Relevant bibliographies by topics / Social movements – Italy

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Social movements – Italy'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Social movements – Italy"

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Ruggiero, Vincenzo. "New Social Movements and the ‘Centri Sociali’ in Milan." Sociological Review 48, no. 2 (May 2000): 167–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-954x.00210.

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This paper discusses the social movement known in Italy as the movement of the centri sociali. The empirical material presented relies heavily on the centri sociali operating in Milan. Such material offers the opportunity to revisit issues related to social movement theories. In part one, a brief overview of these theories is sketched, and concepts suggested by both resource mobilisation theorists and new social movements theorists are presented. Attempts to unify the two approaches are also briefly reviewed. In part two, the origin of the centri sociali is traced. Some of the motives and practices inspiring the movement are described as a legacy, though re-elaborated and re-contextualised, of the particularly troubled, if compelling, Italian 1970s. The methodology used for the empirical work undertaken is then presented. Finally, the discussion moves back to social movement theories, against which the movement of the centri sociali is analysed. Here, the utility of some aspects of both resource mobilisation and new social movement theories will be underlined, thus adding a modest, tentative, contribution to previous attempts to elaborate a synthesis between the two approaches.
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Zadnikar, Gita. "Radio Libere: An Experiment with Radio Broadcasting in Italy." Monitor ISH 17, no. 2 (November 3, 2015): 7–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.33700/1580-7118.17.2.7-24(2015).

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The 1970s expansion of free radio stations throughout Europe and the experiences of that movement over the following years encouraged diverse reflections on, and experiments with, the ways of using media and new technologies. Of course the experience of Radio Alice and other free radio stations in the Italy of the late 1970s only became possible when the radio as a communication tool became affordable and technically accessible to a new social subject – the student movement and social movements predominantly consisting of young people. What left the deepest mark on the period, however, was a fundamental change in the attitude of social and political movements to the media.
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Andretta, Massimiliano, and Manuela Caiani. "Social movements in Italy: which kind of Europeanisation?" Journal of Southern Europe and the Balkans 7, no. 3 (December 2005): 283–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14613190500345342.

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Fugazzola, Caterina. "A Family Matter Asymmetrical Metonymy and Regional LGBT Discourse in Italy." European Journal of Sociology 60, no. 3 (December 2019): 351–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000397561900016x.

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AbstractIn this project, I use the LGBT movement in Italy as a case study to investigate how social movements in culturally diverse social environments strategically employ contentious language to develop discourses that maximize cultural and policy outcomes without encountering discursive fragmentation. My research shows that supporters of LGBT civil rights in different Italian regions relied on a tactical use of particular words in order to respond to regionally specific norms of cultural expression regulating the boundaries drawn around the concept of family. Taking a cultural and linguistic approach to the study of social movements, I present the mechanism of asymmetrical metonymy as an example of the strategic use of polysemic language to achieve discursive convergence through culturally specific tactics, and I argue that discourse and rhetorical analysis offer a way to understand how movements make sense of different cultural limitations in a fragmented social environment.
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Diani, Mario, and Alberto Melucci. "Searching for autonomy: the sociology of social movements in Italy." Social Science Information 27, no. 3 (September 1988): 333–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/053901888027003002.

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Bergan Draege, Jonas, Daniela Chironi, and Donatella della Porta. "Social Movements within Organisations: Occupy Parties in Italy and Turkey." South European Society and Politics 22, no. 2 (June 23, 2016): 139–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2016.1199091.

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Nardi, Peter M. "The Globalization of the Gay & Lesbian Socio-Political Movement: Some Observations about Europe with a Focus on Italy." Sociological Perspectives 41, no. 3 (September 1998): 567–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1389564.

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The emergence of new social movements focused on gay and lesbian issues during the past 25 years has been well documented in American society. The diffusion of a gay and lesbian socio-political movement in other Western cultures and many developing societies has been the subject of more recent inquiries. This article assesses the globalization of the international gay and lesbian social movement by focusing on Europe and Italy, in particular, and raises questions about the socio-political conditions that might be necessary for the development of a new social movement—one based on sexual orientation identity concepts rather than one based on age-structured or gender-structured relationships. Historical information about social and legal changes in Italy and in the rest of Europe is presented along with current issues facing the increasingly visible gay movement in Italy. What emerges is a portrait of a culture changing and questioning its relationship to traditional patriarchal, religious, and gender concepts while becoming interconnected with global gay and lesbian communities and issues.
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Pavan, Elena, and Andrea Felicetti. "Digital Media and Knowledge Production Within Social Movements: Insights From the Transition Movement in Italy." Social Media + Society 5, no. 4 (October 2019): 205630511988967. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2056305119889671.

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In this article, we aim at contributing to ongoing discussions on the nexus between digital media and social movements. We investigate how activists problematize the inclusion of digital media within their courses of action and exploit these tools to produce and diffuse alternative knowledge on the issues on which they mobilize. We do so by studying Transition Italia (TI), the Italian hub of the transnational Transition movement struggling for resilience and sustainability. First, we reconstruct how activists problematized the adoption of digital media within TI’s courses of action. Second, we explore how activists leveraged Facebook affordances to produce and diffuse alternative knowledge on TI as a collective actor, its visions and practices, its action networks, and the political alternatives it aims to achieve. Far from being passive adopters of digital media, activists considered critically the inclusion of digital media within TI’s activities in light of three elements of import to the national activist community: the appropriateness of mainstream digital platforms to inform citizens, the perceived efficacy of digital tools, and the attempt to distinguish themselves from the global Transition Network. Moreover, we show that activists engaged in a “knowledge curation work” by sharing links and creating and spreading original contents.
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Cossu, Alberto. "Beyond Social Media Determinism? How Artists Reshape the Organization of Social Movements." Social Media + Society 4, no. 1 (January 2018): 205630511775071. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2056305117750717.

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Artists and creative workers are engaged once more in the social and political space. In the current wave, which started in the early 2010s, they have taken part in broad social movements (e.g., Occupy, Tahrir Square), created movements of their own (e.g., Network of Occupied Theaters in Italy and Greece), experimented with alternative economic models and currencies (e.g., Macao and D-CENT), carried out social research and radical education, partnered with institutional and social actors, supported neighborhoods, filled the void left by states’ retreat from the social, and hosted and co-produced art at a time when the budget for culture and independent art is being decreased in numerous countries across the world. This article aims to investigate the organizational and relational aspects of artistic social movements. Drawing on a 2-year-long ethnographic study conducted for my PhD dissertation and deploying a number of research techniques, including participant observation, digital methods, and semi-structured interviews, I propose a new understanding of the meaning of organization in contemporary artistic social movements. My article, focusing especially on data gathered on Macao, “The New Centre for Arts, Culture and Research of Milan,” constitutes an attempt to reflect on emerging organizational models in social movements.
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Levy, Carl. "Charisma and social movements: Errico Malatesta and Italian anarchism." Modern Italy 3, no. 02 (November 1998): 205–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532949808454804.

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SummaryThis article examines the role of charismatic leadership in the Italian anarchist and socialist movements in the period up to the biennio rosso. It focuses on the activities of Errico Malatesta (1853–1932) in 1920 after his return from exile in London. Italian anarchism may have relied upon the informal prestige of leaders such as Malatesta to keep the sinews of its organizations together, however even if Malatesta drew enormous crowds on his return, his oratory was far less demagogic than his maximalist socialist competitors. Malatesta's charisma was a product of the supercharged atmosphere of 1920 and his reputation as the ‘socialist Garibaldi’ or the ‘Lenin of Italy’. In fact his Socratic approach, demonstrated in his written and spoken interventions, was rather closer to the educationalism of Mazzini.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Social movements – Italy"

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Cuninghame, Patrick Gun. "Autonomia : a movement of refusal : social movements and social conflict in Italy in the 1970's." Thesis, Middlesex University, 2002. http://eprints.mdx.ac.uk/6688/.

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This thesis examines the continuing significance in contemporary Italy of the Italian new social movement of 1973-83, Autonomia, by positing it as a movement of refusal: of capitalist work, of the party form, of the clandestine form of political violence, and of the politics of 'taking power'. It was in discontinuity with the value systems of the reformist Old Left and the revolutionary New Left, but in continuity with contemporary Italian antagonist and global anti-capitalist movements. In defining the research subject, the concept of individual and collective autonomy emerges as a central characteristic of the Italian new social movements. Autonomy is understood not only as independence from the capitalist State and economy and their institutions of mediation, but also as the self-determination of everyday life, related to the needs, desires and subjectivity of what Italian 'workerism' defined as the Fordist 'mass worker' and the post-Fordist 'socialised worker'. Using the 'class composition' theoretical perspective of Autonomist Marxism to critique classical Marxism, neo-Marxism and new social movement theory's minimalisation of the political content of new social movements and dismissive analysis of Autonomia, the scope of research was limited to the interpretation of 48 interviews of former participants and observers, of primary texts produced by Autonomia and of secondary accounts based on 'collective historical memory'. The thematic framework consists of chapters on workers' autonomy and the refusal of work; forms of political organisation and violence involving 'organised', 'diffused' and 'armed' Autonomia; and on the youth counter-cultures and antagonist communication of 'creative Autonomia' and the 1977 Movement. The thesis concludes that Autonomia expressed the violent social conflicts produced by the rapid transformation of an industrial into a post-industrial society, but ultimately was only a partial break from the traditions and practices of the Old and New Lefts, leaving an ambiguous legacy for contemporary Italian autonomous social movements.
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Rubino, Francesca Luciana. "Successful Social Movements and Political Outcomes: A Case Study of the Women's Movement in Italy: 1943-48." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1158354694.

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Sischarenco, Elena. "Italian entrepreneurs of the construction business in a time of economic recession : ideas, strategies and movements." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/11088.

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This thesis is based on an ethnographic study of entrepreneurs of the construction business in Lombardy, Northern Italy. The aim is to gain some understanding of this business, of entrepreneurialism, and of individuals in a non-stereotypical light through a full and complex account of their daily lives. The aim is to reveal the thoughts, actions and strategies of particular local actors in their everyday contingency and contradictoriness. No attempt is made to simplify the complexity of their understandings and practices for the sake of producing a single encompassing and consistent image. Many similarities were found between the practices of entrepreneurialism and those of the discipline of anthropology. Knowledge and information are constantly sought after but are recognised as emerging in unexpected places and times and as being socially negotiated. Apprenticeship is often used as a methodology, and learning often happens through experience. Contextual application of knowledge is seen as essential. In order to exchange information and knowledge, to collaborate with other businessmen or to simply get a job, trust is fundamental and constantly negotiated. Personal relationships and trust become particularly important in an uncertain market situation, as ways to face risk. Trust is acquired slowly and accorded contextually, through face-to-face interaction and cultivated relationships, but also through positive recommendations or simply a feeling of sympathy. Knowledge, apprenticeship, trust and risk are key themes of the thesis. The blurred borders between the distinct individual personalities of my informants and their collective identities and commonalities are also discussed. The personality of an entrepreneur is seen as ideally complex, in which many (possibly contradictory) characteristics can be expected to be present, but also ideally balanced, each manifesting itself in specific situations. The ethnography also explores the fragility of the entrepreneur, in apparent contradiction to their strong and charismatic personalities. It is seen to be despite and because of their positions of power that they also feel vulnerable: their discourse is imbued with their fears for their businesses in a difficult period of economic crisis. Finally, through a ubiquitous desire to control markets and the future, we also encounter forms of corruption; corruption that is often condemned verbally but nevertheless is present in the business world and amplified by public and media discourses. The mechanisms by which work that is put out to tender is subject to possible manipulation are examined, and the ideas of the entrepreneurs about these practices are described—again demonstrating how thoughts and practices are often self-contradictory in their contextual relevance and application.
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Schembri, Elena 1983. "Cultivar e resistir : duas experiências de organização camponesa em comparação : a cooperativa brasileira Copava e a associação italiana." [s.n.], 2014. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279583.

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Orientador: Andréia Galvão
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-12-07T17:47:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Schembri_Elena_M.pdf: 2426969 bytes, checksum: 4919eed98a6c166ce73deb8fbae659e9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014
Resumo: As teses sobre o desaparecimento do campesinato se revelaram incorrectas embora seja necessário afirmar que a ofensiva neo-liberal, os tratados de livre comércio e as imposições de algumas empresas multinacionais com a cumplicidade dos governos, hoje, certamente, afetam com maior profundidade a produção agrícola e as comunidades rurais de todas as partes do mundo, impondo um único modelo ao qual é muitas vezes difícil escapar. As respostas dos camponeses a estes tipos de problemas é a organização que pode acontecer de maneira similar e diferente ao mesmo tempo. A análise de duas experiências de resistências camponesas em países distintos, a cooperativa brasileira Copava e a associação italiana Campi Aperti, pode ajudar na compreensão dos tipos de problemas específicos de cada realidade política, econômica e social, enquanto oferece uma visão sobre as consequiências da mundialização em curso. O 1995, ano de fundação da Organização Mundial do Comércio (OMC), marca uma data fundamental, com a liberalização do comércio dos produtos agrícolas. A análise do desenvolvimento do agronegócio no Brasil, particularmente ápos a crise europeia de 2008 que viu muitos investidores transferir seus capitais na América Latina, e a terceira crise agrícola que afeta a Europa, junto com o contexto histórico e político, ajudarão na compreensão das dinâmicas empreendidas pela Copava e por Campi Aperti que lidam com as mudanças do contexto no qual agem. Agroecológia, agricultura biológica, reforma agrária popular proposta pelo Mst e economia solidária, serão os temas conclusivos que ajudarão entender qual é o projeto levado para frente por essas duas organizações para responder ao lema "Um outro mundo é possível?"
Abstract: The thesis about the disappearance of the peasantry proved incorrect although we must say that the neo-liberal offensive, the free trade agreements and the charges of some multinational companies with the complicity of governments, today certainly affect more depth agricultural production and rural communities in all parts of the world, imposing a single model that is often difficult to escape. The responses of farmers to these types of problems is the organization that can happen in a similar way and different at the same time. The analysis of two experiences of peasant resistance in different countries, the Brazilian cooperative Copava and the Italian association Campi Aperti, can help in understanding the types of problems specific to each political, economic and social, while providing an insight into the globalization of consequiências ongoing. The 1995 founding year of the World Trade Organization (WTO), marks a key date, with the liberalization of trade in agricultural products. The development of agribusiness in Brazil, particularly after the European crisis of 2008 that saw many investors transfer their capital in Latin America, and the third agricultural crisis affecting Europe, along with the historical and political context, will help in understanding the dynamics undertaken by Copava and Campi Aperti dealing with the context of changes in which they act. Agroecology, organic farming, popular agrarian reform proposed by Mst and solidarity economy, will be the conclusive issues that will help understand what the project brought forward by these two organizations to respond to the slogan "Another world is possible?"
Mestrado
Ciencia Politica
Mestra em Ciência Política
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Coretti, Lorenzo. "The Purple Movement : social media and activism in Berlusconi's Italy." Thesis, University of Westminster, 2014. https://westminsterresearch.westminster.ac.uk/item/964wx/the-purple-movement-social-media-and-activism-in-berlusconi-s-italy.

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This research project assesses the relationship between the use of Facebook and the development of social movements throughout their life cycle by focusing on the case study of Popolo Viola. On 5th December, 2009, hundreds of thousands of Italian citizens took to the streets of Rome to say ‘no’ to the politics of Silvio Berlusconi’s government and to ask for his resignation as Prime Minister. The demonstration was planned and organized, mainly on Facebook, by a group of bloggers. A single-issue protest rapidly evolved into a social movement, called ‘Popolo Viola’, ‘Purple People’. The colour purple was chosen because it was not previously associated with any political movement, and as a word to the wise that the movement was not linked to any political party. New groups and pages arose on Facebook: apart from the page ‘il Popolo Viola’, which now had more than 460,000 members (data August, 2013), thousands of pages and groups were opened at a local level, both inside and outside Italy. Through the lenses of Social Movement Theory and the Critical Theory of Technology this study focuses on the role played by the use of Facebook in the development of the movement’s organizational structure, the building of its collective identity, and its mobilization processes. The methodology adopted for this purpose includes both quantitative and qualitative methods: on the one hand, there is an analysis of membership data and interaction levels on the Popolo Viola Facebook page, and a survey; on the other hand, there are in-depth interviews with the Facebook page administrators, influential members and activists of the movement, and content analysis of the online conversations among activists. The findings of this research show how Facebook proved to be an efficient mobilizing structure for the social movement only on a short-term basis. After its initial success, the incompatibility between the commercial interests behind Facebook’s design, and the ideology of Popolo Viola became manifest. Facebook failed to provide the movement with the necessary instruments in terms of a shared democratic management of its resources. The inability to manage Facebook pages and groups according to commonly agreed values promoted vertical power structures within the movement, contributing to controversial management of the Facebook page and to internal divisions which significantly hindered the potential of the anti-Berlusconi protest. Moreover, gradual changes in the Facebook code increasingly promoted top-down flows of communication which, in conjunction with controversial decisions in the moderation of discussions that were made by the page administrators, progressively decreased the plurality of voices within the movement’s page, and hampered the formation of a strong collective identity. Facebook therefore proved to represent much more than a mere communication tool for Popolo Viola, playing a vital role in influencing the movement’s structure, leadership, communication flows and collective identity. The rise and fall of Popolo Viola, with all its complexity, constitutes a useful case study of the evaluation of technology as a problematic force for social change. That said, this is not an issue which relates to the technology itself, but rather to the values and interests that drive the actors who are involved in this power struggle. Taking into account the relationships between culture, technology and capital, this study offers a balanced assessment of the dynamics which characterize the development of social movement protest on commercial Social Network Media.
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Bruttomesso, Elisa. "Contesting Urban Tourism: Creative protest in Barcelona and Venice." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/671848.

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In the last years we have witnessed an ever-increasing politicization of urban tourism. The questioning of the tourist industry, which has become part of the actions of several groups of citizens, has proved to be as articulated as diversified. Often, many of these protests share the proliferation of creative tactics that highlight the relation between the symbolic mediation and the resignification of public space. Through an ethnographic work, which runs between the urban centres of Barcelona and Venice, the research fits inside the increasing dynamicity of the present critique to the touristification of the city. Moreover, it analyses different forms of protest, which directly emerge from grassroot projects and aim to a socio-political change. The purpose is to contribute and problematize in a complex way to the debate on contemporary forms of claim within the touristified city. On the whole, the thesis wants to be an incursion by social sciences in the debate on overtourism. The aim is to integrate spatial, cultural and reflexive focus both on the urban collectives and the researcher that approaches such practices.
Negli ultimi anni si è assistito ad una crescente politicizzazione del turismo urbano. La critica all’industria turistica, entrata ormai nell’agenda delle azioni di diversi gruppi cittadini, si è dimostrata tanto articolata quanto diversificata. Spesso, molte di queste proteste condividono la proliferazione di tattiche creative che rendono evidente il rapporto tra mediazione simbolica e risignificazione dello spazio pubblico. Attraverso un lavoro etnografico che si snoda tra i centri urbani di Barcellona e Venezia, la ricerca si inserisce all’interno di questa crescente dinamicità dell’attuale critica alla turistificazione della città ed analizza diverse forme di protesta che emergono direttamente da progetti dal basso ed aspirano ad un cambiamento socio- politico. L’obiettivo è quello di contribuire e problematizzare in maniera complessa il dibattito sulle forme contemporanee di rivendicazione all’interno della città turistica. Nel complesso, la tesi si presenta come un’incursione delle scienze sociali nel dibattito sull’overtourism con il proposito di integrare focus spaziali, culturali e riflessivi sia dei collettivi urbani, sia dello stesso ricercatore che si avvicina a queste pratiche.
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Maythorne, Louise Irene. "Europeanisation of grassroots greens : mobilisation in France, Italy and the UK." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/7778.

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This thesis asks ‘what does Europeanisation mean for the strategies and practices of grassroots green groups in Europe?’ and aims to identify the conditions under which these groups become ‘europeanised’. I identify three process of europeanisation: direct europeanisation – when an actor connects directly to the EU, indirect europeanisation – when an actor connects to a europeanised member state and passive europeanisation – when actors europeanise outside of state mechanisms. The grassroots green movement has largely evaded studies of europeanisation and so it is through examining europeanisation at this ‘base’ level, closest to the citizens, that this research makes an original contribution to our understanding of the variables that mediate the process of europeanisation and to our understanding of grassroots green activism in Europe. This thesis takes its analytical framework from social movement theory and uses political opportunity structures and frames as domains in which it looks for evidence of europeanisation. Within these domains I distinguish between European and europeanised activity, teasing out the role of the nation state in mediating europeanisation at a grassroots level. Two cases are examined: anti-road protest and anti-GM protest in Britain, France and Italy between the period 2007-2010. This thesis demonstrates that there is some evidence of europeanisation within grassroots green groups. It encourages a more nuanced understanding of europeanisation as a process that can occur outside the state and amongst actors who do not seek to impact the EU. It finds that both strategic and ideological considerations shape the political opportunity structures to which movements direct themselves. It also finds that the fit between the frames used in protest and the national masterframes is a powerful variable in explaining the extent of social movement europeanisation.
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Montagna, Nicola. "Questioning while walking : the 'disobedient movement', and the Centro Sociale Rivolta in Italy." Thesis, Middlesex University, 2005. http://eprints.mdx.ac.uk/13421/.

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This thesis examines the organisational principles, repertoires of contention, practices, and the political culture of the Centro Sociale Occupato Rivolta as an expression of the Disobedient movement. The study, which is based on 42 interviews, participant observation and original documents, discusses the main theories on social movements which combine different theoretical perspectives, namely resource mobilisation, new social movements and the theory of political opportunity structure. Providing a definition of CSO as a convenient name to indicate a number of profoundly heterogeneous experiences that rely on illegal occupations of empty buildings and the principle of self-management, the study interprets the Rivolta as a proactive subject and political entrepreneur. These two concepts refer to the attempt of the Rivolta to overcome their identity as a new-left organisation, its ability of mobilising symbolic and material resources and to its continuous change and development. The case of the Rivolta shows that a movement actor has to continually 'destroy' old conditions and create new ones in order to survive and expand. The combination of different theoretical approaches and the analysis of the Rivolta has allowed the research to highlight some specific issues. Firstly, this movement area has overcome the dichotomy between conflict for recognition and for socio-economic resource distribution. While the Rivolta is an actor that mobilises resources, it also aims to promote its autonomous cultural identity and to extend social and political rights in society. Secondly, the relations between local and national institutions and the Disobedient movement area, far from being linear, either in terms of conflict or dialogue, are changeable and discontinuous. The study shows that the extra-institutional advocacy of this movement network still persists and has been combined with institutional participation. Finally, the thesis shows that the movement area to which the Rivolta belongs, in exploiting the opportunities offered by the general context, has set its struggles, claims and protests both at the local and the global dimension, marginalising national issues and targets.
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Rutar, Sabine. "Kultur, Nation, Milieu : Sozialdemokratie in Triest vor dem Ersten Weltkrieg /." Essen : Klartext, 2004. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39104742m.

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Vezzani, Ilaria. "Langue et discours de la contestation. Enjeux et représentations des luttes sociales et politiques en Italie (1967 - 1980)." Phd thesis, Ecole normale supérieure de lyon - ENS LYON, 2013. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-01015847.

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La thèse porte sur la langue et les discours de la contestation en Italie dans les années 1970. L'étude vise à définir les enjeux et les représentations qui ont prévalu dans l'utilisation de certains mots plutôt que d'autres, en essayant de se placer du point de vue des acteurs qui ont vécu la période. Elle analyse d'une part l'utilisation de certains mots dans la langue politique de l'époque, en la comparant avec la production analogue précédente, et notamment avec les traditions politiques de référence.Elle étudie d'autre part la spécificité de la langue de la période en s'interrogeant sur la question d'un lexique politique propre à une époque donnée. Elle étudie enfin les débats linguistiques qui ont accompagné cette modification du lexique politique, en s'attachant plus particulièrement aux textes qui ont marqué des tournants linguistiques et idéologiques.L'étude vise à adopter une démarche scientifique qui comprend une historicisation précise des textes et des enjeux de leur écriture et qui a été définie par l'expression " philologie politique ".À travers la description d'un corpus très varié, comportant les textes politiques de référence (articles de journaux, tracts, affiches, documents théoriques, débats) produits par les organisations majeures d'extrême gauche (gauche extraparlementaire, mouvements, lutte armée) et leur interaction avec d'autres types de discours (Pci, Dc, presse) ; mais aussi des textes historiographiques et différentes formes de témoignage, cette étude pose la question plus générale de la création d'une langue politique propre à une époque donnée et du caractère particulier de la langue politique des années 1970 en Italie.
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Books on the topic "Social movements – Italy"

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Fuochi oltre il ponte: Rivolte e conflitti sociali a Parma, 1868-1915. Roma: DeriveApprodi, 2013.

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Porta, Donatella Della. Social movements, political violence, and the state: A comparative analysis of Italy and Germany. Cambridge [England]: Cambridge University Press, 1995.

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Hilwig, Stuart J. Italy and 1968: Youthful unrest and democratic culture. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010.

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Italy and 1968: Youthful unrest and democratic culture. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009.

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V, Robinson Robert, ed. Claiming society for God: Religious movements and social welfare in Egypt, Israel, Italy, and the United States. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2012.

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Capaci di sognare: Riflessioni sul nuovo pacifismo. Milano: Baldini Castoldi Dalai, 2003.

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Lumley, Robert. States of emergency: Cultures of revolt in Italy from 1968 to 1978. London: Verso, 1990.

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Sylvère, Lotringer, and Marazzi Christian, eds. Autonomia: Post-political politics. Cambridge, Mass: Semiotext(e), 2007.

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1946-, Scalco Lino, ed. Eugenio Curiel nella cultura e nella storia d'Italia: Atti della giornata di studio : Padova, 23 febbraio 1995. Padova: Programma, 1997.

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1946-, Scalco Lino, ed. Tra liberazione e ricostruzione: Padova, 8 settembre 1943-2 giugno 1946. Padova: Editoriale programma, 1996.

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Book chapters on the topic "Social movements – Italy"

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Lumley, Robert. "1968/1989: Social Movements in Italy Reconsidered." In Three Postwar Eras in Comparison, 199–215. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230294134_9.

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Panvini, Guido. "Third Worldism in Italy." In Marxist Historical Cultures and Social Movements during the Cold War, 289–308. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-03804-5_12.

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Zamponi, Lorenzo. "The Student Movements in Italy and Spain and How to Study Their Memories." In Social Movements, Memory and Media, 37–55. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-68551-9_3.

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Lumley, Robert. "Challenging Tradition: Social Movements, Cultural Change and the Ecology Question." In Culture and Conflict in Postwar Italy, 115–36. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-20841-8_7.

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Zazzara, Gilda. "Left-Wing Historiography in Italy During the 1950s." In Marxist Historical Cultures and Social Movements during the Cold War, 89–113. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-03804-5_4.

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Zamponi, Lorenzo. "#ioricordo, Beyond the Genoa G8: Social Practices of Memory Work and the Digital Remembrance of Contentious Pasts in Italy." In Social Movements, Cultural Memory and Digital Media, 141–71. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-32827-6_6.

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Terhoeven, Petra. "The Hour of the Gun: Anti-imperialist Struggle as the New Left’s Hope of Salvation in Germany and Italy." In Marxist Historical Cultures and Social Movements during the Cold War, 257–87. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-03804-5_11.

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Piazza, Gianni, and Federica Frazzetta. "Squatted Social Centres Activists and ‘Locally Unwanted Land Use’ Movements in Italy: A Comparative Analysis Between Two Case Studies." In Contested Cities and Urban Activism, 199–225. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-1730-9_9.

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Bellini, Gloria, Marco Cipriano, Nicola De Angeli, Jacopo Pio Gargano, Matteo Gianella, Gianluca Goi, Gabriele Rossi, Andrea Masciadri, and Sara Comai. "Alzheimer’s Garden: Understanding Social Behaviors of Patients with Dementia to Improve Their Quality of Life." In Lecture Notes in Computer Science, 384–93. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-58805-2_46.

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AbstractThis paper aims at understanding the social behavior of people with dementia through the use of technology, specifically by analyzing localization data of patients of an Alzheimer’s assisted care home in Italy. The analysis will allow to promote social relations by enhancing the facility’s spaces and activities, with the ultimate objective of improving residents’ quality of life. To assess social wellness and evaluate the effectiveness of the village areas and activities, this work introduces measures of sociability for both residents and places. Our data analysis is based on classical statistical methods and innovative machine learning techniques. First, we analyze the correlation between relational indicators and factors such as the outdoor temperature and the patients’ movements inside the facility. Then, we use statistical and accessibility analyses to determine the spaces residents appreciate the most and those in need of enhancements. We observe that patients’ sociability is strongly related to the considered factors. From our analysis, outdoor areas result less frequented and need spatial redesign to promote accessibility and attendance among patients. The data awareness obtained from our analysis will also be of great help to caregivers, doctors, and psychologists to enhance assisted care home social activities, adjust patient-specific treatments, and deepen the comprehension of the disease.
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Righi, Andrea. "1968–1977: The Movement and Its Biopolitical Élan." In Biopolitics and Social Change in Italy, 103–35. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230339392_5.

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Conference papers on the topic "Social movements – Italy"

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Navarro Escudero, Miriam, Carolina Mateo Cecilia, Begoña Serrano Lanzarote, and Vera Valero Escribano. "Because people act, cities can be smart: Promoting social innovation in smart-city design-tools in the Mediterranean." In 24th ISUF 2017 - City and Territory in the Globalization Age. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica València, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/isuf2017.2017.6936.

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Smart city is an innovative paradigm tackling a range of emerging problems associated with urbanization, massively understood from a technology-driven approach. Much of the focus of the smart city movement to date – city authorities and other organizations deploying sensors, networks, decision support tools and data analytics to improve the efficiency and effectiveness of urban systems (like transport, utilities, etc.) – is only half the story. In occasions, citizens struggle with a top-down managing city system that should help public administrators, service providers and citizens, but reports instead on personal frustration. To avoid this, an attempt to promote social innovation processes to the smart city paradigm is now taking place. In this paper, we analyze reactions to a smart city design-tool for energy strategy plans’ definition and implementation, in the three EU most populated Mediterranean countries (Spain, France, Italy). The research is based on the ACCENT study case. Interviews show common challenges with regard to ACCENT smartness, as the needs and dangers of sharing real energy consumption data of buildings, the low willingness of some energy suppliers to offer information, the user-unfriendly interfaces for citizens, the lack of linkage among public bodies, the dispersion of data, the requirement of disseminating mechanisms to make citizens aware of the benefits of the energy renovation, or the inaccessibility to existing information on the state of buildings. These challenges resulting from ACCENT study give rise to three recommendations to foster social innovation in further Mediterranean smart city design-tools: co-responsibility, hand-in-hand co-creation and citizens’ organizational empowerment.
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Caragiuli, Manila, Agnese Brunzini, Alessandra Papetti, Michele Germani, Pietro Scendoni, and Chiara Mazzoni. "Multidimensional assessment of elderly people’s health for the development of a fall risk index." In 8th International Conference on Human Interaction and Emerging Technologies. AHFE International, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1002791.

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As life expectancy increases, the likelihood of more falls and fall-related hospitalizations increases with a significant impact on the health system. Given the high incidence of falls in healthy elderly people, in order to prevent them, it is necessary to identify predisposing risk factors, analyze the specific needs of the subjects and use a targeted preventive strategy. This paper investigates the influence of multidimensional health parameters on the fall risk of community-dwelling older people, living in inner areas of Marche Region (Italy). Multidimensional data on the global health of each individual has been collected among several health domains (i.e., mobility, psychological, nutritional, cardiological, social). Statistical analysis has been applied for the assessment of the relationship among the defined health variables and the influence on the fall risk. The binary logistical regression analysis has produced a statistical model with good characteristics of fit and good predictability. The following features have been proven to be strong predictors of fall: female (OR for Gender, 5.526; 95% CI, 1.49–20.53), limited range of movement (OR 3.278; 95% CI, 1.01-10.68), diabetes (OR 4.487; 95% CI, 1.02-19.80), previous syncope (OR 7.686; 95% CI, 1.01-58.55), and body mass index (OR 1.176; 95% CI, 1.03-1.35). Future work will allow the development of a fall prediction index to have a framework of the elder’s global health status and to define a personalized intervention strategy for any adverse event prevention.
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Reports on the topic "Social movements – Italy"

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Nilsson Lewis, Astrid, Kaidi Kaaret, Eileen Torres Morales, Evelin Piirsalu, and Katarina Axelsson. Accelerating green public procurement for decarbonization of the construction and road transport sectors in the EU. Stockholm Environment Institute, February 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.51414/sei2023.007.

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Public procurement of goods and services contributes to about 15% of global greenhouse gas emissions. In the EU, public purchasing represents 15% of its GDP, acting as a major influencer on the market through the products and services acquired by governments from the local to national levels. The public sector has a role to play in leveraging this purchasing power to achieve the best societal value for money, particularly as we scramble to bend the curve of our planet’s warming. Globally, the construction and transport sectors each represent about 12% of government procurements’ GHG emissions. Furthermore, these sectors’ decarbonization efforts demand profound and disruptive technological shifts. Hence, prioritizing these sectors can make the greatest impact towards reducing the environmental footprint of the public sector and support faster decarbonization of key emitting industries. Meanwhile, the EU committed to achieving 55% reduction in GHG emissions by 2030 compared to 1990 levels. Drastic emissions reductions are needed at an unprecedented speed and scale to achieve this goal. Green Public Procurement (GPP) is the practice of purchasing goods and services using environmental requirements, with the aim of cutting carbon emissions and mitigating environmental harm throughout the life cycle of the product or service. While the EU and many of its Member States alike have recognized GPP as an important tool to meet climate goals, the formalization of GPP requirements at the EU level or among local and national governments has been fragmented. We call for harmonization to achieve the consistency, scale and focus required to make GPP practices a powerful decarbonization tool. We surveyed the landscape of GPP in the EU, with a focus on construction and road transport. Through interviews and policy research, we compiled case studies of eight Member States with different profiles: Sweden, the Netherlands, France, Germany, Estonia, Poland, Spain and Italy. We used this information to identify solutions and best practices, and to set forth recommendations on how the EU and its countries can harmonize and strengthen their GPP policies on the path toward cutting their contributions to climate change. What we found was a scattered approach to GPP across the board, with few binding requirements, little oversight and scant connective tissue from national to local practices or across different Member States, making it difficult to evaluate progress or compare practices. Interviewees, including policy makers, procurement experts and procurement officers from the featured Member States, highlighted the lack of time or resources to adopt progressive GPP practices, with no real incentive to pursue it. Furthermore, we found a need for more awareness and clear guidance on how to leverage GPP for impactful societal outcomes. Doing so requires better harmonized processes, data, and ways to track the impact and progress achieved. That is not to say it is entirely neglected. Most Member States studied highlight GPP in various national plans and have set targets accordingly. Countries, regions, and cities such as the Netherlands, Catalonia and Berlin serve as beacons of GPP with robust goals and higher ambition. They lead the way in showing how GPP can help mitigate climate change. For example, the Netherlands is one of the few countries that monitors the effects of GPP, and showed that public procurement for eight product groups in 2015 and 2016 led to at least 4.9 metric tons of avoided GHG emissions. Similarly, a monitoring report from 2017 showed that the State of Berlin managed to cut its GHG emissions by 47% through GPP in 15 product groups. Spain’s Catalonia region set a goal of 50% of procurements using GPP by 2025, an all-electric in public vehicle fleet and 100% renewable energy powering public buildings by 2030. Drawing from these findings, we developed recommendations on how to bolster GPP and scale it to its full potential. In governance, policies, monitoring, implementation and uptake, some common themes exist. The need for: • Better-coordinated policies • Common metrics for measuring progress and evaluating tenders • Increased resources such as time, funding and support mechanisms • Greater collaboration and knowledge exchange among procurers and businesses • Clearer incentives, binding requirements and enforcement mechanisms, covering operational and embedded emissions With a concerted and unified movement toward GPP, the EU and its Member States can send strong market signals to the companies that depend on them for business, accelerating the decarbonization process that our planet requires.
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