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Journal articles on the topic 'Social movements – Minnesota – History'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 29 July 2024

Last updated: 30 July 2024

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1

IRIYE, AKIRA. "Transnational History." Contemporary European History 13, no. 2 (May 2004): 211–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777304001675.

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John Boli and George M. Thomas, eds., Constructing World Culture: International Nongovernmental Organizations since 1875 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1999), 363 pp., $22.95 (pb), ISBN 0-8047-3422-4.Matthew Evangelista, Unarmed Forces: The Transnational Movement to End the Cold War (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1999), 406 pp., $13.50 (pb), ISBN 0-8014-8784-6.Helen Laville, Cold War Women: The International Activities of American Women's Organizations (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2002), 224 pp., £47.50 (hb), ISBN 0-7190-5856-2.Sanjeev Khagram, James V. Riker and Kathryn Sikkink, eds., Restructuring World Politics: Transnational Social Movements, Networks, and Norms (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2002), 400 pp., $24.95 (pb), ISBN 0-8166-3907 8.Gabriele Metzler, Internationale Wissenschaft und Nationale Kultur: Deutsche Physiker in der Internationalen Community, 1900–1960 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2000), 304 pp., €29.90 (pb), ISBN 3-525-36246-3.Sarah E. Mendelson and John K. Glenn, eds., The Power and Limits of NGOs: A Critical Look at Building Democracy in Eastern Europe and Russia (New York: Columbia University Press, 2002), 300 pp., $16.00 (pb), ISBN 0-231-12491-0.

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2

Bernhard, Michael. "Maryjane Osa. Solidarity and Contention. Social Movements, Protest, and Contestation, vol. 18. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2003." Comparative Studies in Society and History 47, no. 3 (July 2005): 669–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417505230293.

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Osa's study is part of a larger literature that looks at the decomposition of communism and postcommunist politics through the prism of the literature on social movements. The book stands out, along with Grzegorz Ekiert and Jan Kubik's Rebellious Civil Society and John Glenn's Framing Democracy, as among the best in this school of research. Osa concentrates on the creation of networks of resistance in communist Poland from early 1950s to the period of Solidarity's formation and suppression in 1980–1982.

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Prell, Riv-Ellen. "Documenting Scholarly Dishonesty in Hyman Berman's 1976 Jewish Social Studies Article, "Political Antisemitism in Minnesota during the Great Depression," and Some of Its Political Consequences." Jewish Social Studies 28, no. 3 (September 2023): 200–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/jewisocistud.28.3.08.

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Abstract: This article draws attention to the distortions and falsehoods that appear in the 1976 Jewish Social Studies article "Political Antisemitism in Minnesota during the Great Depression" by Hyman Berman. It identifies and corrects the many errors on two of its pages. In addition, the role of Berman's article in a student movement at the University of Minnesota to remove names on four campus buildings of administrators who engaged in racist and antisemitic policies is explored. Berman's work was both a catalyst for an exhibition about this period, which inspired the movement, and then when its flagrant errors were brought to light, was used to try to discredit it. The consequences of Berman's misconduct had consequences more than forty years after its publication.

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Prell, Riv-Ellen. "Documenting Scholarly Dishonesty in Hyman Berman's 1976 Jewish Social Studies Article, "Political Antisemitism in Minnesota during the Great Depression," and Some of Its Political Consequences." Jewish Social Studies 28, no. 3 (September 2023): 200–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/jss.2023.a910392.

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Abstract: This article draws attention to the distortions and falsehoods that appear in the 1976 Jewish Social Studies article "Political Antisemitism in Minnesota during the Great Depression" by Hyman Berman. It identifies and corrects the many errors on two of its pages. In addition, the role of Berman's article in a student movement at the University of Minnesota to remove names on four campus buildings of administrators who engaged in racist and antisemitic policies is explored. Berman's work was both a catalyst for an exhibition about this period, which inspired the movement, and then when its flagrant errors were brought to light, was used to try to discredit it. The consequences of Berman's misconduct had consequences more than forty years after its publication.

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5

Wenzel, Joshua I. "A Different Christian Witness to Society: Christian Support for Gay Rights and Liberation in Minnesota, 1977–1993." Church History 88, no. 3 (September 2019): 720–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000964071900180x.

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The traditional narrative of religion and the gay rights movement in the post-1960s United States emphasizes conservative Christians and their opposition to gay rights. Few studies focus on the supportive role Christian leaders and churches played in advancing gay rights and nurturing a positive gay identity for homosexual Americans. Concentrating on the period from 1977 to 1993 and drawing largely from manuscript collections at the Minnesota Historical Society, including the Minnesota GLBT Movement papers of Leo Treadway, this study of Christianity and gay rights in the state of Minnesota demonstrates that while Christianity has often been an oppressive force on homosexuals and homosexuality, Christianity was also a liberalizing influence. Putting forth arguments derived from religious understandings, using biblical passages as “proof” texts, and showing a mutuality between the liberal theological tradition and the secular political position, the Christian community was integral to advancing gay rights and liberation in Minnesota by the early 1990s despite religious right resistance. These efforts revealed a Christianity driven to actualize the love of God here on earth and ensure human wholeness, freedom, and an authentic selfhood. Christian clergy, churches, and ordinary persons of faith thus undertook activity in three areas to ensure wholeness and freedom: political activity for civil protections; emotional, pastoral care for persons with AIDS; and as a source of self-affirmation and social comfort in the midst of an inhospitable society.

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6

Leinonen, Johanna. "“Money Is Not Everything and That’s the Bottom Line”." Social Science History 36, no. 2 (2012): 243–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200011780.

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This article highlights and fills gaps in research on migrant elites, traditionally defined as highly educated or professional migrants. The research on elite migrants has often suffered from methodological individualism: elite migrants are depicted as male professionals who shuttle from one work assignment or country to another, unrestricted by family relationships or national borders. My research shows the important role of marriage and family ties in life decisions of elite migrants, who in migration statistics and scholarly discussions appear merely as professionals, highly educated persons, or students. I also contribute to the recent literature that challenges the common assumption that migration is a unidirectional movement from one place to another initiated by a single motive, work or family. My research shows that in reality, for both women and men, multiple motives and multidirectional movements are often involved. Furthermore, my research highlights how elite migrants’ high social status does not necessarily guarantee privileged treatment by the host society or that elite migrants feel a part of the society in which they live. I use international marriages between Finns and Americans in Finland and the United States as a case study. I base my analysis on the 74 interviews that I conducted with American migrants and their Finnish spouses living in the capital region of Finland, in or near Helsinki, and with Finnish migrants married to US citizens and living in the state of Minnesota. In addition, I use responses to an online survey of American-born people who were living in Finland in 2008. I received 106 responses to the survey.

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7

Dokhanchi, Khalil. "A Century of Revolution: Social Movements in Iran, Social Movements, Protest, and Contention Series, vol. 2, John Foran, ed., Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994, 263 pp., incl. Select Bibliography, Index, $19.95 (paper)." Iranian Studies 29, no. 3-4 (1996): 373–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021086200010823.

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8

Schock, K. "Geography and Social Movements: Comparing Anti-Nuclear Activism in the Boston Area. By Byron A. Miller. University of Minnesota Press, 2000. 215 pp. Paper, $21.95." Social Forces 80, no. 3 (March 1, 2002): 1127–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sof.2002.0017.

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Silber, Irina Carlota. "Paul Almeida. Waves of Protest. Popular Struggle in El Salvador, 1925–2005. [Social Movements, Protest, and Contention, Vol. 29.]University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis [etc.] 2008. xxii, 298 pp. $25.00." International Review of Social History 55, no. 1 (April 2010): 146–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859010000131.

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10

Wood, J. L. "Methods of Social Movement Research. Edited by Bert Klandermans and Suzanne Staggenborg. University of Minnesota Press, 2002. 382 pp." Social Forces 82, no. 1 (September 1, 2003): 417–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sof.2003.0109.

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Brown, Cliff. "Roscigno, Vincent J. and William F. Danaher, The Voice of Southern Labor. Radio, Music, and Textile Strikes, 1929–1934. [Social Movements, Protest, and Contention, vol. 19.] University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis [etc.] 2004. xxviii, 177 pp. $59.95." International Review of Social History 51, no. 1 (March 30, 2006): 136–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859006102357.

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12

Steffes, Tracy L. "Solving the “Rural School Problem”: New State Aid, Standards, and Supervision of Local Schools, 1900–1933." History of Education Quarterly 48, no. 2 (May 2008): 181–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5959.2008.00140.x.

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“The greatest educational problem now facing the American people is the Rural School Problem,” argued Minnesota county superintendent Julius Arp in 1918. “There is no defect more glaring today than the inequality that exists between the educational facilities of the urban and rural communities. Rural education in the United States has been so far outstripped by the education of our urban centers, that from an educational standpoint, the country child is left far behind in the struggles of life.” This conceptualization of the Rural School Problem, framed within a larger national discussion about the growing disparity between urban and rural life wrought by industrialization, galvanized a broad based coalition of educators, ministers, farmers, agro-businessmen, sociologists, and social reformers into a robust campaign for rural school reform in the early twentieth century. Often lost in recent education histories which have paid much greater attention to urban school reform, this rural school movement had far-reaching consequences, not only for local school governance in the countryside, but for emerging state administration of education. The Rural School Problem, this article argues, helped to stimulate and legitimate significant new state interventions into local schools and define the forms of state aid, regulation, and bureaucracy in a formative period of state development.

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13

Rasmussen, S⊘ren Hein. "From social movements to political movements." Scandinavian Journal of History 22, no. 3 (January 1997): 173–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03468759708579350.

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14

Knopp, Lawrence. "Social theory, social movements and public policy: recent accomplishments of the gay and lesbian movements in Minneapolis, Minnesota." International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 11, no. 2 (June 1987): 243–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2427.1987.tb00048.x.

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15

Eyerman, Ron. "Social movements." Theory and Society 18, no. 4 (July 1989): 531–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00136437.

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16

Choung, S. Y. "SoMove: Social Movements Oral History Tour." Oral History Review 41, no. 2 (September 1, 2014): 353–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ohr/ohu038.

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17

Laraña, Enrique. "Social Movements in Spain." Tocqueville Review 15, no. 1 (January 1994): 119–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.15.1.119.

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Until recent years, the term "movement" had a peculiar meaning in Spain since it referred to an aggregate of political forces that supported the military coup against the Republic and got the victory after three years of Civil War in 1939. The "Movimiento Nacional" does not fit into most current conceptions of social movements, and was mainly a political instrument for the unification of these forces under the rule of general Franco (Tusell 1992). Its authoritarian principles were the legal basis for the Regime until 1975, when the former died and a peaceful process of democratic transition took place.

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18

Sims, Anastatia, and Jack S. Blocker. "American Temperance Movements: Cycles of Reform. Social Movements Past and Present." Journal of Southern History 56, no. 3 (August 1990): 520. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2210295.

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19

KITLV, Redactie. "Book Reviews." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 60, no. 1-2 (January 1, 1986): 55–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002066.

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-John Parker, Norman J.W. Thrower, Sir Francis Drake and the famous voyage, 1577-1580. Los Angeles: University of California Press, Contributions of the UCLA Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies Vol. 11, 1984. xix + 214 pp.-Franklin W. Knight, B.W. Higman, Trade, government and society in Caribbean history 1700-1920. Kingston: Heinemann Educational Books, 1983. xii + 172 pp.-A.J.R. Russel-Wood, Lyle N. McAlister, Spain and Portugal in the New World, 1492-1700. Minneapolis, University of Minnesota Press, Europe and the World in the Age of Expansion Volume III, 1984. xxxi + 585 pp.-Tony Martin, John Gaffar la Guerre, The social and political thought of the colonial intelligentsia. Mona, Jamaica: Institute of Social and Economic Research, University of the West Indies, 1982. 136 pp.-Egenek K. Galbraith, Raymond T. Smith, Kinship ideology and practice in Latin America. Chapel Hill NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1984. 341 pp.-Anthony P. Maingot, James Pack, Nelson's blood: the story of naval rum. Annapolis MD, U.S.A.: Naval Institute Press and Havant Hampshire, U.K.: Kenneth Mason, 1982. 200 pp.-Anthony P. Maingot, Hugh Barty-King ,Rum: yesterday and today. London: William Heineman, 1983. xviii + 264 pp., Anton Massel (eds)-Helen I. Safa, Alejandro Portes ,Latin journey: Cuban and Mexican immigrants in the United States. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985. xxi + 387 pp., Robert L. Bach (eds)-Wayne S. Smith, Carlos Franqui, Family portrait wth Fidel: a memoir. New York: Random House, 1984. xxiii + 263 pp.-Sergio G. Roca, Claes Brundenius, Revolutionary Cuba: the challenge of economic growth with equity. Boulder CO: Westview Press and London: Heinemann, 1984. xvi + 224 pp.-H. Hoetink, Bernardo Vega, La migración española de 1939 y los inicios del marxismo-leninismo en la República Dominicana. Santo Domingo: Fundación Cultural Dominicana, 1984. 208 pp.-Antonio T. Díaz-Royo, César Andreú-Iglesias, Memoirs of Bernardo Vega: a contribution to the history of the Puerto Rican community in New York. Translated by Juan Flores. New York and London: Monthly Review, 1984. xix + 243 pp.-Mariano Negrón-Portillo, Harold J. Lidin, History of the Puerto Rican independence movement: 20th century. Maplewood NJ; Waterfront Press, 1983. 250 pp.-Roberto DaMatta, Teodore Vidal, Las caretas de cartón del Carnaval de Ponce. San Juan: Ediciones Alba, 1983. 107 pp.-Manuel Alvarez Nazario, Nicolás del Castillo Mathieu, Esclavos negros en Cartagena y sus aportes léxicos. Bogotá: Institute Caro y Cuervo, 1982. xvii + 247 pp.-J.T. Gilmore, P.F. Campbell, The church in Barbados in the seventeenth century. Garrison, Barbados; Barbados Museum and Historical Society, 1982. 188 pp.-Douglas K. Midgett, Neville Duncan ,Women and politics in Barbados 1948-1981. Cave Hill, Barbados: Institute of Social and Economic Research (Eastern Caribbean), Women in the Caribbean Project vol. 3, 1983. x + 68 pp., Kenneth O'Brien (eds)-Ken I. Boodhoo, Maurice Bishop, Forward ever! Three years of the Grenadian Revolution. Speeches of Maurice Bishop. Sydney: Pathfinder Press, 1982. 287 pp.-Michael L. Conniff, Velma Newton, The silver men: West Indian labour migration to Panama, 1850-1914. Kingston: Institute of Social and Economic Research, University of the West Indies, 1984. xx + 218 pp.-Robert Dirks, Frank L. Mills ,Christmas sports in St. Kitts: our neglected cultural tradition. With lessons by Bertram Eugene. Frederiksted VI: Eastern Caribbean Institute, 1984. iv + 66 pp., S.B. Jones-Hendrickson (eds)-Catherine L. Macklin, Virginia Kerns, Woman and the ancestors: Black Carib kinship and ritual. Urbana IL: University of Illinois Press, 1983. xv + 229 pp.-Marian McClure, Brian Weinstein ,Haiti: political failures, cultural successes. New York: Praeger (copublished with Hoover Institution Press, Stanford), 1984. xi + 175 pp., Aaron Segal (eds)-A.J.F. Köbben, W.S.M. Hoogbergen, De Boni-oorlogen, 1757-1860: marronage en guerilla in Oost-Suriname (The Boni wars, 1757-1860; maroons and guerilla warfare in Eastern Suriname). Bronnen voor de studie van Afro-amerikaanse samenlevinen in de Guyana's, deel 11 (Sources for the Study of Afro-American Societies in the Guyanas, no. 11). Dissertation, University of Utrecht, 1985. 527 pp.-Edward M. Dew, Baijah Mhango, Aid and dependence: the case of Suriname, a study in bilateral aid relations. Paramaribo: SWI, Foundation in the Arts and Sciences, 1984. xiv + 171 pp.-Edward M. Dew, Sandew Hira, Balans van een coup: drie jaar 'surinaamse revolutie.' Rotterdam: Futile (Blok & Flohr), 1983. 175 pp.-Ian Robertson, John A. Holm ,Dictionary of Bahamian English. New York: Lexik House Publishers, 1982. xxxix + 228 pp., Alison Watt Shilling (eds)-Erica Williams Connell, Paul Sutton, Commentary: A reply from Williams Connell (to the review by Anthony Maingot in NWIG 57:89-97).

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20

CASIS. "A Brief History of Social Movements in North America." Journal of Intelligence, Conflict, and Warfare 2, no. 1 (May 17, 2019): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.21810/jicw.v2i1.958.

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The purpose of this analysis is to differentiate social movements. In this instance, we will be using the hippie/counterculture movements during the 1960s and 1970s in Canada, and those that are occurring in the second decade of the twenty-first century. In particular, this analysis distinguishes right-wing extremist movements in 2016 from groups like the Hippie Movement and the Black Panther Party Movement. Specific reference will be made to contrast the social movements of the twenty-first century that are non-political in nature but are identity-based, versus movements during the 60s and 70s that were political by design and intent. Due to the non-political nature of twenty-first century Violent Transnational Social Movements, they might be characterized as fifth generation warfare, which we identify as identity-based social movements in violent conflict with other identity based social movements, this violence may be soft or hard. ‘Soft violence damages the fabric of relationships between communities as entrenches or highlights the superiority of one group over another without kinetic impact. Soft violence is harmful activities to others which stops short of physical violence’. (Kelshall, 2019) Hard violence is then recognized as when soft violence tactics result in physical violence. Insurgencies are groups that challenge and/or resist the authority of the state. There are different levels of insurgencies; and on the extreme end, there is the resistance of systemic authority.

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21

Semechkin, N. I. "Mass Psychology and Social History." Social Psychology and Society 11, no. 2 (2020): 20–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.17759/sps.2020110202.

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Objectives. Analyze the historical process and in particular the movements of the masses not from the familiar for Russian researchers positions of famous Karl Marx’s thesis: “being determines consciousness”, but from the opposite point of view — social existence is determined by the state of public social consciousness, with the purpose to see how the transformation of social consciousness towards its decollectivization and demythologization, that creates shocking mental discomfort, generates mass social movements unconsciously seeking back in time, which predetermines the course of social history. Background. Naive-spontaneous “materialism” of ordinary consciousness, but, even more surprising, scientists’ psychologists, makes it difficult to understand the real determinants of human behavior, that is, the fact that in the basis of individual behavior, and public life, and history in general lies not politics, not economics, but social psychology, that, contrary to the well-known Lenin’s’ aphorism, politics and economics are a concentrated representation of psychology. Methodology. Theoretical analysis of socio-philosophical and psychological literature; comparative-historical analysis. Conclusions. Transformation of public consciousness initiates the creation of utopian projects oriented into the past. Utopias evoke powerful social movements of the masses, fascinated by the irrational idea of returning to the “golden age,” in paradise. Thus, the dynamics of social-historical processes are determined not by economics and politics, but by the logic of the transformation of the archaic collective consciousness in the course of its individualization and demythologization.

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22

Travaglino, Giovanni A. "Social sciences and social movements: the theoretical context." Contemporary Social Science 9, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21582041.2013.851406.

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23

Kater, M. H. "The Social Basis of European Fascist Movements." German History 6, no. 2 (April 1, 1988): 202–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/6.2.202.

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24

Jasper, James M., Michael Young, and Elke Zuern. "Character work in social movements." Theory and Society 47, no. 1 (February 2018): 113–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11186-018-9310-1.

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Keene, Jennifer D. "DEEDS NOT WORDS: AMERICAN SOCIAL JUSTICE MOVEMENTS AND WORLD WAR I." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 17, no. 4 (September 27, 2018): 704–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781418000336.

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This essay investigates how the repressive wartime political and social environment in World War I encouraged three key American social justice movements to devise new tactics and strategies to advance their respective causes. For the African American civil rights, female suffrage, and civil liberties movements, the First World War unintentionally provided fresh opportunities for movement building, a process that included recruiting members, refining ideological messaging, devising innovative media strategies, negotiating with the government, and participating in nonviolent street demonstrations. World War I thus represented an important moment in the histories of all three movements. The constructive, rather than destructive, impact of the war on social justice movements proved significant in the short term (for the suffragist movement) and the long term (for the civil rights and civil liberties movements). Ultimately, considering these three movements collectively offers new insights into American war culture and the history of social movements.

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Berger, Stefan. "What’s New in the History of Social Movements." Moving the Social 66 (October 31, 2021): 143–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.46586/mts.66.2021.143-166.

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Berger, Stefan. "What’s New in the History of Social Movements?" Moving the Social 68 (December 20, 2022): 115–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.46586/mts.68.2022.115-133.

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28

Kertzer, David I. "Social Anthropology and Social Science History." Social Science History 33, no. 1 (2009): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200010889.

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In the 1970s, when the social science history movement emerged in the United States, leading to the founding of the Social Science History Association, a simultaneous movement arose in which historians looked to cultural anthropology for inspiration. Although both movements involved historians turning to social sciences for theory and method, they reflected very different views of the nature of the historical enterprise. Cultural anthropology, most notably as preached by Clifford Geertz, became a means by which historians could find a theoretical basis in the social sciences for rejecting a scientific paradigm. This article examines this development while also exploring the complex ways cultural anthropology has embraced—and shunned—history in recent years.

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Swilling, Mark. "Urban Social Movements under Apartheid." Cahiers d’études africaines 25, no. 99 (1985): 363–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/cea.1985.1735.

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Stein, Judith. "Engaged History." International Labor and Working-Class History 46 (1994): 81–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900010875.

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Ira Katznelson urges labor historians to respond to a crisis in their field by returning to political, institutional, and state-centered history. This state of affairs has come about, he and others tell us, because of the dual challenge of “new social movements” and then the decline of labor movements, the crisis of social democracy, and collapse of communist states. Labor history is in crisis, he concludes, because class no longer provides the best categories with which to describe the world and the working class is no longer the principal historical actor.

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Salmenkari, Taru. "Building Taiwanese history and memory from below: The role of social movements." Memory Studies 13, no. 1 (November 28, 2017): 24–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698017741927.

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Social movements use memories not only to inspire and mobilize movements but also to struggle for justice. Using memory tools, Taiwanese social movements have challenged official interpretations of history, pluralized subjects worth having their own history and democratized the process of demanding that certain memories should be preserved. They have used memory to fight for social justice and for Taiwanese traditions against modernization and globalization. Social movements have used various memory tool kits, depending on their causes, understandings of Taiwanese identity, current social struggles and access to the political process. Different memory tool kits have led social movements to interpret differently which injustices matter and which gaps in hegemonic narratives deserve their attention.

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Klein, Martin A., Edmund Burke III, and Ira M. Lapidus. "Islam, Politics, and Social Movements." International Journal of African Historical Studies 23, no. 2 (1990): 320. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/219350.

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33

Rediker, Marcus. "Reflections on History from Below." Trashumante. Revista Americana de Historia Social, no. 20 (July 31, 2022): 296–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.17533/udea.trahs.n20a16.

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History from below is insurgent history, deriving much of its popularity and power from movements from below. The phrase had its modern origin in the 1930s, when Lucien Febvre, Georges Lefebvre, and A.L. Morton used it to discuss the history of working people in France and England. The term exploded into wider international usage in the 1960s and 1970s as various movements arose to demand new histories. In the US and many other parts of the world the civil rights and Black power movements demanded a consideration of the past that took seriously the issues of race and slavery. Anti-war and anti-colonial movements, especially those protesting the Vietnam War, called for rethinking the histories of empire and resistance. The women’s rights movement made perhaps the greatest challenge to conventional histories, insisting that the larger part of humanity be included. All of these movements asked, who is a proper subject of history? Who is in and who is out? History from below, as a politicized type of social history, arose to answer these questions.

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34

Vogel, Ann. "Review Article: Social Movements—History and Future: A Review." Citizenship Studies 9, no. 1 (February 2005): 107–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1362102042000325360.

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Majumdar, Rochona. "Subaltern Studiesas a History of Social Movements in India." South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies 38, no. 1 (February 24, 2015): 50–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00856401.2014.987338.

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36

Edwards, Rebecca. "Politics, Social Movements, and the Periodization of U.S. History." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 8, no. 4 (October 2009): 461–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400001432.

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It may be perilous for a member of the Society of Historians of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era to propose, in the Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era, that we cease using the term “Gilded Age” as a label for the late nineteenth century. Since I admire Mark Twain, who famously coined the term in a novel that he cowrote with Charles Dudley Warner, such a suggestion feels disloyal if not downright un-American. But in struggling recently to write a synthesis of the United States between 1865 and 1905 (cutoff dates that I chose with considerable doubt), it became apparent to me that “Gilded Age” is not a very useful or accurate term. Intended as an indictment of the elite, it captures none of the era's grassroots ferment and little of its social and intellectual complexity. A review of recent literature suggests that periodizing schemes are now in flux, and a reconsideration may be in order.

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MATLIN, DANIEL. "SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND RADICALISM IN POST-WAR AMERICAN HISTORY." Historical Journal 55, no. 1 (February 10, 2012): 263–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x12000039.

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Iacobelli, Pedro, Danton Leary, and Shinnosuke Takahashi. "Transnational Japan as History: Empire, Migration, and Social Movements." Asian Review of World Histories 5, no. 1 (June 29, 2017): 175–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.12773/arwh.2017.5.1.175.

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Berger, Stefan. "What is New in the History of Social Movements:." Moving the Social 64 (December 1, 2020): 175–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.46586/mts.64.2020.175-192.

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Warden, Katie. "Disabling barriers: social movements, disability, history and the law." Disability & Society 34, no. 1 (January 2, 2019): 181–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09687599.2018.1547500.

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Stauffer, Aaron. "Echoes of a Method: Inductive Christian Social Ethics, Social Practices, and the Radical Social Gospel." CrossCurrents 73, no. 2 (June 2023): 173–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cro.2023.a904522.

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Abstract: Christian social ethics emerged out of and in conversation with major social movements in U.S. history and today is defined by a commitment to studying these movements. The radical social gospelers who helped found the field argued that the best way to study modern social problems was to study these problems in the places where they were most painfully experienced and in the movements where people were building power to overcome them. Many organizers were (and still are) drawn to Christian social ethics to enhance their organizing work. Today, this inductive approach echoes through the field as scholars argue about the role of ethnography and social anthropology. Some argue that this is the work of political theology. I argue that many social ethicists fail to recognize the methodological legacy of the social gospel and in turn how this approach to social ethics offers a rich future that is deeply connected to organizing movements.

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Wilson, John, Mayer N. Zald, and John D. McCarthy. "Social Movements in an Organizational Society." Social Forces 67, no. 3 (March 1989): 799. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2579545.

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Hirsch, Eric, and Anthony Oberschall. "Social Movements: Ideologies, Interests, and Identities." Social Forces 73, no. 3 (March 1995): 1125. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2580566.

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Steinson, Barbara J., and Stewart Burns. "Social Movements of the 1960s: Searching for Democracy." Journal of American History 78, no. 1 (June 1991): 396. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2078245.

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Jagannathan, Bharati. "Book Review: Social Movements and Cultural Currents 1789–1945." Indian Historical Review 39, no. 1 (June 2012): 99–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0376983612449224.

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Frank, Andre Gunder, and Marta Fuentes. "Nine Theses On Social Movements." Thesis Eleven 18-19, no. 1 (August 1987): 143–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/072551368701800110.

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Modell, J. "Blue Ribbon: A Social and Pictorial History of the Minnesota State Fair. By Karal Ann Marling (St. Paul, Minnesota: Minnesota Historical Society Press, 1990. 328 pp.)." Journal of Social History 25, no. 1 (September 1, 1991): 172–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jsh/25.1.172.

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Küçük, Hülya. "A Brief History of Western Sufism." Asian Journal of Social Science 36, no. 2 (2008): 292–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853108x298752.

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AbstractSufism's popularity in the West is an issue known by everybody who is interested in it. It is certain that because of its tolerance of other religions and cultures, Sufism was welcomed among the Europeans who, through a variety of means, had had contact with it. This article intends to present a descriptive and representative historical overview of Western Sufism. It is also a probe in passing to understand the reasons for Western people's interest in Sufism. The Western Shadhiliyya and the Chistiyya in the West will occupy much more space in this work than the rest of the Sufi movements in the West, because of their pioneering role as the first Sufi movements introduced to the West. They paved way for or formed the background to later Sufi movements and facilitated their popularity in the West via their publications and conferences.

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Valverde, Mariana. "Derrida's Justice and Foucault's Freedom: Ethics, History, and Social Movements." Law & Social Inquiry 24, no. 03 (1999): 655–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.1999.tb00145.x.

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In thinking about justice in a pluralistic world, there are a number of potential theoretical resources. Derrida's thoughts on justice provide some tools with which to support social movements while avoiding the political and theoretical problems of identity politics, I argue; but the antihistorical frame-work of the philosophical ethics used and refined by Derrida is unhelpful to anyone working in social movements. By contrast, Foucault's later work on the ethics of freedom offers tools useful for thinking about embodiment, desire, and the historical specificity of ethical life. And yet, by remaining focused almost solely on liberté–backgrounding égalité, fraternité, and solidarité–Foucault's ethical reflections also remain open to supplementation. Thus, both thinkers'reflections on justice, freedom, and history have elements that are potentially very useful to those social movements that are unhappy with essentialist identities; but along the way we will have to invent our own additional, site-specific tools, in particular insofar as we are interested in building networks of solidarity.

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Deveaux, Monique. "Poor-Led Social Movements and Global Justice." Political Theory 46, no. 5 (May 21, 2018): 698–725. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591718776938.

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Political philosophers’ prescriptions for poverty alleviation have overlooked the importance of social movements led by, and for, the poor in the global South. I argue that these movements are normatively and politically significant for poverty reduction strategies and global justice generally. While often excluded from formal political processes, organized poor communities nonetheless lay the groundwork for more radical, pro-poor forms of change through their grassroots resistance and organizing. Poor-led social movements politicize poverty by insisting that, fundamentally, it is caused by social relations of power that exploit and subordinate poor populations. These movements and their organizations also develop the collective capabilities of poor communities in ways that help them to contest the structures and processes that perpetuate their needs deprivation. I illustrate these contributions through a discussion of the Landless Rural Worker’s Movement in Brazil (the MST), a poor mobilization organization in Bangladesh (Nijera Kori), and the slum and pavement dweller movement in India. Global justice theorizing about poverty cannot just “add on” the contributions of such struggles to existing analyses of, and remedies for, poverty, however; rather, we will need to shift to a relational approach to poverty in order to see the vital importance of organized poor communities to transformative, poor-centered poverty reduction.

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