempts to elaborate a synthesis between the two approaches.

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21

Rasmussen, S⊘ren Hein. "From social movements to political movements." Scandinavian Journal of History 22, no. 3 (January 1997): 173–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03468759708579350.

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Coelho, Maria Francisca Pinheiro. "Social Movements and Institutions." Revista de Estudos e Pesquisas sobre as Américas 11, no. 1 (April 30, 2017): 14. http://dx.doi.org/10.21057/repam.v11i1.25074.

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Abstract This study approaches the relationship between social movements and institutions in Brazil concerning three different stages of the process of re-democratization: the political transition; the National Constituent Assembly; and the new Constitutional Order. The general question is: what is the interface, reciprocity or conflict, between social movements and institutions in this context of social change? The paper examines the different roles of social movements and institutions in each specific period: in the pre-democratization moment, the movement for direct elections for president, Diretas-Já, is analyzed; in the National Constituent Assembly, the movement in defense for free public education is examined; in the new constitutional order, the pro-reform political movement is studied. The work focuses on the scope of the studies on social movements and democracy. It belongs to the field of the studies about the representativeness and legitimacy of the demands of social movements in the context of democracy and its challenges. Key words: social movement, institution, reciprocity, conflict, democracy. Social Movements and Institutions ResumenEl estudio aborda la relación entre los movimientos sociales e instituciones en Brasil en tres etapas diferentes del proceso de redemocratización en las últimas décadas: la transición política; la Asamblea Nacional Constituyente; y el nuevo orden constitucional. La pregunta general es: ¿cuál es la relación, la reciprocidad o el conflito, entre los movimientos sociales y las instituciones en este contexto de cambio social? El artículo examina los diferentes roles de los movimientos sociales e instituciones en cada período específico: en el momento de la transición política analiza el movimiento de las elecciones directas para presidente, las Diretas-Já; en la Asamblea Nacional Constituyente aborda el movimiento en defensa de la educación pública y gratuita; en el nuevo orden constitucional se estudia el movimiento pro-reforma política. El trabajo se centra en el ámbito de los estudios sobre los movimientos sociales y la democracia. Pertenece al campo de la investigación sobre la representatividad y la legitimidad de las demandas de los movimientos sociales en el contexto de la democracia y sus desafíos.Palabras clave: movimientos sociales, instituciones, reciprocidad, conflicto, democracia. Social Movements and Institutions ResumoO estudo aborda a relação entre movimentos sociais e instituições no Brasil em três diferentes fases do processo de democratização nas últimas décadas: a transição política; a Assembleia Nacional Constituinte; e a nova ordem Constitucional. A questão geral é a seguinte: qual a interface, reciprocidade ou conflito entre os movimentos sociais e instituições neste contexto de mudança social? O artigo examina os diferentes papéis dos movimentos sociais e instituições em cada período específico: no momento da transição política analisa o movimento de eleições diretas para presidente, o Diretas-Já; na Assembleia Nacional Constituinte aborda o movimento em defesa da educação pública e gratuita; na nova ordem constitucional focaliza o movimento pela reforma política. O trabalho centra-se no campo dos estudos sobre movimentos sociais e democracia. Pertence ao campo de pesquisa sobre a representatividade e legitimidade das demandas dos movimentos sociais no contexto da democracia e seus desafios.Palavras-chave: movimentos sociais, instituições, reciprocidade, conflito, democracia.

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Khan, Numan, Waqar Ali Khan, and Mian Sohail Ahmad. "Social Movements in Hybrid Regimes: The Rise of PTM in Pakistan." Global Sociological Review IX, no. I (March 30, 2024): 77–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gsr.2024(ix-i).07.

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Scholars have ignored regime type as a crucial element affecting social movement mobilization due to political opportunity structures. Even little is known about hybrid regimes and disputes. Understanding social movement's hidden or unintentional repercussions is another gap. This study uses the Pashtun Tahafuz (protection) Movement (PTM) of Pakistan to address this academic gap by studying social movements under hybrid regimes like Pakistan. The research finds that dual (emanating from both the military and political organs of the state) and haphazard repression by a hybrid regime, characterized by military dominance and limited political opportunity structure, can temporarily slow social movement mobilization but not stop it. In the long term, the movement becomes stronger and mobilizes against the state. As a result of its mobilization and advancement, a social movement under such a regime may also affect other social movements.

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Suh, Doowon. "Intricacies of Social Movement Outcome Research and beyond: “How can you Tell” Social Movements Prompt Changes?" Sociological Research Online 17, no. 4 (November 2012): 92–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.2757.

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Most scholars of social movements have been drawn to research on the politically contentious behavior of collective actors because of the conviction that social movements sometimes generate significant historical progress and social change. Yet movement outcome research has been least developed in the literature. This irony emanates from methodological and causal intricacies that fail to clearly explicate how social movements create change. The challenges encompass the heaped typologies, mutual inconsistencies, causal heterogeneities, and conflictive evaluation criteria of movement outcomes. To overcome these quandaries, this paper proposes that (1) any attempt to find an invariant model or general theorization of a movement outcome is inevitably futile; (2) instead, attention to the specific context of time and place in which social movements produce outcomes is necessary; and (3) a comprehensive understanding of the origins of a movement outcome becomes possible when multiple variables are considered and their combined effects are analyzed.

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Luna, Zakiya. "WHO SPEAKS FOR WHOM? (MIS) REPRESENTATION AND AUTHENTICITY IN SOCIAL MOVEMENTS*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 22, no. 4 (December 1, 2017): 435–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-22-4-435.

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While many social movement studies mention the idea of authenticity, few consider the authentication processes in movements. This article examines how authenticity challenges manifest in different arenas of movement/countermovement struggles. Through a qualitative analysis of minority organizations engaged in an abortion debate, I focus on how racial minorities demonstrate authenticity to legitimate their ability to represent their community's views on abortion. I argue that both sides engage in proximity practices that emphasize their movement's congruence while pointing to perceived incongruence of the opposition. After demonstrating how these practices are used in three arenas, I suggest areas for researchers to examine in future studies on minorities in movements and beyond.

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Bosi, Lorenzo. "Social Movements and Interrelated Effects: The Process of Social Change in the Post-Movement Lives of Provisional IRA Volunteers." Revista Internacional de Sociología 74, no. 4 (October 21, 2016): e047. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/ris.2016.74.4.047.

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Artz, Lee. "Social Media and Social Movements." Protest 1, no. 2 (February 23, 2022): 248–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667372x-01030003.

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Abstract This contribution assesses the function and use of corporate-run social media, including its efficacy for organizing social movements. An extended critique of Black Lives Matter considers the impact of its social media activities on mitigating racial inequality. Drawing from successful social movements, participatory democracy, mass physical protest, and independence from established political institutions appear as necessary ingredients for constructing social media strategies for social change.

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Hewitt, Martin. "Social movements and social need." Critical Social Policy 13, no. 37 (July 1993): 52–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026101839301303703.

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diani, mario. "social networks and social movements." European Political Science 15, no. 2 (August 14, 2015): 266–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/eps.2015.48.

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Kidd, Dustin, and Keith McIntosh. "Social Media and Social Movements." Sociology Compass 10, no. 9 (September 2016): 785–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/soc4.12399.

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Turner, Eric. "New Movements, Digital Revolution, and Social Movement Theory." Peace Review 25, no. 3 (July 2013): 376–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10402659.2013.816562.

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Gamson, William A., and Sidney Tarrow. "Power in Movement: Social Movements and Contentious Politics." Contemporary Sociology 28, no. 3 (May 1999): 337. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2654187.

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Turner, Terisa E., and Leigh Brownhill. "Ecofeminism and the Global Movement of Social Movements." Capitalism Nature Socialism 21, no. 2 (June 2010): 102–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10455752.2010.489681.

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Diani, Mario. "Social Movements and Social Capital: A Network Perspective on Movement Outcomes." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 2, no. 2 (September 1, 1997): 129–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.2.2.w6087622383h4341.

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This article presents an approach to the study of the consequences of social movements that focuses on their capacity to produce "social capital." By social capital I mean ties that are based on mutual trust and mutual recognition among the actors involved in the relationship, although they do not necessarily imply the presence of collective identity. The influence of social movements may be regarded as dependent on their structural position, i.e., on the solidity of the linkages within the movement sector as well as—more crucially—of the bonds among movement actors, the social milieu in which they operate, and cultural and political elites. Therefore, the impact of a given movement or movement sector will be assessed in the light of changes in its components' relative centrality in various social networks. The broader the range of social capital ties emerging from a period of sustained mobilization, the greater the impact.

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Ruiz-Junco, Natalia. "Feeling Social Movements: Theoretical Contributions to Social Movement Research on Emotions." Sociology Compass 7, no. 1 (December 12, 2012): 45–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/soc4.12006.

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Kavada, Anastasia. "Progressive social movements." IPPR Progressive Review 27, no. 4 (February 26, 2021): 344–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/newe.12231.

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Arampatzi, Athina. "Territorialising social movements." City 21, no. 6 (November 2, 2017): 724–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13604813.2017.1408993.

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Mac Sheoin, Tomás. "Repressing Social Movements." Monthly Review 64, no. 8 (January 6, 2013): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-064-08-2013-01_6.

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Hare, A. Paul. "Nonviolent social movements." Peace and Conflict: Journal of Peace Psychology 6, no. 4 (2000): 369–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1207/s15327949pac0604_11.

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Ghaziani, Amin. "LGBTQ Social Movements." Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 48, no. 5 (September 2019): 580–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094306119867060mm.

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Touraine, Alain. "Beyond Social Movements?" Theory, Culture & Society 9, no. 1 (February 1992): 125–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026327692009001007.

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EINWOHNER, RACHEL L., JOCELYN A. HOLLANDER, and TOSKA OLSON. "ENGENDERING SOCIAL MOVEMENTS." Gender & Society 14, no. 5 (October 2000): 679–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/089124300014005006.

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Ghosh, Tirthankar. "LGBTQ social movements." Journal of Gender Studies 28, no. 8 (September 12, 2019): 983–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09589236.2019.1664817.

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Hara, Noriko, and Bi-Yun Huang. "Online social movements." Annual Review of Information Science and Technology 45, no. 1 (2011): 489–522. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/aris.2011.1440450117.

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Melucci, Alberto. "Contemporary social movements." Anuario de Espacios Urbanos, Historia, Cultura y Diseño, no. 04 (December 1, 1997): 203–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.24275/ragz8367.

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McKeever, David. "Parties, Movements, Brokers." Contention 9, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/cont.2021.090102.

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This article is a study of the consequences of brokerage for movements, and particularly for the role of political parties within social movements. My findings indicate that brokerage creates opportunities for minor groups to play a crucial role in mobilization, something that comes at a cost to a movement’s structure. I make my case with a study of brokerage in action, based on activist interviews, events data, and network data collected from the Scottish independence movement. Results demonstrate that the likelihood of the governing Scottish National Party participating in movement events only increases with the number of participating movement organizations. As the movement organizations transitioned from a referendum campaign to an autonomous movement, under-resourced peripheral groups took the lead in brokering the Nationalist movement.

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Oliver, Pamela, and Daniel Myers. "The Coevolution Of Social Movements." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 8, no. 1 (February 1, 2003): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.8.1.d618751h524473u7.

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Movements develop in coevolution with regimes and other actors in their environments. Movement trajectories evolve through stochastic processes and are constrained, but not determined, by structures. Coevolution provides a theoretical structure for organizing existing understandings of social movements and sharpening future research. Stochastic thinking is essential for recognizing the both the volatility and path dependence of collective action and its underlying structural constraints. Formal models of diffusion, adaptive learning, mutual reinforcement, and inter-actor competition are developed and compared with empirical protest series. Responses to exogenous reinforcement, mutual adaptation in which failure is as important as success, and inter-actor competition are the most plausible mechanisms to account for empirical patterns. Trajectories of action depend upon the number of discrete random actors. Overall, the analysis suggests that movement dynamics are shaped more by interactions with other actors than by processes internal to a movement, and that empirical analysis must be sensitive to the level of aggregation of the data.

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Miles Belino, Juliana. "Rightful resistance in land reform social movements:." CSOnline - REVISTA ELETRÔNICA DE CIÊNCIAS SOCIAIS, no. 36 (August 14, 2023): 297–324. http://dx.doi.org/10.34019/1981-2140.2022.40075.

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Even though the processes of factionalization and radicalization are identified by the literature on Contentious Politics as mechanisms that often occur during the trajectory of contentious movements, the Brazilian Landless Rural Workers Movement (MST) has conserved its non-violent rightful resistance strategy since its emergence until now. This paper intends to first identify and critically analyze the explanations for this phenomenon provided by the previous literature, and then porpose a hypothesis to complement the previous explanations. Previous studies argue that the characteristic of Brazilian State in terms of democracy and capacity level and the fact that violent measures would alienate potential supporters are the reasons why this movement has consistently adopted a non-violent strategy; and the facts that it is independent from political parties, its identity is based on socioeconomic status, it is organized and cohesive, and it has achieved a certain level of success, the reasons why it has avoided radicalization. This paper criticizes the arguments of previous studies, arguing that autonomy and cohesiveness cannot be empirically observed, and concludes by proposing a hypothesis that highlights the role of the movement’s ideology and culture, especially its focus on libertarian education. The methodology adopted in this paper involves reviewing relevant previous literature in the field of Contentious Politics and Social Movements and more specifically about the MST and collecting secondary data from previous studies and the MST’s website.

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Subedi, Tek Nath. "Review of Literature on Social Movement." Interdisciplinary Journal of Management and Social Sciences 2, no. 2 (December 31, 2021): 118–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/ijmss.v2i2.42608.

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Social movement is a broad alliance of people whereby different actors work together to bring change in the existing social order. Sociologist Mario Diani considers informal network, shared beliefs, and collective action as features of social movements. This paper reviews Diani’s concept of social movement along with that of other scholars. Social movements are analyzed from the perspectives of collective behavior, resource mobilization, political process, and new social movement. Scholars strive to differentiate it from sporadic collective human endeavors such as riots, protests, strikes, and shutdowns. Social movements target to overthrow regimes where people's requirements are not fulfilled, which signal vulnerability of the state to collective action. Also, from a structural perspective, social movements are facilitated by larger international contexts that affect developments at home. The state response leads to new opportunities, and state organizations of old regimes break down and new, revolutionary ones are built.

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Sutton, Philip, and Stephen Vertigans. "Islamic "New Social Movements"? Radical Islam, AL-QA'IDA and Social Movement Theory." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 11, no. 1 (February 1, 2006): 101–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.11.1.h072u0r458458426.

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European new social movement (NSM) theory was developed to describe and explain the apparently unique character of the wave of collective action that began in the 1960s and continues to this day. Key characteristics of NSM theory are a post-industrial orientation, middle-class activist core, loose organizational form, use of symbolic direct actions, creation of new identities, and a "self-limiting radicalism." The theory's claims to movement innovation were later criticized by many as exaggerated and ahistorical. However, the filtering down of key NSM elements into social movement studies has led to changing definitions of what social movements actually are and opened up new opportunities for the integration of religious movements into the social movements mainstream. Using the case of radical Islam, and with particular reference to the terrorist social movement organization al-Qa'ida, this article argues that drawing on key features of NSM theory should lead to a better understanding of radical Islam as well as a more realistic explanation of its continuing development and transformation.

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