Journal articles on the topic 'Social movements – Italy'
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1
Ruggiero, Vincenzo. "New Social Movements and the ‘Centri Sociali’ in Milan." Sociological Review 48, no. 2 (May 2000): 167–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-954x.00210.
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This paper discusses the social movement known in Italy as the movement of the centri sociali. The empirical material presented relies heavily on the centri sociali operating in Milan. Such material offers the opportunity to revisit issues related to social movement theories. In part one, a brief overview of these theories is sketched, and concepts suggested by both resource mobilisation theorists and new social movements theorists are presented. Attempts to unify the two approaches are also briefly reviewed. In part two, the origin of the centri sociali is traced. Some of the motives and practices inspiring the movement are described as a legacy, though re-elaborated and re-contextualised, of the particularly troubled, if compelling, Italian 1970s. The methodology used for the empirical work undertaken is then presented. Finally, the discussion moves back to social movement theories, against which the movement of the centri sociali is analysed. Here, the utility of some aspects of both resource mobilisation and new social movement theories will be underlined, thus adding a modest, tentative, contribution to previous attempts to elaborate a synthesis between the two approaches.
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Zadnikar, Gita. "Radio Libere: An Experiment with Radio Broadcasting in Italy." Monitor ISH 17, no. 2 (November 3, 2015): 7–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.33700/1580-7118.17.2.7-24(2015).
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The 1970s expansion of free radio stations throughout Europe and the experiences of that movement over the following years encouraged diverse reflections on, and experiments with, the ways of using media and new technologies. Of course the experience of Radio Alice and other free radio stations in the Italy of the late 1970s only became possible when the radio as a communication tool became affordable and technically accessible to a new social subject – the student movement and social movements predominantly consisting of young people. What left the deepest mark on the period, however, was a fundamental change in the attitude of social and political movements to the media.
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Andretta, Massimiliano, and Manuela Caiani. "Social movements in Italy: which kind of Europeanisation?" Journal of Southern Europe and the Balkans 7, no. 3 (December 2005): 283–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14613190500345342.
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Fugazzola, Caterina. "A Family Matter Asymmetrical Metonymy and Regional LGBT Discourse in Italy." European Journal of Sociology 60, no. 3 (December 2019): 351–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000397561900016x.
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AbstractIn this project, I use the LGBT movement in Italy as a case study to investigate how social movements in culturally diverse social environments strategically employ contentious language to develop discourses that maximize cultural and policy outcomes without encountering discursive fragmentation. My research shows that supporters of LGBT civil rights in different Italian regions relied on a tactical use of particular words in order to respond to regionally specific norms of cultural expression regulating the boundaries drawn around the concept of family. Taking a cultural and linguistic approach to the study of social movements, I present the mechanism of asymmetrical metonymy as an example of the strategic use of polysemic language to achieve discursive convergence through culturally specific tactics, and I argue that discourse and rhetorical analysis offer a way to understand how movements make sense of different cultural limitations in a fragmented social environment.
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Diani, Mario, and Alberto Melucci. "Searching for autonomy: the sociology of social movements in Italy." Social Science Information 27, no. 3 (September 1988): 333–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/053901888027003002.
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Bergan Draege, Jonas, Daniela Chironi, and Donatella della Porta. "Social Movements within Organisations: Occupy Parties in Italy and Turkey." South European Society and Politics 22, no. 2 (June 23, 2016): 139–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2016.1199091.
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Nardi, Peter M. "The Globalization of the Gay & Lesbian Socio-Political Movement: Some Observations about Europe with a Focus on Italy." Sociological Perspectives 41, no. 3 (September 1998): 567–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1389564.
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The emergence of new social movements focused on gay and lesbian issues during the past 25 years has been well documented in American society. The diffusion of a gay and lesbian socio-political movement in other Western cultures and many developing societies has been the subject of more recent inquiries. This article assesses the globalization of the international gay and lesbian social movement by focusing on Europe and Italy, in particular, and raises questions about the socio-political conditions that might be necessary for the development of a new social movement—one based on sexual orientation identity concepts rather than one based on age-structured or gender-structured relationships. Historical information about social and legal changes in Italy and in the rest of Europe is presented along with current issues facing the increasingly visible gay movement in Italy. What emerges is a portrait of a culture changing and questioning its relationship to traditional patriarchal, religious, and gender concepts while becoming interconnected with global gay and lesbian communities and issues.
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Pavan, Elena, and Andrea Felicetti. "Digital Media and Knowledge Production Within Social Movements: Insights From the Transition Movement in Italy." Social Media + Society 5, no. 4 (October 2019): 205630511988967. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2056305119889671.
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In this article, we aim at contributing to ongoing discussions on the nexus between digital media and social movements. We investigate how activists problematize the inclusion of digital media within their courses of action and exploit these tools to produce and diffuse alternative knowledge on the issues on which they mobilize. We do so by studying Transition Italia (TI), the Italian hub of the transnational Transition movement struggling for resilience and sustainability. First, we reconstruct how activists problematized the adoption of digital media within TI’s courses of action. Second, we explore how activists leveraged Facebook affordances to produce and diffuse alternative knowledge on TI as a collective actor, its visions and practices, its action networks, and the political alternatives it aims to achieve. Far from being passive adopters of digital media, activists considered critically the inclusion of digital media within TI’s activities in light of three elements of import to the national activist community: the appropriateness of mainstream digital platforms to inform citizens, the perceived efficacy of digital tools, and the attempt to distinguish themselves from the global Transition Network. Moreover, we show that activists engaged in a “knowledge curation work” by sharing links and creating and spreading original contents.
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Cossu, Alberto. "Beyond Social Media Determinism? How Artists Reshape the Organization of Social Movements." Social Media + Society 4, no. 1 (January 2018): 205630511775071. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2056305117750717.
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Artists and creative workers are engaged once more in the social and political space. In the current wave, which started in the early 2010s, they have taken part in broad social movements (e.g., Occupy, Tahrir Square), created movements of their own (e.g., Network of Occupied Theaters in Italy and Greece), experimented with alternative economic models and currencies (e.g., Macao and D-CENT), carried out social research and radical education, partnered with institutional and social actors, supported neighborhoods, filled the void left by states’ retreat from the social, and hosted and co-produced art at a time when the budget for culture and independent art is being decreased in numerous countries across the world. This article aims to investigate the organizational and relational aspects of artistic social movements. Drawing on a 2-year-long ethnographic study conducted for my PhD dissertation and deploying a number of research techniques, including participant observation, digital methods, and semi-structured interviews, I propose a new understanding of the meaning of organization in contemporary artistic social movements. My article, focusing especially on data gathered on Macao, “The New Centre for Arts, Culture and Research of Milan,” constitutes an attempt to reflect on emerging organizational models in social movements.
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Levy, Carl. "Charisma and social movements: Errico Malatesta and Italian anarchism." Modern Italy 3, no. 02 (November 1998): 205–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532949808454804.
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SummaryThis article examines the role of charismatic leadership in the Italian anarchist and socialist movements in the period up to the biennio rosso. It focuses on the activities of Errico Malatesta (1853–1932) in 1920 after his return from exile in London. Italian anarchism may have relied upon the informal prestige of leaders such as Malatesta to keep the sinews of its organizations together, however even if Malatesta drew enormous crowds on his return, his oratory was far less demagogic than his maximalist socialist competitors. Malatesta's charisma was a product of the supercharged atmosphere of 1920 and his reputation as the ‘socialist Garibaldi’ or the ‘Lenin of Italy’. In fact his Socratic approach, demonstrated in his written and spoken interventions, was rather closer to the educationalism of Mazzini.
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Lanzone, Liza, and Dwayne Woods. "Riding the Populist Web: Contextualizing the Five Star Movement (M5S) in Italy." Politics and Governance 3, no. 2 (August 11, 2015): 54–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v3i2.246.
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This article focuses on three mechanisms to explain the rise of populist movements across Europe. They are politicization of resentment, exploitation of social cleavages, and polarization of resentment and feelings of non-representation. We conceptualize populism as a strategic power game aiming to transform potential majorities into real ones by creating or reframing social cleavages. Our theoretical model is used to explain the rise of the Five Star Movement (M5S). Beppe Grillo’s M5S gained notoriety on the national political scene in Italy just before the 2013 elections and succeeded in get-ting nearly 25 percent of the overall vote. Moreover, it was the only political force that was able to attract votes across the different regions in Italy, making it the country’s only truly national party.
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Bertuzzi, Niccolò. "Contemporary animal advocacy in Italy." Modern Italy 24, no. 1 (July 25, 2018): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2018.21.
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In spite of the great tradition in social movement studies, Italy completely lacks any contribution regarding animal advocacy from the point of view of political sociology. This is despite the fact that, as in the rest of Western societies, interest in the wellbeing, rights and status of non-human animals is growing. This can be seen both among the general population and in the very varied organised forms of welfare and activism. In this article, we will investigate this internal differentiation, starting from an initial stratification in welfare, protectionism and anti-speciesism, and focusing in particular on the following two aspects: ethical values; and political ‘careers’ and multi-membership affiliations. The investigation was accomplished by means of 20 semi-structured interviews and an online questionnaire answered by 704 volunteers and activists. The tripartition hypothesised was confirmed, although with a few exceptions: more progressive values emerged among anti-speciesists, and conservative positions among protectionists and welfarists, but the overall spectrum is characterised by utilitarian perspectives. Similarly, previous experience in the specific field of animal advocacy is typical of the protectionist area, while anti-speciesists also come from other opposition movements.
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Chironi, Daniela. "Generations in the Feminist and LGBT Movements in Italy: The Case ofNon Una Di Meno." American Behavioral Scientist 63, no. 10 (March 6, 2019): 1469–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764219831745.
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The article analyses the participation of young people in emerging social movements, focusing on the experience of the Italian Non Una Di Meno (NUDM) movement combatting male violence against women. Challenging scholarly assumptions of growing youth apathy in democracies, the analysis reveals high levels of participation on the part of the younger population engaged in gender-related struggles. Hit by both conservative and austerity policies associated with the economic and political crisis, feminist and LGBTQI (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, and intersexual) Millennials reacted by increasing their involvement in contentious politics. In the protest arena, they have crossed paths with older generations, activating processes of exchange, but also intergenerational tensions. Based on original qualitative data from ten semi-structured interviews with movement activists in Florence and Bologna, this piece of research sheds light on the role of young people in the birth and evolution of NUDM, and the relationship between different generations of activists within this movement. More specifically, it explains continuities and discontinuities between veterans and younger activists’ sources of theoretical inspirations, organizational models and mobilization resources, strategic priorities and action repertoires. Millennials embrace intersectional feminism and queer theory; opt for grassroots, horizontal organizing; adopt a conflictual attitude towards the state, and dialogical, introspective dynamics within the movement. Intergenerational disagreements especially relate to sex work, and surrogate motherhood.
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Avanza, Martina. "Using a Feminist Paradigm (Intersectionality) to Study Conservative Women: The Case of Pro-life Activists in Italy." Politics & Gender 16, no. 2 (June 7, 2019): 552–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x18001034.
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AbstractThis article builds on ethnographic research concerning the Italian pro-life movement and argues for the use of intersectionality theory in studying conservative women. The article suggests, first, that understanding conservative movements necessitates linking their political claims to the social identities of their activists, as would be the case for any other social movement (e.g., feminism). These social identities are as complex and intersectional as any other: a white, upper-class pro-life activist is no less intersectional than a black feminist from a poor background. Concomitantly, there is no unique feminism, but rather a plurality of feminisms, a diversity that intersectionality facilitates the identification of. The same is true for pro-life movements, but scholars tend to use the singular form to talk about conservatism; in this article, I explore the use of the plural to show that pro-life women do not constitute a monolithic group. On the contrary, these women are diverse in terms of their reproductive stories, their working status, and their class, race, and sexual practices, and this diversity translates into different ways of being pro-life. Second, recognizing this complexity does not suggest a natural link between feminism and conservatism. Alternatively, I suggest that a better understanding of conservative women can only be reached if they are studied on their own terms.
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Andretta, Massimiliano, and Donatella Della Porta. "Contentious precarious generation in anti-austerity movements in Spain and Italy." OBETS. Revista de Ciencias Sociales 10, no. 1 (June 15, 2015): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.14198/obets2015.10.1.02.
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This article focuses on the precarious generation protesting in Spain and Italy in times of crisis and austerity (2010-2012). Their many similarities notwithstanding, the two countries have experienced different types of mobilization against austerity measures. In Spain, a relatively autonomous mobilization –characterized by new collective actors and new forms of action– has made possible the building of a political actor, Podemos, able to seriously challenge the established political parties. In Italy, instead, the mobilization was dominated by established political actors, especially trade unions, did not produce innovative forms of action and has not been able to overcome (so far) the fragmentation of the social movement sector. In both countries, however, the anti-austerity protests have been characterized by a strong presence of what we call hear the “precarious generation”, particularly exposed to the economic crisis and the austerity measures. By relying on data from several surveys conducted in demonstrations on social, economic and labor issues in the two countries from 2010 to 2011, in this article we single out differences and the similarities in terms of presence, social composition, grievances and emotion, collective identity and network embeddedness of the precarious generation. Our findings show that the precarious generation was almost equally present in the selected demonstrations in the two countries, share similar socio-graphic features and similar types of grievance and emotions. Nonetheless, in Spain it seems to have built a more cohesive and radical collective identity based upon a more informal and internet based network integration while in Italy it seems embedded in a more traditional and formal network, which prevented the formation of a strong collective identity. Moreover, while in Spain the differences between the older and the precarious generation reveal that, both have a strong identity based on different networks; more formal the older and more related to informal and online instruments the latter; in Italy, the older generation has a much stronger collective identity based on a organizational network, while the precarious one is less but still integrated in organizational network. We conclude that the more autonomous civil society tradition in Spain, together with the particular political opportunities, under the pressure of a harsher economic crisis, may account for the differences we found.
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Chernyshev, M. V. "TRADITIONAL ECONOMIES AND SOCIAL PROTEST IN WEST GERMANY AND ITALY IN 1966-1974." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 3, no. 4 (December 25, 2019): 475–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2019-3-4-475-482.
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Every crisis of the world capitalist economy prompts a new wave of interest in long economic cycles. In the second half of the 20 century, the emergence of new social movements and activity of «traditional» working class can be analyzed as important barometers of socio-economic development in transitional economies of European countries towards postindustrial society. In this article the author employs a theory of the dynamics of protest waves developed by Ruud Koopmans to analyse social processes in West Germany and Italy between 1966 and 1974. Special attention is given to study of different types of social protest movements: spontaneous, semi-military groups and those affiliated with political parties. A special emphasis is put on showing how the protest wave started with confrontational actions, subsequently entered a phase of moderate mass mobilization, and ended up with a twin process of institutionalization and radicalization.
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Pirone, Maurilio. "The strike has become social." Emulations - Revue de sciences sociales, no. 28 (February 20, 2019): 107–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.14428/emulations.028.08.
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The article aims first of all to retrace the evolution of some paths of social mobilization around precariousness in Italy. The basic assumption is that such condition cannot be reduced to a sociological or economic category, but rather constitutes a ground for trade union organisation and political claims. I will articulate this analysis into two historically distinct moments on the basis of the ways in which precariousness has been described and opposed. Compared to a first moment in which the rise and narration of new working subjects took the centre of the stage, it seems possible to identify a second kind of mobilisations in which – while maintaining an alternation between specific disputes and general movements – the issue of precariousness spilled over and involved bio-political aspects as social reproduction and self-determination. Therefore, the forms of protest are also transformed: in the final part of the article I will try to clarify the main features of the social strike experiments that have occurred in Italy in recent years.
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Chiaramonte, Xenia. "The Struggle for Law: Legal strategies, environmental struggles and climate actions in Italy." Oñati Socio-legal Series 10, no. 4 (August 1, 2020): 932–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.35295/osls.iisl/0000-0000-0000-1153.
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The legal field constitutes both an advantageous and restrictive tool for social struggles. Current movements trust law and litigation as beneficial instruments. Nevertheless, legal strategies are deployed against protestors too. This article stems from processes of criminalization and unsuccessful “struggle for law” towards cases where legal strategies are embraced by social movements to demonstrate the Janus-faced nature of the legal field. The focus is on Italy, and is based on two-year judicial ethnography on the No TAV movement and fieldwork as well as documental analysis on the anti-Trans-Adriatic Pipeline (TAP) mobilization. Hence, the analysis focuses on a “positive” case selection, namely the most relevant climate litigation strategies pursued worldwide, with a special focus on “Giudizio Universale”, the first Italian action. The goal is to grasp both the conflicting aspects and the resourceful nature of law through empirical cases and case law to evaluate potential successful practices for current social movements. El campo del derecho constituye una herramienta tanto ventajosa como restrictiva para las luchas sociales. Los movimientos actuales confían en el derecho y el litigio como instrumentos favorables. Sin embargo, las estrategias jurídicas también se despliegan en contra de quienes protestan. Este artículo se origina en procesos de criminalización y "luchas por el derecho" infructuosas en casos en los que movimientos sociales han abrazado estrategias jurídicas para demostrar la naturaleza de Jano bifronte del derecho. El centro de atención es Italia, y nos basamos en la etnografía jurídica de dos años del movimiento en contra del Tren de Alta Velocidad y en trabajo de campo, así como en análisis documentales de la movilización contra el Gasoducto Trans-Adriático (TAP, en inglés). Por tanto, el análisis se centra en una selección de casos "positiva", con especial atención en "Giudizio UNiversale", la primera acción en Italia. El objetivo es entender tanto los aspectos en conflicto y los múltiples recursos del derecho a través de casos empíricos y jurisprudencia, a fin de evaluar prácticas de posible éxito para movimientos sociales en vigor.
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Leonini, Luisa, Enzo Colombo, and Paola Rebughini. "Nuovi italiani. Forme di identificazione tra i figli di immigrati inseriti nella scuola superiore." SOCIOLOGIA E POLITICHE SOCIALI, no. 1 (April 2009): 59–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/sp2009-001005.
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- This article discusses the future of the second and third generations in Italy by developing a generational perspective. Through the adoption of a constructionist theoretical approach, informed by works on globalization and the new social movements, it tries to advance beyond the limits of theories and observations at time of fordism, based on concepts of either assimilation or integration. The paper presents an on-going research on students of foreign origins who attend high schools in Milan. By doing so, it focuses on the specificity of the Italian situation and it highlights new and innovative forms of identification, as they are changing alongside current ideas of belonging, membership, citizenship and difference. Hence, the actual experience of the second and third generations, and their new forms of identification, emerge as a useful starting point to understand some peculiarities of the contemporary world. Keywords: Second Generation, Social Movements, Social Integration, Immigration in Italy, Education.
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LaPalombara, Joseph, and Donatella della Porta. "Social Movements, Political Violence, and the State: A Comparative Analysis of Italy and Germany." Political Science Quarterly 111, no. 4 (1996): 709. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2152098.
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White, Robert W., and Donatella della Porta. "Social Movements, Political Violence, and The State: A Comparative Analysis of Italy and Germany." Contemporary Sociology 26, no. 4 (July 1997): 470. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2655102.
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Merrill, Elizabeth. "The Professione di Architetto in Renaissance Italy." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 76, no. 1 (March 1, 2017): 13–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2017.76.1.13.
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The Professione di Architetto in Renaissance Italy shows how Renaissance Italian architects used the concept of the professione di architetto as a way to affirm and delineate the character of their occupation. Drawing inspiration from antiquarian models and taking advantage of the humanist ethos, these architects equated “profession” with manual and theoretical expertise, social authority, and the fulfillment of artistic, civic, and moral ideals. Elizabeth Merrill places the origins of architectural professionalism in early modern Italy—rather than in the nineteenth-century movements frequently cited by social historians—and describes the theoretical context for the architect's professional rise. Positioning themselves alongside university-educated professors, architects of Renaissance Italy crafted didactic treatises about their work and created academies for its instruction, foreshadowing a long history of architectural discourse that continues to this day.
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Pickvance, C. "The Rise and Fall of Urban Movements and the Role of Comparative Analysts." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 3, no. 1 (March 1985): 31–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/d030031.
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The paper is concerned with the changing incidence and militancy of urban movements since the 1960s, The diversity of experience between countries, and within countries over time, poses a problem of comparative analysis. This can be tackled by advancing a single model applying in highly diverse situations—as in Castells's The City and the Grassroots—or by constructing a series of submodels each of which applies in specific conditions. Castells's work is criticized for stressing movement characteristics at the expense of contextual characteristics, and an alternative approach is argued for in which urban movement experience is shaped by five contextual features: urbanisation conditions, state action, the political context, the development of middle class, and the general economic and social conditions. Submodels drawing on these features are used to make a comparative analysis of urban movement experience in France, Italy, and Spain. A typology of urban movements is drawn up: movements for the provision of and access to housing and urban services, for control and management, and for the defense of housing and neighbourhood. These relate to three distinct notions of urban—collective consumption, local political process, and spatial proximity—and the differential impact of the contextual features on each type of movement is shown. The paper is concerned with all types of urban movement, and uses the term ‘urban social movement’ to refer only to the extremely rare cases of a major change in urban power relations.
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Graziano, Paolo R., and Francesca Forno. "Political Consumerism and New Forms of Political Participation." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 644, no. 1 (October 3, 2012): 121–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716212454839.
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Political consumerism has become one of the most promising research fields in social movement and political participation studies. However, most research has focused mainly on the more personalized and less collective version of such forms of action, leaving largely unexplored the nature and dynamic of some new local grassroots organizations (such as the so-called Gruppi di Acquisto Solidale, or Solidarity Purchasing Groups [SPGs] in Italy). The influence of such forms of political participation in contemporary democracies has been scarcely investigated. The aim of this article is to provide an in-depth exploratory case study of SPGs in Italy, which more specifically focuses on the main definitional, organizational, and sociodemographic features of SPG participation. The article shows that the Italian SPGs are locally based hybrid pressure movements that go beyond conventional forms of political consumerism by adopting innovative organizational and participatory tools.
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Grazioli, Margherita. "Social innovations and street-level bureaucracies: the governance of housing squats in Rome." TERRITORIO, no. 99 (August 2022): 67–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/tr2021-099010.
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As the aftermath of the 2008 financial crash has caused a spike in housing vulnerability, squatting for housing purposes has gained a new momentum in Rome (Italy). If national laws like the Article 5 of the 2014 Housing Plan have pursued the eradication of the phenomenon, local districts have often adopted a more dialoguing approach towards the squatters and Housing Rights Movements to de-escalate the social exclusion it undergirds. Dwelling upon activist-ethnographic materials, this paper combines the social innovation theory with the framework of street-level bureaucracies to critically appreciate whether the initiatives activated by local administrators and social welfare practitioners in cooperation with the Housing Rights Movements in Rome can configure durable social innovations.
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Colella, Christian, Roberto Carradore, and Andrea Cerroni. "Problem Setting and Problem Solving in the Case of Olive Quick Decline Syndrome in Apulia, Italy: A Sociological Approach." Phytopathology® 109, no. 2 (February 2019): 187–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1094/phyto-07-18-0247-fi.
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This article gives an account of the social construction of phytopathological knowledge in the case of olive quick decline syndrome (OQDS) in Apulia, Italy. Due to the economic, cultural, and social importance of the olive crop, the spread of this disease has been characterized by a social debate over the implementation of mandatory phytosanitary policies, the etiological role played by the bacterium Xylella fastidiosa, the role of scientific experts, and the unexplored research trajectories (“undone science”) proposed by social and environmental movements. We examine how the disease has generated different approaches to problem setting and problem solving, one focused on OQDS as a complex of symptoms uniquely caused by X. fastidiosa, and the other framing the study of “complesso del disseccamento rapido dell’olivo” (CoDiRO) as a complex of causes. Drawing on a 2-year ethnographic study among researchers, policymakers, agricultural stakeholders, and social movements, this article uses theoretical concepts from the sociology of knowledge, sociology of scientific knowledge, and sociology of ignorance to examine the case and to reconstruct the 360° approach proposed by social movements as an alternative to the epistemic and political reductionism of official phytosanitary and science policies.
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Ginsborg, Paul. "Die italienische Krise." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 25, no. 98 (March 1, 1995): 11–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v25i98.967.
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The article discusses the economic, political and cultural factors which led to the transformation among the parties and in the Italian democracy. The sudden outbreak of the crisis in 1992 is described as a conjunction of external and internal crisis factors. International adjustment constraints, economical missmanagement, the inefficiency of the central govemments, social and political movements in Northern and Southern Italy, as well as the resolute action of judges and public prosecutors against the corrupt political elite, finally made the historical break with the traditional conditions in Italian politics possible. But only in Southem Italy the political caesura was accompanied by social transformations. Finally, this continuity of social conditions explains the rise of Berlusconi.
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De Sario, Beppe. "‘Precari su Marte’: An Experiment in Activism against Precarity." Feminist Review 87, no. 1 (September 2007): 21–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.fr.9400374.
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This article discusses how the issue of precarity has developed into a new catalyst for activism in Italy and demonstrates how this activism is linked to changes in the employment and capitalist manufacturing environment of the 1980s and 1990s. It links events in Italy to the activism of the global anti-neoliberal movement and discusses how various activist movements (the independent Marxist tradition, creative activism, social activism, Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender (LGBT), radical feminist activism) are mobilizing around the issue of precarity. This article focuses specifically on the activist network ‘Precari su Marte’ (Precarious on Mars) which has been active in Turin since 2005. It demonstrates how the theoretical and practical evolution of this network has led to various outcomes, including experimenting with creative forms of political practice at MayDay demonstrations and questioning the boundaries of gender.
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CORBISIERO, FABIO, and SALVATORE MONACO. "THE RIGHT TO A RAINBOW CITY: THE ITALIAN HOMOSEXUAL SOCIAL MOVEMENTS." Society Register 4, no. 4 (December 1, 2020): 69–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/sr.2020.4.4.03.
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Nowadays, the legal status of homosexual people varies widely from one country to another (ILGA 2019). In many contexts, the homosexual social movement has played a central role in fighting heterosexism and homophobia (Weinberg 1983). Especially in the democratic world, the homosexual social movement has been capable of spreading solidarity and inclusion and also of leading changes in regulatory terms, with different results context by context (Adam, Duyvendak, Krouwel 1999).
The paper aims to point out the Italian situation and the main characteristics of the gay social movement in Italy as key factors of the social change. More specifically, the paper is aimed at recounting the political process and the symbolic and cultural factors that led the Italian homosexual social movement to impose itself on the social scene as a reality with its own specific identity. The paper’s last section analyses the so-called “Italian rainbow cities”, urban contexts where the LGBT community is highly concentrated and in which it is so active as to stimulate, in cooperation with the local urban administrations, capacity-building processes oriented to the construction and consolidation of LGBT people’s rights and social inclusion.
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Ipsen, Carl. "The Organization of Demographic Totalitarianism: Early Population Policy in Fascist Italy." Social Science History 17, no. 1 (1993): 71–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200016758.
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Population has always been recognized as a fundamental resource of the state. In nineteenth-century Europe, however, the relationship between population—a body of people capable of working, fighting, growing, or moving collectively—and the state underwent a significant transformation as national governments found it increasingly more important to know their populations quantitatively. Satisfaction of this need required the creation of national institutions to carry out censuses and monitor the vital statistics and migratory movements of population.
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Miński, Radomir. "Robert Michels — zapoznany klasyk socjologii." Kultura i Społeczeństwo 61, no. 4 (October 10, 2017): 169–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/kis.2017.61.4.9.
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Robert Michels (1876–1936) considered himself to be a disillusioned socialist, who, under the influence of elitism, rejected democracy and moved into the fascist camp. As a figure in sociology he is associated solely with the “iron law of oligarchy.” In Poland, it is a little-known fact that in Western social thought he is viewed as a socially engaged sociologist—a “genuine” researcher gifted with sociological imagination and a passion for scholarship. The aim of the author is to present Michels as a scholar in many areas: feminist issues, local patriotism in the context of national citizenship, phenomena of a general sociological nature, the history of Italy, and social movements. Furthermore, the author illustrates the German writer Timm Genett’s thesis that Michels should also be valued as a pioneer in the study of social movements, which he consistently examined in his analyses of organizations, systematically investigating the degeneration of social movements and the shifting of organizational aims.
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Berger, Stefan. "‘Organising Talent and Disciplined Steadiness’: the German SPD as a Model for the British Labour Party in the 1920s?" Contemporary European History 5, no. 2 (July 1996): 171–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300003763.
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In comparative Labour history there is a long tradition of adhering to a typology of labour movements which distinguishes south-western European, ‘Latin’ labour movements (France, Spain, Italy) from north-eastern European labour movements (Germany, Austria, Scandinavia, east and south-east Europe) and invokes a third category: Anglo-American labour movements. The British Labour Party is usually subsumed under this latter category, whereas the German SPD is regarded as the spiritual leader of the second. Insofar as these comparisons explicitly deal with the time before the First World War, their argument is indeed a strong one. After all, the SPD was the largest socialist party in the world before 1914, at a time when the Labour Party did not even allow individual membership. At least in its organisational strongholds, the SPD resembled a social movement providing for its members almost ‘from cradle to grave’. The Labour Party, by contrast, is often portrayed as a trade union interest group in parliament with no other purpose than electoral representation. Where the Labour Party avoided any ideological commitment before 1914, the SPD had at least theoretically adopted Marxism as its ideological bedrock after 1890.
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Treré, Emiliano, Sandra Jeppesen, and Alice Mattoni. "Comparing Digital Protest Media Imaginaries: Anti-Austerity Movements in Greece, Italy & Spain." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 15, no. 2 (May 29, 2017): 404–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v15i2.772.
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This article presents findings from an empirical study of repertoires of contention and communication engaged during anti-austerity protests by the Indignados in Spain, the precarious generation in Italy, and the Aganaktismenoi in Greece. Drawing on 60 semistructured interviews with activists and independent media producers involved in the 2011 wave of contention, we bring together social movement and communications theoretical frameworks to present a comparative critical analysis of digital protest media imaginaries. After examining the different socio-political and protest media contexts of the three countries translocally, our critical analysis emphasizes the emergence of three different imaginaries: in Spain the digital protest media imaginary was technopolitical, grounded in the politics and political economies of communication technologies emerging from the free culture movement; in Italy this imaginary was techno-fragmented, lacking cohesion, and failed to bring together old and new protest media logics; and finally in Greece it was techno-pragmatic, envisioned according to practical objectives that reflected the diverse politics and desires of media makers rather than the strictly technological or political affordances of the digital media forms and platforms. This research reveals how pivotal the temporal and geographical dimensions are when analyzed using theoretical perspectives from both communications and social movement research; moreover it emphasizes the importance of studying translocal digital protest media imaginaries as they shape movement repertoires of contention and communication; both elements are crucial to better understanding the challenges, limitations, successes and opportunities for digital protest media.
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Mitrofanova, A., and O. Mikhailenok. "Right Wing Populist Civic Movements: Western Experience and the Situation in Russia." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 3 (2021): 120–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-3-120-129.
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The article aims at identifying the characteristics shared by the right-wing populist civil movements of Western Europe and the USA and evaluating the possibility to use them for researching right-wing nationalist organizations in Russia. The movements selected for the comparison range from party-like electoral actors to unorganized protesters. They include as follows: The Five-star Movement (Italy), PEGIDA and the like (Germany), the English Defence League (the UK), the Tea Party Movement (the US). The authors identified several interrelated characteristics shared by these movements: (1) dealing with local, usually social, issues, (2) network-like structure of autonomous local groups building the agenda from below, (3) ideological ambivalence leading to replacing ideology with subculture, (4) digitalization of activism. Although in Russia there are no civic movements structurally or functionally identical to Western right-wing populists, the authors demonstrate that local social issues and civic responsibility have become important topics for some Russian nationalists (right-wing radicals) since the mid 2000s. The trends of deideologization and dealing with non-political local issues are researched mainly on the example of the “Frontier of the North” (Komi Republic). The authors conclude that some of the radical Russian nationalists are gradually declining their own independent agenda, following local protests instead. This opens up the possibility for right-wing organizations to become local civil society institutions and to participate successfully in local elections, similar to the “electoral break-through” of right-wing populists in the West. Although it is too early to speak about the deideologization of Russian nationalism, the article suggests that some nationalists are ready to mitigate ideological tensions to secure expanded social support. At the moment, nationalist organizations in Russia remain frozen between right-wing radicalism and emulating Western right-wing populism.
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Lange, Peter, Cynthia Irvin, and Sidney Tarrow. "Mobilization, Social Movements and Party Recruitment: The Italian Communist Party since the 1960s." British Journal of Political Science 20, no. 1 (January 1990): 15–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400005688.
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Political life in the advanced industrial democracies since the Second World War has been characterized by periods of mass mobilization and protest followed by years of relative quiescence and institutional dominance. The individual phases have prompted extensive reflection. Far less attention, however, has been devoted to how developments in one phase might influence the subsequent one. Using data from a 1979 survey of activists of the Italian Communist Party, this article examines how the cycle of protest which swept Italy in the late-1960s and early-1970s was reflected in the distribution of attitudes towards dissent within the different generations of party activists. Our findings clearly suggest that participation in social movements had independent effects on the presence of particular tolerance attitudes and that phases of mobilization affect the distribution of politically salient attitudes among party activists during a subsequent phase of institutionalization. This, in turn, has possible implications for processes of change in the Italian political system.
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Buffa, Alessandro. "Inner City Blues." Review of International American Studies 12, no. 2 (December 23, 2019): 129–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/rias.7369.
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In this article, I would like to propose an alternative and long view of “1968” which is grounded in black liberation movements, Afrodiasporic cultures, neighborhood-based organizations and sustained and propagated by music and sound. Venturing into this alternative history, I consider the Bronx, Harlem, and Naples, Italy as networks of resistance and nodal junctures for the transmission of Afrodiasporic cultures of opposition. Connecting the mutual influence of global social movements, music and neighborhood-based organizations, my article is also an invitation to start thinking about history through acoustic/musical resonances.
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Gottardi, Guido, and Laura Tonni. "Interpretation of Slope Movements Induced by Adjacent Large Landslide in Northern Italy." Natural Hazards Review 4, no. 2 (May 2003): 71–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1061/(asce)1527-6988(2003)4:2(71).
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Gammaitoni, Milena. "A Sociological Analysis of the Social Role of Female Artists during COVID-19." Intercultural Relations 7, no. 2(12) (December 21, 2022): 123–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/rm.02.2022.12.09.
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During the pandemic, artists have created new works, initiated political actions and civil activism, supporting the health prevention policy with the “I stay at home” campaign, but also organizing, at a later stage, protest movements, in defence of the right to perform one’s work, broadening the criticisms to a macro vision: in defence of the environment and the weakest groups, against violence against women, increased by 30%, for aid to immigrants, in denouncing urban marginality (street art), and the depopulation of small towns. The lack of attention on the part of politics, in Italy, and in other European countries, has then generated real opposition movements, an exemplary case being the song “Danser encore,” whose lyrics expressed a protest against government-imposed restrictions, and which turned into flash mob events in many countries. The depoliticization of contemporary art, of which Yves Michaud wrote, is a past concept, because we can see artistic movements shifting towards the safeguarding of universal rights and duties, up to the latest interpretations of what justice is and how to overcome social inequalities according to the visions of Amartya Sen and Martha Nussbaum.
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della Porta, Donatella. "On Violence and Repression: A Relational Approach (TheGovernment and Opposition/Leonard Schapiro Memorial Lecture, 2013)." Government and Opposition 49, no. 2 (February 13, 2014): 159–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2013.47.
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Oppositional violence and repression are closely related. In fact, repression often produces an escalation of violence rather than controlling it. Bridging social movement studies and research on violence, the article uses a small-N, most-different research design to analyse the working of a specific mechanism at the onset of different types of political violence: escalating policing. In particular, it indicates specific causal mechanisms, related to interactions between social movements and the state, which create the conditions for some splinter groups to move underground. In order to compare left-wing, right-wing, ethno-national and religious violence, the article presents empirical references to the author's own empirical research on Italy and the Basque Country as well as a secondary analysis of the conflicts that preceded the rise of al-Qaeda.
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De Pieri, Filippo. "Cities contested. Urban politics, heritage, and social movements in Italy and West Germany in the 1970s." Planning Perspectives 34, no. 2 (February 17, 2019): 366–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02665433.2019.1572903.
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Lusito, Fabio. "«Diamo l’assalto al cielo!» («Let’s assault the sky»): science communication between scientists and citizens and Lombardo Radice’s television in Italy in the years of the protests." Journal of Science Communication 19, no. 03 (June 8, 2020): A03. http://dx.doi.org/10.22323/2.19030203.
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The years of the protests marked a period of social turmoil in Italy. The critical impulses that developed within worker and student groups had political effects even on science. This paper aims to offer a historiographical description of some stages of the relationship between scientists and protesting movements, going back over the developments in science communication in Italy between the late sixties and the seventies, focusing on the case of Lucio Lombardo Radice and his work as a TV populariser. The reinterpretation of the recent past could be useful to better understand the contemporary developments in science communication from a historical perspective.
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Marciano, Claudio. "Zero Waste. Gestione dei rifiuti e trasformazioni sociali." Cambio. Rivista sulle Trasformazioni Sociali 11, no. 21 (November 30, 2021): 149–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/cambio-10632.
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The aim of the article is to analyse the social transformations produced and observed in the field of waste management. In particular, the focus is on the «Zero Waste» strategy, which has been proposing for at least two decades at a global level an alternative model of waste governance to the one centred on incinerators and landfills. The article proposes a theoretical framework to describe the genesis of «Zero Waste» as a discursive practice, proposing to observe jointly its characteristic symbolic, technological and organisational elements. In reporting the results of an ethnographic research conducted on the case of «Zero Waste» in Italy, the article also focuses on the processes of knowledge exchange between social movements, local administrations, universities and municipalised companies, the conjunctions between ecological movements and movements for the commons, the start of processes of remunicipalisation of local public services starting from a new strategy of legitimation of the public vs. the private, and the progressive institutionalisation of political ecology in the European and local policy arena.
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Molnár, Anna, and Anna Urbanovics. "The role of e-democracy in Italy and Hungary." Transforming Government: People, Process and Policy 14, no. 3 (April 22, 2020): 545–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/tg-01-2020-0010.
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Purpose This paper aims to investigate the mechanisms behind the development of e-democracy. The contrasting cases of Italy and Hungary are selected as the case studies. With the development of new information and communication technology, more and more elements of domestic politics have been transferred to the internet-based platforms. As a response to the deep financial, economic and political crisis that Europe endured over the period 2010-2015 and as a result of the disappointment with traditional parties, new political movements and parties were created. In this paper, the Italian Five Star Movement (M5S) and the Hungarian Lehet Más a Politika (“Politics Can Be Different”) and Momentum are examined to trace the specific mechanisms that led to their establishment. Design/methodology/approach The research is based on mixed method approach, using primary and secondary data to identify and examine mechanisms conducive to the emergence of e-democracy. It uses quantitative analysis along with discourse analysis and social media analysis. The research is based on the analysis of respective parties’ social media communication. The social media analysis has been carried out by the SentiOne social listening software within the time frame of February 2018 and the end of 2019. Along different types of democracy measurements, Italy and Hungary have been analysed between 2017 and 2019. Findings The paper identifies the key preconditions for the emergence of e-democracy. These are freedom, gender gap, inequality and corruption. It also then elaborates on mechanisms, such as social media activity and citizen engagement, which lead to the emergence of e-democracy. The thesis of this article is that in Hungary (compared to Italy), elements of high-quality standards for a democracy are still missing to establish a successful political party which uses the sustainable concept for e-democracy. In Hungary, the examined parties use social media only as media representation without exploiting the possibilities lying in social media platforms. They mostly rely on these networking sites during elections and no strong sentiments can be identified in their communication. Italy is a more developed democracy where online platforms are used to engage citizens regularly. M5S actively communicates through these platforms, which is reflected in the amount of comments and strong social media activity even out of election period. Originality/value The originality of the paper is the social media analysis to test the use of social media in the parties’ political communication. The paper defines key factors and mechanisms concerning the establishment of e-democracy through inductive analysis of two contrasting cases. Italy and Hungary are two member states of the European Union (EU) with different development, their current preparation and situation regarding e-democracy give insights on how the quality of democracy determines their attitude towards cyber parties. While Italy being a founding member of the EU has become an established democracy, Hungary, after the transition, has developed into a new democracy.
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Zwerman, Gilda, Patricia Steinhoff, and Donatella Porta. "Disappearing Social Movements: Clandestinity in The Cycle of new Left Protest in The U.S., Japan, Germany, and Italy." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 5, no. 1 (March 1, 2000): 85–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.5.1.0w068105721660n0.
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Research on social movements has paid little attention to the dynamics of clandestine mobilization as an integral element ofprotest cycles. Studies ofsixteen New Left clandestine groups in Germany, Italy, Japan, and the United States demonstrate strong commonalities in the processes ofgoing underground and staying underground. Activists move from the public to the clandestine realm as a result of increased repression at the protest cycle's peak, commitment to specific ideological frames, and personal ties. Identity conflicts specific to underground roles and other aspects ofunderground life influence the nature ofclandestine violence, further affecting the protest cycle's course.
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Loveland, Matthew T. "Claiming Society for God: Religious Movements and Social Welfare (in Egypt, Israel, Italy, and the United States)." Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 43, no. 4 (June 27, 2014): 521–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094306114539455o.
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Бычков and Maksim Bychkov. "F. Poletayev and Italian Resistance Movement." Socio-Humanitarian Research and Technology 3, no. 3 (September 10, 2014): 41–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/6229.
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The article considers participation of Soviet soldiers in
the Italian Resistance on the example of Fyodor Poletayev. The
guerrilla movement which began in Italy is analyzed in the context
of the General history of the country in the 1920–1940-s. The
fascist regime did not have a wide social base. Despite the apparent
inability of the anti-fascist political parties and movements to agree
among themselves and to take radical action to overthrow it, Italian
people have been able to boldly speak out against it. This is reflected
in rapid development of partisan movement, which despite
harsh repression by German occupiers and their Italian allies was
able to conduct intensive work on the liberation of Italy. Soviet
soldiers fought among them. This topic was raised in Soviet historical
and political literature, but has unfortunately dropped out
of public attention recently and therefore requires a sort of resuscitation.
This theme allows identifying the complexity, the diversity
of problems faced by the people of the Soviet Union, and at
the same time shows the role and importance of a common man
on the background of global events.
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Modena, Luisa Levi D’Ancona. "Italian-Jewish Patrons of Modern Art in Nineteenth- and Twentieth-Century Italy." Ars Judaica: The Bar Ilan Journal of Jewish Art 16, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 3–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/aj.2020.16.3.
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With a focus on art donations, this article explores several case studies of Jewish Italian patrons such as Sforni, Uzielli, Sarfatti, Castelfranco, Vitali, and others who supported artists of movements that were considered modern at their time: the Macchiaioli (1850-1870), the Futurists (1910s), the Metaphysical painters (1920s), the Novecento group (1920-1930s), and several post WWII cases. It reflects on differences in art donations by Jews in Italy and other European countries, modes of reception, taste, meanings and strategy of donations, thus contributing to the social history of Italian and European Jewry and the history of collections and donations to public museums.
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Gentile, Antonina. "Labor repertoires, neoliberal regimes and US hegemony: what ‘deviant’ Italy tells us of OECD unions’ paths to power." European Political Science Review 7, no. 2 (March 31, 2014): 243–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773914000101.
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This paper notes the tendency of ‘social movement unionism’ scholarship on both sides of the Atlantic to focus on and prescribe the citizen repertoire as the single most important repertoire of labor for challenging neoliberal globalization. Consistent with liberal conceptions of civil society and theories of participatory democracy, it implicitly dismisses political unionism as a path to labor’s revitalization. It also assumes epochal change and confines neoliberalism to the post-Washington Consensus era. Deviant case analysis of Italian labor’s use oftworepertoires (the citizen and the labor repertoire) and of its two regimes of capitalism (in succession, a post-WWII neoliberal regime and a post-1970 corporatist regime) over the course of the ‘American Century’ gives pause to both these contentions. This study relates labor’s citizen repertoire to the era of US hegemony that promotes changes in party-government that tend to reproduce the image of the archetypically neoliberal American polity: a polity that is devoid of ‘labor’ as a recognized category of the political community, is low in social rights, and, relatedly, is devoid of a party of labor. In this neoliberal political order, labor is perennially locked into the category of ‘citizen’ and reliant on the citizen repertoire. By contrast, the survival of parties of labor in non-US polities during the post-war wave of neoliberalism permitted union movements a routeawayfrom labor-decategorizing orders – political unionism. Now, in the post-Washington Consensus wave of neoliberal regime change, that route is more onerous owing to Third Way changes in parties of labor. The major challenge for labor movements that have experienced regime change to a neoliberal polity is in directing their efforts and even their new citizen repertoire to the task of recapturing parties of labor or to creating new ones – or risk long-term US-style labor decategorization.
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Galeota Lanza, Giovanna, and Mattia De Martino. "Urban Housing Inequity: Housing Deprivation and Social Response in the City of Naples." Sustainability 14, no. 3 (January 18, 2022): 1047. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su14031047.
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The growth of social inequality in recent decades has a strong urban dimension. In fact, cities are places where such inequalities grow quickly, and have a strong influence on the living conditions and perspectives of different social groups. In this sense, urban segregation becomes an important warning in assessing the existence of disparities that affect the most disadvantaged social groups. Therefore, the aim of this research was to outline the evidence of the phenomenon of residential segregation and housing insecurity on a European scale, and to analyze the case study of Naples, Italy, evaluating the presence of the phenomena of urban segregation and housing insecurity within through the creation of a synthetic index: the “Index of housing deprivation in the neighborhoods of the city of Naples”. After analyzing the extent of the phenomena, we took a step further, seeking to understand whether there have been responses from civil society through protest movements. Indeed, another objective of this paper was to understand why, in the city of Naples, there is no strong social response. In order to give an explanation, we will carry out a comparison with the action of the social movements of Barcelona.
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Leontidou, Lila. "Urban Social Movements in ‘Weak’ Civil Societies: The Right to the City and Cosmopolitan Activism in Southern Europe." Urban Studies 47, no. 6 (May 2010): 1179–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0042098009360239.
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The transition from fast spontaneous urbanisation in southern Europe, with popular squatting as a form of civil disobedience, to ‘new social movements’ (NSMs) for democratic globalisation in cities, is taking place in the context of a broader transition. In the 20th century, there were unstable politics, civil wars and also still dictatorships in the south, which contributed in a north—south divide in Europe, engulfing civil societies, the welfare state, planning and grassroots mobilisations for a ‘right to the city’. This paper focuses on social transformation during the 21st century and points to three directions. First, it explores the nature of several NSMs as urban social movements (USMs) organised by loosely networked cosmopolitan collectivities, social centres and flâneur activists demanding a ‘right to the city’, and interprets this with reference to globalisation, democratisation and the Europeanisation of southern civil societies. Secondly, it unveils innovative forms of ‘urban’ mobilisations in the south, influencing the rest of the Europe: squatting in the past, social centres and the ESF (both starting in Italy) at present. Thirdly, it traces transformations of USMs between two centuries and argues about the deconstruction of the north—south divide in Europe with regard to movements and definitions of the ‘right to the city’. Mediterranean USMs have offered new insights and have broadened geographical imaginations in Europe.