Journal articles on the topic 'Social movements – Israel'
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1
Hartal, Gili. "Homosexuality and the Politics of LGBT Movements in Israel." IYUNIM Multidisciplinary Studies in Israeli and Modern Jewish Society 36 (December 25, 2021): 9–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.51854/bguy-36a121.
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Two processes have been central to the LGBT (lesbian, gay, transgender and bisexual) movement in politics since the end of the 1980’s: NGOization, which has led to the practice of assimilation, and homo-nationalism, representing a binary process of normalization and national inclusion. The amalgamation of NGOization and homonationalism have greatly influenced the movements, their agenda, practices, achievements and networks. The article sheds light on the broad neoliberal processes used by the Israeli LGBT movements to achieve power and status. The analysis traces major milestones from the 1980’s to the 21st century. Viewed through a neoliberal perspective, LGBT social movements are revealed to have worked and grown and become more institutionalized and normalized. However, this does not reflect the attainment of more power by the LGBT social movements in Israel; it is indicative rather of their privatization by the state which enables LGBT social movements to fill a niche under the government’s exclusive responsibility. Thus, in the 21st century, the value and valuation of LGBT subjects have been established not so much by the work of their social movements but through their economic and urban power reflective of ’post-homonationalism.
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Gal, John. "Unemployment Insurance, Trade Unions and the Strange Case of the Israeli Labour Movement." International Review of Social History 42, no. 3 (December 1997): 357–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002085900011435x.
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SummaryThe goal of this paper is to investigate the relationship between the labour movement and unemployment insurance (UI). Following a brief overview of the evolution of the approach of labour movements towards UI, the focus shifts to an analysis of a case study of the Israeli labour movement. The study traces the development of the approach of this movement towards UI during the pre-state period and following the establishment of Israel. It indicates that, while the policy adopted by the Israeli labour movement in the pre-state period was similar to that of other labour movements, the motivation differed in that the goals of the Israeli movement were primarily nationalist. In the post-independence period, the labour movement objected to the adoption of UI and prevented the introduction of this programme for two decades. The reasons for this are linked to the values and perceptions of the labour movement leadership and the legacies of policies adopted during the pre-state period.
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Orkibi, Eithan. "Resisting the cultural division of protest: The Israeli demobilized reservists’ protest after the Yom Kippur War (1973–1974)." Cultural Dynamics 29, no. 1-2 (February 2017): 23–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0921374017709231.
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The Israeli demobilized reservists’ protest after the Yom Kippur War is historically renowned for accelerating the emergence of civil criticism with regard to military and strategic affairs and for enabling the formation of peace movements in Israel. This article argues that this movement’s largest contribution was its ability to restructure the rigid cultural division of protest. In the political culture of the early 1970s in Israel, any form of street protest was associated with marginal groups engaging in a disruptive revolt against the established order. The demobilized reservists’ protest recruited members of mainstream social categories for a series of large-scale peaceful demonstrations, which concluded with the resignation of the Israeli government. This precedent blurred the traditional association of street protest with counter-hegemonic movements, and liberated the Israeli repertoire of contention for new social actors and issues. Analyzing the dialectic relations between the cultural division of protest and tactical selection in the demobilized reservists’ protest, this article shows that when members of the mainstream society employ tactics affiliated with marginal or radical groups, they legitimize these tactics as standard forms of political participation and expand their society’s modular repertoire of contention.
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Ben-Choreen, Tal-Or K. "Emergence of Fine Art Photography in Israel in the 1970s to the 1990s Through Pedagogical and Social Links with the United States." Contemporary Review of the Middle East 6, no. 3-4 (September 2019): 252–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347798919872588.
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The flourishing of photography as a tool for expressive reportage and artistic practice transformed photographic education during the mid-twentieth century. American-based academic institutions quickly established reputations in the emerging fine art field as leaders in photographic education drawing international students from diverse locations, including Israel. Many Israelis who studied photography in American institutions returned to Israel bringing with them the knowledge they had gained while abroad. This article considers the impact of American pedagogical models and social networks on the development of the Israeli photographic field. Included in this discussion is an exploration of the emergence of Israeli photography programs in institutions of higher education, photography galleries, museum collections, and exhibitions. By approaching the study through a network methodological approach, this article traces the transnational movements of individuals: photographers, program graduates, and curators in order to demonstrate the significant impact American photographic education had on the emerging Israeli photographic field.
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Ben-Hakoun, Elyakim, Eddy Van De Voorde, and Yoram Shiftan. "Trends in Emission Inventory of Marine Traffic for Port of Haifa." Sustainability 14, no. 2 (January 14, 2022): 908. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su14020908.
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Located in the Middle East, Haifa Port serves both local and international trade interests (from Asia, Europe, America, Africa, etc.). Due to its strategic location, the port is part of the Belt and Road initiative. This research investigates Haifa Port’s emissions contribution to the existing daily emission inventory level in the area. This research is based on a developed full bottom-up model framework that looks at the single vessel daily voyage through its port call stages. The main data sources for vessel movements used in this research are the Israel Navy’s movements log and the Israel Administration of Shipping and Ports’ (ASP) operational vessel movements and cargo log. The Fuel Consumption (FC) data and Sulfur Content (SC) levels are based on official Israel ASP survey data. The observation years in this research are 2010–2018, with a focus on the Ocean-Going Vessel (OGV) type only. The results show that the vessel fleet calling at Israel ports mainly comprises vessels that have a lower engine tier grade (i.e., Tier 0 and 1), which is considered a heavy contributor to nitrogen oxide (NOx) pollution. The study recommends an additional cost charged (selective tariff) to reflect the external social cost linked to the single vessel air pollution combined with supportive technological infrastructure and economic incentive tools (e.g., electric subsidy) to attract or influence vessel owners to assign vessels equipped with new engine tier grades for calls at Israeli ports.
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Calipha, Rachel, and Benjamin Gidron. "The Evolution of the Israeli Third Sector: A Conceptual and Empirical Analysis." Voluntaristics Review 5, no. 4 (March 8, 2021): 1–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24054933-12340034.
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Abstract The expansion and development of the nonprofit sector worldwide in the 1980s and 1990s did not bypass Israel, and, as in other countries, sparked an interest for study to uncover its characteristics and major features. The Israeli population—both Jewish and Arab—has a rich tradition of voluntaristic activity on the individual as well as on the collective (organizational) levels, mostly in the communal context. The modern welfare state created new opportunities and new challenges for such activity within the broad framework of the nonprofit sector. This article aims to review the development of the nonprofit sector in Israel and analyze it within existing nonprofit theories. It takes a historical perspective in looking at its evolution, in light of political, social, ideological, and economic changes in the world and in the country. It discusses the development of policy and government involvement on the one hand and the unique features of Israeli philanthropy, both Jewish and Arab, on the other. It analyzes Israel’s civil society and social movements, as well as social entrepreneurship and their expression in the Third Sector. The article also covers the development of research and education on the Third Sector; it includes a review of research centers, databases, journals, and specific programs that were developed by Israeli universities. Finally, this article summarizes the characteristics of the nonprofit sector in Israel.
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Schwartz, David, and Daniel Galily. "The Hamas Movement: Ideology vs. Pragmatism." Open Journal for Studies in History 4, no. 2 (August 29, 2021): 39–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.32591/coas.ojsh.0402.01039s.
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This study aims to present the Hamas Movement, its ideology and pragmatism. With progress and modernization, the Islamic movements in the Middle East realized that they could not deny progress, so they decided to join the mainstream and take advantage of technological progress in their favor. The movement maintains at least one website in which it publishes its way, and guides the audience. Although these movements seem to maintain a rigid ideology, they adapt themselves to reality with the help of many tools, because they have realized that reality is stronger than they are. In conclusions: the rise of the Islamist movements as a leading social and political force in the Middle East is the result of the bankruptcy of nationalism, secularism and the left in the Arab world, which created an ideological vacuum, which is filled to a large extent by the fundamentalists, ensuring that Islam is the solution. It is not only about the extent of the return to religion, but about the transformation of religion into a major political factor both by the regimes and by the opposition. These are political movements that deal first and foremost with the social and political mobilization of the masses, and they exert pressure to apply the Islamic law as the law of the state instead of the legal systems taken from the Western model. Islam is a belief rooted in the consciousness of the masses and deeply ingrained in Egyptian culture. In Israel, the situation is different, modernization and democracy also affects Israeli Arabs. Therefore, it is possible that Islam is not so deeply rooted in the culture of the Arab citizens of Israel, they are aware of the possibility of a different path other than Islam. The movements have developed over time tools that enable them to cope with reality. The religious law in Islam allows flexibility in organizing community life, Shari’a is adapted to reality because of the ruler's ability to canonize legislation and flexibility in political life according to principles such as sabra and long-term goals, to compromise with reality and find temporary solutions, as well as religious scholars who provide fatwas and commentaries on every subject.
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Hassan Al-Khazraji, Nizar Abdel Karim, and Mohamed Shatub Edan. "Indicators and challenges of political stability in (Israel)." Tikrit Journal For Political Science, no. 15 (May 11, 2019): 28. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v0i15.124.
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The indicators of political stability in Israel have produced a kind of instability in all locations from inside and outside, but they were in themselves. Social cohesion of the Jews as well as the challenge of discrimination within the Arabs (Israel). Either I explain the spring movements and the investigation into the security and existence of Israel, as well as Iran's nuclear program and Hezbollah, which indicate the most important challenges to the stability and security of Israel.
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Lainer-Vos, Dan. "Social Movements and Citizenship: Conscientious Objection in France, the United States, and Israel." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 11, no. 3 (October 1, 2006): 357–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.11.3.q10334171q6q0155.
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This article examines the ways in which citizenship regimes shape social struggles. It traces the conscientious objection movements in France during the war in Algeria, in America during the Vietnamese War, and in Israel after the invasion of Lebanon to show how they employed different practices and formed different alliances despite having similar goals. These differences can be attributed, in part, to the different citizenship regimes in each country: republican in France; liberal in the U.S.; and ethnonational in Israel. Arguments and practices that seemed sensible in one locale seemed utterly inappropriate in another. Social movements' activists did not manipulate conceptions of citizenship strategically. Rather, citizenship regimes constitute subjectivities and thereby shape the sensibilities and preferences of activists and state actors. Citizenship regimes shape social dramas by structuring the repertoire of contention available in a particular struggle.
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González-López, Felipe. "SOCIETY AGAINST MARKETS. THE COMMODIFICATION OF MONEY AND THE REPUDIATION OF DEBT." Sociologia & Antropologia 11, no. 1 (April 2021): 97–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/2238-38752021v1114.
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Abstract From anti-debt movements in Mexico, Spain, Poland, Croatia, and Chile to the Occupy movements in the United States, Israel and Canada, organizations repudiating both debt and the centrality of financial markets have proliferated worldwide. In this article, I draw on Polanyi’s work in order to frame the financialization of society and different forms of debt repudiation as a double movement, characterized as a second wave of the commodification of money and the attempts by society to protect itself from the advancement of finance. Relying on a secondary literature and my own ethnographic research on debtors’ movements, I explore the commonalities and differences between diverse forms of repudiating debt through collective action at both national and international level.
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Ozzano, Luca. "RELIGIOUS FUNDAMENTALISM AND DEMOCRACY." RELIGION AND POLITICS IN INDO-PAKISTANI CONTEXT 3, no. 1 (June 1, 2009): 127–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj0301127o.
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This essay deals with religious fundamentalist movements engaged in democratic politics: a phenomenon still not thoroughly analyzed by comparative political science. First of all, it proposes a definition of religious fundamentalism which can be suitable for political science research (connecting the existing theories about fundamentalism to the literature about collective identities and social movements: particularly the political opportunity structure and resource mobilization models). Later, it takes into account four cases of religious fundamentalist movements in democratic regimes: the Christian right in the USA, the sangh parivar in India, the Jewish religious nationalist movement in Israel, and the Islamist movement in Turkey. In this section, the main features of the movements’ mobilization and their political strategies are singled out. The work eventually tries to find out common patterns by comparing the different movements, their relationship with politics, and their impact on public policies. Particularly, it proposes a typology of fundamentalist movements in democracy, according to their political strategies and the ideological orientation of their issues.
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Melchior, Sefi, and Stephen Sharot. "Landmark in Israel: Recruitment and Maintenance of Clients in a Human Potential Organization." Nova Religio 13, no. 4 (May 1, 2010): 61–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nr.2010.13.4.61.
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Studies examining factors in religious conversion have focused on religious movements that are stigmatized or regarded as deviant and that stress communal lifestyles and exclusive commitment. The relevance of these factors is examined in the processes of recruitment and retention of clients in Landmark, a human potential organization that is world-accepting and non-communal. Affective bonds in social networks were found to be of crucial importance both in the recruitment of clients to Landmark and the maintenance of those clients beyond their participation in The Forum, the organization's focal workshop. Human potential organizations such as Landmark are designated by sociologists as new religious movements, but the secular designation by the organization and its clients is relevant to its recruitment, especially in Israel where it attracts Israeli Jews who define themselves as secular.
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Engelberg, Ari. "Religious and Mizrahi Identities in Lehava and in Its Struggle to Maintain the Honor of the Jewish Family." social-issues in israel 30, no. 1 (2021): 35–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.26351/siii/30-1/2.
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Lehava is an extreme right-wing Israeli movement that attracts mostly traditional Mizrahi youth; its stated goal is to combat intermarriage. The article addresses the following questions: What attracts members to the organization? How does it operate? Where is it located within the Israeli ethno-national sphere? And where should it be positioned in a global comparative view? Research methods included participant observation, ethnographic interviews and a survey of social media. It was found that Lehava combines modes of activity typical of Israeli Haredi organizations devoted to combating intermarriage with those of extreme right-wing urban movements. Three dominant discourses were identified among supporters: a militant-nationalist discourse concerning Arab men, a therapeutic discourse used when referring to the members themselves and to the women they are seeking to “save,” and a religious discourse that supports the other two. Attitudes identified among religious Mizrahi Jews in Israel were found to be prominent in Lehava as well. It is also asserted that the organization’s resistance to intermarriage with Arabs can be explained as an attempt to preserve “family honor.” A comparative analysis underscored how the religious and therapeutic discourses, alongside the ethnic identity of members, differentiate Lehava from Western fascist movements and point to affinities with Eastern European and Muslim extremist organizations.
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Somgynari, Connor. "New perspectives on social and militant movements in Israel and the Palestinian territories." Mediterranean Politics 24, no. 1 (September 22, 2017): 124–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2017.1379588.
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Inbari, Motti. "Messianic Movements and Failed Prophecies in Israel: Five Case Studies." Nova Religio 13, no. 4 (May 1, 2010): 43–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nr.2010.13.4.43.
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This article examines several examples of messianic individuals and movements in Israel that have had to confront the failure of their predictions of imminent collective Redemption. These case studies suggest that individuals who expect Messiah's immediate coming, but who do not share this conviction with others, may experience greater freedom to reinterpret their prophecy and then proselytize a new vision of Redemption. When a small group's predictions are publicized widely and then fail, its members may find themselves facing a particularly sharp crisis of faith because of social pressure and may decide to abandon both the prophecy and group membership. Participants in large and diffuse messianic movements may become anxious when events begin to indicate that their predicted Redemption will fail, thus they are likely to adjust the prophecy and take steps to actualize it.
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Avigur-Eshel, Amit, and Izhak Berkovich. "Using Facebook differently in two education policy protests." Transforming Government: People, Process and Policy 11, no. 4 (October 16, 2017): 596–611. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/tg-06-2017-0029.
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Purpose Scholars have identified various uses of Facebook by activists and social movements in political activism and beyond. They overlooked, however, the possibility that social movements may take advantage of certain capabilities provided by social media platforms, while neglecting others, thereby creating differences in patterns of use between movements. The purpose of this paper is to investigate these differences and to assess the role of the lived experience of activists and supporters in shaping them. Design/methodology/approach This study compared two protests in Israel with respect to activists’ use of social media, the class profile of participants and the leadership’s demands and their resonance among various social groups. Each case was analyzed by combining thematic and quantitative analysis of online data from Facebook pages and of offline data from various sources. Findings The two protests exhibited distinctively different patterns of use of the capabilities provided by Facebook. These differences are associated with the lived experience of protest participants and of the individuals the movement leadership sought to mobilize. Originality/value This study is the first to show that successful public policy protests can exhibit distinctive use patterns of social media for political activism. It also identifies lived experience as an important factor in shaping these patterns.
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TAMIR, DAN. "FROM A FASCIST'S NOTEBOOK TO THE PRINCIPLES OF REBIRTH: THE DESIRE FOR SOCIAL INTEGRATION IN HEBREW FASCISM, 1928–1942." Historical Journal 57, no. 4 (November 12, 2014): 1057–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x14000053.
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ABSTRACTApart from Italian fascism and German National-Socialism – the most famous fascisms of the interwar era – considerable research has been conducted during the past two decades about generic fascism: fascist groups, movements, and parties in other countries. In Israel, while the Revisionist Zionist movement has been continually accused by its political rivals of being fascist, these accusations have not yet been examined according to any comparative model of fascism. Relying on Robert Paxton's model of generic fascism, this article examines how one of its components – the drive for closer integration of the national community – was manifested in the writings of seven Revisionist activists in mandatory Palestine: Itamar Ben Avi, Abba Aḥime'ir, U. Z. Grünberg, Joshua Yevin, Wolfgang von Weisl, Zvi Kolitz, and Abraham Stern. Their writings between the years 1922 and 1942 reveal a strong drive for social integration, similar to that manifest in other fascist movements of the interwar era.
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Nemer, Nassar Ali. "The Collective Memory of the Motherland in Palestinian and Israeli Cinema." Observatory of Culture 18, no. 6 (December 21, 2021): 662–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.25281/2072-3156-2021-18-6-662-668.
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The author examines the differences in the interpretation of historical events in the cinematography of the two opposing sides — Palestine and Israel, and the ways of forming a particular point of view by means of dramaturgy. This subject is relevant in the light of the growing information confrontation between different states, as well as political and social movements. The article analyzes the event context of the creation of Israel as a state in the view of Israeli and Palestinian filmmakers. The author considers samples of Israeli and Palestinian film production — feature films and documentaries, television series that reflect the transfer of Palestinian territory to the Israelis in 1948. The day of the Arabs’ exodus from Palestine in 1948 is considered tragic for the Palestinians and is known among them as “Nakba” (catastrophe, cataclysm), but at the same time it is the Independence Day for the Jews of Israel.The article demonstrates what plot devices and narrative techniques are used by directors to emphasize aspects of historical events that are beneficial to them, using cinematography as an instrument of ideological confrontation between the two peoples who have claims to the same land. Trying to have an impartial take, without siding with either of the conflicting parties, the author focuses exclusively on studying the means used by the creators of the films considered. This article can be useful for art historians, culturologists and sociologists dealing with issues of the Middle East, as well as for humanitarians whose research interests include theoretical understanding of ideology and propaganda without reference to specific epochs and regions (territories).
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Ayyagari, Rajeev, Debbie Goldschmidt, Fan Mu, Stanley N. Caroff, and Benjamin Carroll. "116 An Experimental Study to Assess the Professional and Social Consequences of Tardive Dyskinesia." CNS Spectrums 25, no. 2 (April 2020): 275–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1092852920000346.
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Abstract:Study Objective:Evaluate the impact of orofacial tardive dyskinesia (TD) symptoms on the professional and social lives of patients with TD.Background:TD, a movement disorder affecting the face and extremities, may arise in patients taking antipsychotics. The impact of social stigma on the professional and social lives of patients with orofacial manifestations of TD has not been thoroughly examined.Methods:This study is an experimental, randomized digital survey of a general population sample. Three component surveys were developed, corresponding to employment, dating, and friendship domains. For each domain, participants were randomized 1:1 into either a test group (who viewed a video of a scripted interview with a standardized patient actor depicting TD movements) or a control group (who viewed the same actors but without TD movements), and asked about their impressions of the video subject. Actor simulations were validated by physicians familiar with TD and rehearsed to simulate a total Abnormal Involuntary Movement Scale score between 6 and 10. Statistical comparison was made using Wilcoxon sign-rank or chi-squared tests for continuous and categorical variables, respectively.Results:A total of 800 respondents completed each survey. In all domains, respondents had more-negative perceptions of actors portraying TD movements than of the same actors without movements. Regarding employment, 34.8% fewer respondents in the test group versus the control group agreed that the actor would be suitable for client-facing jobs (P<0.001). Regarding dating, the proportions of respondents who agreed that they would like to continue talking to the actor and who would be interested in meeting them for coffee/drink were 25.0% and 27.2% lower, respectively, in the test group than in the control group (P<0.001). Regarding friendship, the proportions of respondents who rated the actor as interesting and who would be interested in friendship with them were 18.8% and 16.5% lower, respectively, in the test group than in the control group (P<0.001).Conclusions:Actors simulating orofacial TD movements were perceived to be statistically significantly less likely to move forward in a job interview, be considered as a potential romantic partner, or be a new friend. This is the first study to quantify the stigma faced by people with TD in a variety of professional and social situations.Funding Acknowledgements:This study was funded by Teva Pharmaceuticals, Petach Tikva, Israel.
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Tehranian, Katharine Kia. "Consuming Identities: Pancapitalism and Postmodern Formations." Prospects 24 (October 1999): 33–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361233300000284.
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The dramatic rise of identity anxieties in most parts of the world — as reflected in posttraditional movements in politics and postmodernist movements in art, architecture, and social theory — calls for an explanation. Also known disparagingly as fundamentalism or neoconservatism, posttraditionalism is often a response from the peripheral sectors of the population to the onslaught of rapid modernization, often accompanied by social disequilibria, income inequities, and feelings of relative deprivation. The Bible Belt in the United States, the oriental Jews in Israel, the rural and semi–urbanized Muslims in the Islamic world, the evangelical Protestants in Latin America, and the Hindu nationalists in secular India demonstrate the rich diversity and complexity of such political religions. By contrast, postmodernist movements are primarily situated in the intellectual circles of the contemporary world. In the face of an economically globalizing and technologically accelerating history, they represent a dual response to homogenizing forces by reasserting cultural pluralism and nihilism.
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Ayyagari, Rajeev, Debbie Goldschmidt, Fan Mu, Stanley N. Caroff, and Benjamin Carroll. "115 An Experimental Study to Assess the Professional and Social Consequences of Mild-to-Moderate Tardive Dyskinesia." CNS Spectrums 25, no. 2 (April 2020): 275. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1092852920000334.
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Abstract:Study Objective:To Evaluate the impact of mild-to-moderate orofacial tardive dyskinesia (TD) symptoms on the people and social lives of people with TD.Background:TD, a movement disorder affecting the face and extremities, may arise in patients taking antipsychotics. The impact of stigma on the professional and social lives of people with moderate-to-severe TD was previously examined, but has not been investigated in those with mild-to-moderate TD.Methods:This study is an experimental, randomized digital survey of a general population sample. Three component surveys corresponding to employment, dating, and friendship domains were adopted from a prior study. For each domain, participants were randomized 1:1 into either a test group (who viewed a video of a scripted interview with an actor depicting mild-to-moderate TD movements) or a control group (who viewed the same actor but without TD movements) and asked about their impressions of the video subject. Actor simulations of the TD symptoms were validated by physicians familiar with TD and rehearsed to simulate orofacial movements with a total Abnormal Involuntary Movement Scale (AIMS) score of 3–6. Statistical comparison was made using Wilcoxon signed-rank or chi-squared tests for continuous and categorical variables.Results:A total of 800 respondents completed each survey. In all domains, respondents had more negative perceptions of actors portraying mild-to-moderate TD movements than of the same actors without movements. For employment, 41% fewer respondents in the test group versus the control group agreed that the actor would be suitable for client-facing jobs (P<0.001). For dating, the proportions of respondents who agreed that they would like to continue talking to the actor and who would be interested in meeting them for a coffee/drink were 23.2% and 26.0% lower, respectively, in the test group than in the control group (P<0.001). For friendship, the proportions of respondents who rated the actor as interesting and who would be interested in friendship with them were 13.0% and 12.2% lower in the test group than in the control group (P<0.001).Conclusions:This study addresses the stigma faced by those with mild-to-moderate TD in professional and social situations. Consistent with previous results for moderate-to-severe TD, actors simulating mild-to-moderate orofacial TD movements were perceived to be less likely to move forward in a job interview, be considered as a potential romantic partner, or be a new friend.Funding Acknowledgements:This study was funded by Teva Pharmaceuticals, Petach Tikva, Israel.
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Bronstein, Jenny. "Information grounds as a vehicle for social inclusion of domestic migrant workers in Israel." Journal of Documentation 73, no. 5 (September 11, 2017): 934–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jd-02-2017-0023.
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Purpose Economic adversity, geopolitical, and climate crises leading to the lack of decent and sustainable work are resulting in growing and diverse migratory movements. The precarious situation of many migrant workers in their countries of employment results in a state of social exclusion due to a lack of access to relevant information sources. The purpose of this paper is to further the understanding of the information behavior of migrants by examining the role that La Escuelita, a Hebrew night school for domestic migrant workers in Israel, plays as an information ground helping migrants struggling with social exclusion. Design/methodology/approach A qualitative methodology was used and data were collected using participation observation over a three-months period. Eight students at the school were interviewed using in-depth interviews. Findings La Escuelita served as a vehicle for social inclusion by providing valuable everyday information to the students in a caring environment. Information was shared in multiple directions between both the staff and the students and between the students. Language barriers were revealed as one of the main factors for social exclusion. Findings revealed that although the migrant workers who study at La Escuelita are information poor regarding their struggle for social inclusion into Israeli society, they wish to learn Hebrew as a way to overcome this exclusion. Originality/value Understanding the information behavior of marginalized populations is the first step into designing and implementing information services to help them toward social inclusion. This research presents an innovative contribution by examining the significance and roles of social connections in the setting of a unique information environment.
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Loveland, Matthew T. "Claiming Society for God: Religious Movements and Social Welfare (in Egypt, Israel, Italy, and the United States)." Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 43, no. 4 (June 27, 2014): 521–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094306114539455o.
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Ben David, Yael, and Tammy Rubel-Lifschitz. "Practice the change you want to see in the world: Transformative practices of social movements in Israel." Peace and Conflict: Journal of Peace Psychology 24, no. 1 (February 2018): 10–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/pac0000268.
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Schneider, Emily Maureen. "Touring for peace: the role of dual-narrative tours in creating transnational activists." International Journal of Tourism Cities 5, no. 2 (June 26, 2019): 200–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijtc-12-2017-0092.
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Purpose Scholarship on the contact hypothesis and peacebuilding suggests that contact with marginalized ethnic and racial groups may reduce prejudice and improve opportunities for conflict resolution. Through a study of dual-narrative tours to Israel/Palestine, the purpose of this paper is to address two areas of the debate surrounding this approach to social change. First, past research on the effectiveness of contact-based tourism as a method to change attitudes is inconclusive. Travel to a foreign country has been shown to both improve and worsen tourists’ perceptions of a host population. Second, few scholars have attempted to link contact-based changes in attitudes to activism. Design/methodology/approach Through an analysis of 218 post-tour surveys, this study examines the role of dual-narrative tours in sparking attitude change that may facilitate involvement in peace and justice activism. Surveys were collected from the leading “dual-narrative” tour company in the region, MEJDI. Dual-narrative tours uniquely expose mainstream tourists in Israel/Palestine to Palestinian perspectives that are typically absent from the majority of tours to the region. This case study of dual-narrative tours therefore provides a unique opportunity to address the self-selecting bias, as identified by contact hypothesis and tourism scholars, in order to understand the potential impacts of exposure to marginalized narratives. Findings The findings of this study suggest that while these tours tend to engender increased support for Palestinians over Israelis, their most salient function appears to be the cultivation of empathy for “both sides” of the conflict. Similarly, dual-narrative tours often prompt visitors to understand the conflict to be more complex than they previously thought. In terms of activism, tourists tend to prioritize education-based initiatives in their plans for post-tour political engagement. In addition, a large number of participants articulated commitments to support joint Israeli–Palestinian non-governmental organizations and to try to influence US foreign policy to be more equitable. Originality/value These findings complicate debates within the scholarship on peacebuilding as well as within movements for social justice in Israel/Palestine. While programs that equate Israeli and Palestinian perspectives are often criticized for reinforcing the status quo, dual-narrative tours appear to facilitate nuance and universalism while also shifting tourists toward greater identification with an oppressed population. Together, these findings shed light on the ability of tourism to facilitate positive attitude change about a previously stigmatized racial/ethnic group, as well as the power of contact and exposure to marginalized narratives to inspire peace and justice activism.
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Khosravi, Jamal, Jalal Kalhori, and Loghman Hamehmorad. "The Presence of Israel in Iraqi Kurdistan and its Security Challenges for Iran’s National Security." Journal of Politics and Law 9, no. 7 (August 30, 2016): 169. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v9n7p169.
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<p>This study investigates Israeli presence in Iraqi Kurdistan and its challenges for the Iran’s national security. Although the informal presence of Israel in Iraqi Kurdistan dates back to the 1960s and 1970s, its presence has been more conspicuous, in the recent years, due to the changes in the international political equations, informal collapse and attenuation of social, geographical, and political Iraqi borders, the opportunities arising from 2003 invasion of Iraq, and the weakening of the central power in Iraq. This has exposed the security of the neighboring countries of Iraqi Kurdistan, especially Iran to unprecedented challenges. With this in mind, this paper is conducted to analyze these challenges using the library and archival research methods and following an analytical approach. Based on the findings, it can be said that the Israeli government, mostly driven by its political isolation amid the regional countries, has been trying to create security and political divergences, undermine the regional powers, and support the Iraqi Kurdish independence and secession of the country, which in turn could influence the Iranian Kurds who may be under the effect of federalism in the Iraqi Kurdistan, and enhance the ethnicity movements in Iran, which can also pose a potential security threat for Iran.</p>
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Simons, Jon. "Fields and Facebook: Ta’ayush’s Grassroots Activism and Archiving the Peace that Will Have Come in Israel/Palestine." Media and Communication 4, no. 1 (February 18, 2016): 27–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v4i1.390.
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Israeli peace activism has increasingly taken place on new media, as in the case of the grassroots anti-Occupation group, <em>Ta’ayush</em>. What is the significance of <em>Ta’ayush</em>’s work on the ground and online for peace? This article considers the former in the light of social movement scholarship on peacebuilding, and the latter in light of new media scholarship on social movements. Each of those approaches suggest that <em>Ta’ayush</em> has very limited success in achieving its strategic goals or generating outrage about the Occupation in the virtual/public sphere. Yet, <em>Ta’ayush’s </em>apparent “failure” according to standard criteria of success misses the significance of <em>Ta’ayush’</em>s work. Its combination of grassroots activism and online documentation of its work in confronting the Occupation in partnership with Palestinians has assembled an impressive archive. Through the lens of Walter Benjamin’s philosophy of history, <em>Ta’ayush</em> can be seen to enact a “future perfect” peace that will have come.
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Greenstein, Ran. "Class, Nation, and Political Organization: The Anti-Zionist Left in Israel/Palestine." International Labor and Working-Class History 75, no. 1 (2009): 85–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547909000076.
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AbstractThe paper discusses historical lessons offered by the experience of two leftwing movements, the pre-1948 Palestinian Communist Party, and the post-1948 Israeli Socialist Organization (Matzpen). The focus of discussion is the relationship between class and nation as principles of organization.The Palestinian Communist Party was shaped by forces that shaped the Israeli-Palestinian conflict: British rule, Zionist ideology and settlement practices, and Arab nationalism. At intensified conflict periods it was torn apart by the pressures of competing nationalisms. By the end of the period, its factions agreed on one principle: the need to treat members of both national groups equally, whether as individuals or as groups entitled to self-determination. This position was rejected by both national movements as incompatible with their quest for control.In the post-1948 period, Matzpen epitomized the radical critique of Zionism. It was the clearest voice speaking against the 1967 occupation and for restoration of Palestinian rights. However, it never moved beyond the political margins, and its organization failed to provide members with a sustainable mode of activism. It was replaced by a new mode, mobilizing people around specific issues instead of presenting an overall program.The paper concludes with suggestions on how the Left may use these lessons to develop a strategy to focus on the quest for social justice and human rights.
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Panov, Evgenyi N., and Larissa Yu Zykova. "Differentiation and Interrelations of Two Representatives of Laudakia stellio Complex (Reptilia: Agamidae) in Israel." Russian Journal of Herpetology 4, no. 2 (October 15, 2011): 102–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.30906/1026-2296-1997-4-2-102-114.
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Field studies were conducted in Central Negev within the breeding range of Laudakia stellio brachydactyla and in NE Israel (Qyriat Shemona) in the range of an unnamed form (tentatively “Near-East Rock Agama”), during March – May 1996. Additional data have been collected in Jerusalem at a distance of ca. 110 km from the first and about 170 km from the second study sites. A total of 63 individuals were caught and examined. The animals were marked and their subsequent movements were followed. Social and signal behavior of both forms were described and compared. Lizards from Negev and Qyriat Shemona differ from each other sharply in external morphology, habitat preference, population structure, and behavior. The differences obviously exceed the subspecies level. At the same time, the lizards from Jerusalem tend to be intermediate morphologically between those from both above-named localities, which permits admitting the existence of a limited gene flow between lizard populations of Negev and northern Israel. The lizards from NE Israel apparently do not belong to the nominate subspecies of L. stellio and should be regarded as one more subspecies within the species.
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Zion-Waldoks, Tanya. "The “Tempered Radical” Revolution: Multifocal Strategies of Religious-Zionist Feminism in Israel." Religions 12, no. 8 (August 10, 2021): 628. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12080628.
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Agunah activism, a flagship struggle of Religious-Zionist feminism, links gender politics, Jewish-Orthodox politics, and national Israeli politics. This qualitative study focuses on agunah activists’ strategies and conceptions of change, highlighting the complex ways religious women radically transform conservative contexts, complicated by intersections of religion, gender, and state. It examines dynamic boundary-work and how activists deploy the inner workings of “the Halakhic framework” to shift creatively between social positioning, ideological or cultural positioning, and a political positioning to create “change from within”. My case study troubles the premise that religion and feminism are antithetical, and that distinct identities or set social locations predetermine social movements’ frames or actions. I expand upon the term “tempered radicals” which challenges reformist/revolutionary and conservative/radical binaries. “Tempered radical” strategies are two-pronged: a tempered mode of modulation and moderation to rock the boat without falling out (avoid the red lines, find “the right way”) and a radical mode of stirring the sea and creating horizons (arrive there, one way or another). Dynamically holding both modes together, through a “multifocal lens”—the world-as-it-is and the world-as-it-should-be—enables their strategic maneuverings. They remain “within” while radically transforming individuals, communities, Jewish law, Orthodox society and the Israeli public sphere. This study demonstrates how religious and gendered structures are at once constitutive and mutable.
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Saba, Claudia. "Mainstreaming Anti-colonial Discourse on Palestine: Mohammed El-Kurd’s Discursive Interventions." Tripodos, no. 51 (January 27, 2022): 49–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.51698/tripodos.2021.51p49-67.
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Palestinian activists have long maintained that the hegemonic discourse used to describe their predicament is unhelpful for understanding the nature of the so-called “conflict” in their country. They maintain that a discursive hegemony suppresses their voices and denies their lived experience. A high-profile case of a settler organization’s attempt to evict Palestinian families from their homes in Jerusalem brought visibility to a counter-hegemonic Palestinian discourse that challenges the dominant framing of the situation in Palestine/Israel. Through steadfast on-the-ground resistance that was powerfully documented online, attention was brought to an otherwise routine act of home dispos-session. This study examines the counter-hegemonic discourse advanced by one of the victims of the case as an example of a growing Palestinian tendency to frame Israeli actions through the prism of settler-colonialism. The article outlines the fundamentals of this discourse and traces synergies between Palestinian narratives of injustice and those of system-critical social movements concerned with issues of racism, militarism, and capitalism to examine how power-resistance discourses challenge extant modes of knowledge production.
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Keadan, Tajread. "Arab Women and Feminist Movements in Israel are Between the Hammer of Society and the Anvil of Law." Feminist Research 5, no. 1 (June 2, 2021): 37–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.21523/gcj2.21050104.
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The aim of this research is to reveal the status and image of Arab women and feminist movement in Israel, as it discusses the reality of citizens of Israel and the extent to which they have access to and enjoy their civil, economic, social and political rights. On the one hand, it also analyses women’s rights from the perspective of a society governed by customs and traditions. This is represented by the authority of the male over the female, because the Arab society is a biased society between males and females to some extent, and on the other hand it demonstrates a comparative view with the international law, agreements and treaties that provided for ensuring the protection of women’s rights. Through this study, the researcher believes that Arab women bear the burdens of submitting themselves to nationalism and the Arab minority on the one hand and the burdens of racial discrimination against Arabs in general and against women in particular. In addition, the local authority responsible for Arab regions and cities bears part of the violations of women’s rights in employment that affect their role in the labor market. This is because it does not carry out its responsibility towards the Arab minority as required, and specifically with regard to securing suitable job opportunities for women, securing public transportation, and suitable places for women with children.
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Ahmad Hasan Ridwan, Mohammad Taufiq Rahman, Yusuf Budiana, Irfan Safrudin, and Muhammad Andi Septiadi. "Implementing and Interpreting Fazlur Rahman's Islamic Moderation Concept in the Indonesian Context." Journal of Islamic Thought and Civilization 12, no. 2 (November 11, 2022): 58–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.32350/jitc.122.05.
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Although, Indonesians are known as the most ‘tolerant’ nation but the radical turn of events over the period of time has transformed their religious tolerance into extremism. Therefore, several movements have started to alter Indonesia's Islamic model into a one more compatible with that of the Arab world. These are not social conflicts but could become reason of provoking different social conflicts. It has been claimed that these social conflicts occur because Indonesia has followed westernization, Christianization, secularism, liberalism and the unfair attitude of the West in the Middle East conflicts, especially between Palestine and Israel. The majority of Indonesians are Muslims therefore, democratization is studied thoroughly using a religious moderation theory in the context of Islamic religion and religious doctrine This study aims to discuss Fazlur Rahman's double movement hermeneutics as an Islamic moderation concept by using Qur’anic references. This moderation concept could be applied to the Indonesian context. A bibliographical survey and an interpretive method have been employed to reveal a specific nature of religious moderation, which prohibits Muslims from taking an extreme stance about religious provisions. Moderation is not limited to religious attitudes but includes all aspects of life. Therefore, this study implicates that if Fazlur Rehman’s Islamic moderation concepts are practiced comprehensively in Indonesia then social harmony would prevail as a social phenomenon.
Keywords: Islamic doctrine, Religious moderation, Tafsir, Verse of the Qur’ān
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Keren-Kratz, Menachem. "Inclusion Versus Exclusion in Intra-Orthodox Politics: Between Agudat Israel and Hungarian Orthodoxy*." Modern Judaism - A Journal of Jewish Ideas and Experience 40, no. 2 (May 1, 2020): 195–226. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/mj/kjaa002.
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Abstract Ever since the concept of Jewish Orthodoxy emerged in the early-19th century, and especially after Jews were awarded equal civic rights in the 1860s, several religious leaders sought to establish Orthodox organizations. They, however, faced two main obstacles: first, the concept of an Orthodox organization was new to Jewish history and conservative rabbis automatically opposed anything new and condemned it as “modern.” Second, an Orthodox organization meant a religious jurisdiction superior to that of the local rabbis who were reluctant to give up the full authority they enjoyed. Following a long period of deterioration in the power and influence of the rabbis, local Orthodox organizations were established in Hungary, Galicia and Germany. In 1912, after the establishment of international movements by Reform rabbis, Maskilim, Jewish socialists, and finally the Zionists, leading Orthodox figures decided to establish the international Orthodox organization titled Agudat Israel. Recognizing its critical role in preserving traditional Judaism, individual rabbis and local Orthodox organizations from many countries joined Agudat Israel. The only country whose rabbis refused to join was Hungary. There, Jewish Orthodoxy enjoyed a special civil status and had its own separate communities. Seeking to maintain their distinct status, Hungarian leaders demanded that Agudat Israel declare itself an Orthodox organization and refrain from accepting Jews who belonged to non-Orthodox communities, who were lax in their religious conduct, or who supported Zionism. After deliberating the pros and cons, Agudat Israel decided to decline the “Hungarian demand” and, instead, to accept every Jew who wanted to join. Consequently, most Hungarian rabbis banned the organization. Nevertheless, the political and social circumstances following World War I drove some Hungarian rabbis and their communities to join Agudat Israel.
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Sela, Avraham. "From Revolution to Political Participation: Institutionalization of Militant Islamic Movements." Contemporary Review of the Middle East 2, no. 1-2 (March 2015): 31–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347798915584033.
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Social movements often undergo substantial changes as they grow more politically popular and influential, foremost of which is the shift from a single founding/charismatic leader to a hierarchic structure of representative institutions and rational political decision-making. Such changes are said to enable transformation from revolutionary to reformist strategies based on pragmatic calculations. Despite the wealth of studies on the political development of Islamic movements, this theoretical assumption is yet to be tested, especially in cases of popular Islamic movements identified with jihad as a core element in their ideology of resistance to an alien power. This article takes on to scrutinize the political trajectories of two jihadist-resistant movements, namely, Hamas and Hezbollah. Both Hamas and Hezbollah emerged as contentious, counter-elite movements adopting extreme Islamic agendas, yet along the years, they came to adopt national-Islamic attributes. Moreover, both movements moved from the fringes of opposition to the political center and government, each one establishing itself as ‘a state within a state’. Despite their different sectarian identities (Sunni and Shi`i, respectively) and domestic political arenas, these two movements share major attributes, especially their dedicated involvement in social and community concerns on the one hand, and ideological and practical commitment to jihad against Israel, on the other. At the same time, despite their involvement in violence (in the case of Hezbollah, also international terrorism), both movements made discernible efforts to win international recognition, especially by propagating their broad political constituency and civic activities. Whereas Hezbollah attained representation in the Lebanese governments since 1992, Hamas’s unexpectedly decisive victory in the 2006 elections to the Palestinian Legislative Council forced it to take responsibility as a government. Following its violent takeover of full control over the Gaza Strip in June 2007, Hamas has exercised full internal sovereignty over this territory and won a substantial international recognition, mainly from Islamic countries. Against this backdrop, what changes can be discerned in the thought and practice of these movements? Especially, what effect had the shift from ‘resistance’ to government—or rather, the mixture of both—had on these movements. The article’s working assumption is that notwithstanding processes of popular growth, institutionalization, and generational changes of leadership, neither Hezbollah nor Hamas deviated from their strategic goals and core principles. Nonetheless, on the tactical level, they proved to be innovative in legitimizing temporary deviations from stated ideologies and policies.
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Weisberg, Herbert F. "Tradition! Tradition? Jewish Voting in the 2012 Election." PS: Political Science & Politics 47, no. 03 (June 19, 2014): 629–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096514000766.
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ABSTRACTThe voting of Jews in the 2012 US presidential election is discussed in this article within the context of a recent reexamination of historical data on Jewish voting. Two Election-Night polls of Jews and the largest scientific survey of Jews to date make this detailed exploration of Jewish voting possible. Voting differences among Jews are analyzed, especially among major denominational movements. The role of American policy on the Middle East merits specific attention, particularly given concern about the potential Iranian nuclear threat to Israel. Explanations of Jewish liberalness and Democratic identification are considered, with a special focus on the role of social identity. A reluctance of Jewish conservatives to identify as Republicans is discussed as well as how Jewish conservatives react to economic and social issues. The possibility of a party realignment of Jews along generational and denominational lines is considered, as well as the impact of the Republican alliance with Evangelical Christians and the Tea Party.
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Starks, Brian. "Nancy Davis and Robert Robinson’s: Claiming Society for God: Religious Movements and Social Welfare in Egypt, Israel, Italy, and the United States." Review of Religious Research 55, no. 2 (December 30, 2012): 381–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s13644-012-0101-2.
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Sandoz, Ellis. "Voegelin's Philosophy of History and Human Affairs, with Particular Attention to Israel and Revelation and Its Systematic Importance." Canadian Journal of Political Science 31, no. 1 (March 1998): 61–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900008684.
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AbstractEric Voegelin's master work is Order and History, published over a period of three decades with the fifth and final volume appearing posthumously in 1987. The focus of attention here is on the first of these volumes, Israel and Revelation (1956), which may be regarded as intellectually the sequel of volumes two and three, since the writing of those volumes (published in 1957) antedates composition of the study of Israel. From the outset, Voegelin makes clear that his concern is with a philosophy of order historically grounded as the primary means of combating the contemporary crisis of human existence, which he identifies with pervasive deformation of consciousness by ideology and the threat of civilization's extinction through totalitarian mass movements. Thus the task is to regain reality through a recovery of the principal experiences upon which man's historical existence is dependent, with both diagnostic and therapeutic intentions. The attention to the historical record is a means of anamnetically overcoming the social amnesia that threatens to extinguish human existence as it has emerged over millennia back to the Stone Age. Diagnosis and therapy are intended to go hand in hand, since the eclipse of reality, and especially of its highest and hegemonic dimension, the divine Ground of being, in favour of various substitute grounds, is the principal danger to be understood and addressed. The enduring experience of open existence in history is glimpsed, in man's continual Exodus in loving partnership with God, in tension toward the mystery symbolized in eschatological fulfillment.
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Karpat, Kemal H. "The Ottoman Emigration to America,1860–1914." International Journal of Middle East Studies 17, no. 2 (May 1985): 175–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800028993.
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Population movements have always played a major role in the life of Islam and particularly the Middle East. During the nineteenth century, however, the transfer of vast numbers of people from one region to another profoundly altered the social, ethnic, and religious structure of the Ottoman state—that is, the Middle East and the Balkans. The footloose tribes of eastern Anatolia, Syria, Iraq, and the Arabian peninsula were spurred into motion on an unprecedented scale by economic and social events, and the Ottoman government was forced to undertake settlement measures that had widespread effects. The Ottoman-Russian wars, which began in 1806 and occurred at intervals throughout the century, displaced large groups of people, predominantly Muslims from the Crimea, the Caucasus, the Balkans, and the Mediterranean islands. Uprooted from their ancestral homelands, they eventually settled in Anatolia, Syria (inclusive of the territories of modern-day Jordan, Lebanon, and Israel as well as modern Syria), and northern Iraq. These migrations continued until the time of the First World War. In addition, after 1830 waves of immigrants came from Algeria—especially after Abdel Kader ended his resistance to the French—and from Tunisia as well. These people too settled in Syria at Damascus.
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Shoham, Shlomo, Giora Rahav, and A. Kreizler. "The Measurement of Movements on the Conformity-Deviance Continuum as an Auxiliary Tool for Action-Research." Acta Criminologica 3, no. 1 (January 19, 2006): 103–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/017012ar.
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Résumé MESURE DES TENDANCES SUR L'ECHELLE « CONFORMITE-DEVIANCE » : INSTRUMENT DE RECHERCHE ACTIVE But de l'etude. Cette recherche entreprise par le ministere de l'Education dans certains bas-quartiers d'Israel a pour origine la theorie sociologique selon laquelle la deviance et la delinquance sont associees aux conflits de l'enfant qui appartient a des groupes divers. Le traitement vise a arreter ces pressions diverses en utilisant l'appartenance de l'enfant au groupe comme agent de traitement, et c'est pourquoi les travailleurs sociaux ont du s'integrer au groupe pour tenter de changer son systeme normatif. Ce rapport traite des problemes d'evaluation et de mesure objective des resultats obtenus par les efforts de correction et de prevention des travailleurs sociaux. Apercu theorique sur un schema pour l'etude de la delinquance en Israel. Dans un pays ou l'on denombre plus de 70 groupes ethniques, les conflits de normes peuvent etre hautement significatifs pour expliquer la genese du crime et de la delinquance. Ce probleme majeur de conflit de culture qui nait avec la deuxieme generation n'est cependant qu'un facteur predisposant dans un ensemble plus vaste. Le schema propose synchronise deux types d'explications causales : une configuration de facteurs predisposants ; une chaine de pressions dynamiques qui conduisent un individu donne a s'associer a des groupes criminels et a adopter leur type de conduite. Schema des {acteurs sociaux de conduite criminelle applique hypothe-tiquement a l'etiologie du crime et de la delinquance en Israel. Pour l'ensemble predisposant sont envisages les points suivants : cellule familiale ; facteurs ecologiques ; facteurs economiques ; conflit de culture. Le processus dynamique d'association considere les points suivants : solutions delinquantes de situations conflictuelles ; identification differentielle ; stigmate social ; sous-culture criminelle. Methode. Deux groupes ont ete choisis pour definir empiriquement le continuum mesure. Apres interview, les deux groupes ont ete compares en utilisant le test Mann-Whitney et le test x2. Les principaux points de distinction entre groupe delinquant et groupe non delinquant ont ensuite ete analyses afin d'etablir leur contribution relative. Questionnaire. Dans une premiere partie, le questionnaire comprend differentes questions concernant le passe socio-economique de l'enfant et de sa famille. La deuxieme partie est un ensemble d'inventaires eprouves anterieurement. La troisieme partie groupe les points concernant la conscience qu'ont les jeunes de la structure differentielle et du processus de stigmatisation. Resultats. On a tente de maintenir stables les variables des facteurs demographiques. L'anomie a ete consideree comme facteur predisposant. Apres verification, il ne semble pas que l'anomie soit un facteur significatif de la delinquance. Les differents points des inventaires qui differencient veritablement les delinquants des non-delinquants ont ensuite ete analyses et les plus significatifs sont indiques dans chaque inventaire. Identification dynamique et processus d'association. Les principes d'association differentielle ont ete largement verifies par cette etude et formules sous forme de probabilite. Cette etude a aussi verifie la theorie de la desorganisation familiale et du conflit de culture lie a l'immigration familiale. Le concept de norme viciee conduisant a une socialisation precoce est crucial pour le concept global de la delinquance.
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Kelley, Robin D. G. "Another Freedom Summer." Journal of Palestine Studies 44, no. 1 (2014): 29–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2014.44.1.29.
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During the summer of 2014, the U.S. government once again offered the State of Israel unwavering support for its aggression against the Palestinian people. Among the U.S. public, however, there was growing disenchantment with Israel. The information explosion on social media has provided the public globally with much greater access to the Palestinian narrative unfiltered by the Israeli lens. In the United States, this has translated into a growing political split on the question of Palestine between a more diverse and engaged younger population and an older generation reared on the long-standing tropes of Israel's discourse. Drawing analogies between this paradigm shift and the turning point in the civil rights movement enshrined in Mississippi's 1964 Freedom Summer, author and scholar Robin Kelley goes on to ask whether the outrage of the summer of 2014 can be galvanized to transform official U.S. policy.
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Katz, Yaron. "The Impact of Social Revolutions on the Arab-Israeli Conflict." Economics, Politics and Regional Development 1, no. 1 (April 29, 2020): p17. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/eprd.v1n1p17.
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The Arab Spring refers to the protests and revolutions that spread across Middle Eastern and North African Muslim countries in the spring of 2011. It was the first “social media revolution”, which demonstrated the spread of social revolution and the way civil protests and demands for political reforms can swiftly spread globally through social media. Following the social movement in the Arab World, the turmoil in the Middle East continued with the Israeli Social Justice movement of summer 2011, which was also identified as a social media revolution. Same as in the Arab World, in Israel too new media increased the role of the public, who could influence political issues by bypassing the monopoly of the political establishment and traditional media on the political discourse. The research examines the way that the concept of democracy in the region changed in the digital age. The findings show that social media became crucial in shaping the political discourse and determined dramatic changes in the balance of political power in Israel and Arab countries. Through digital technology and online campaigns politics changed as young Arabs and Israeli altered public agenda from the traditional religious and political Arab-Israeli conflict to social and economic issues.
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Wien, Peter. "COMING TO TERMS WITH THE PAST: GERMAN ACADEMIA AND HISTORICAL RELATIONS BETWEEN THE ARAB LANDS AND NAZI GERMANY." International Journal of Middle East Studies 42, no. 2 (April 13, 2010): 311–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743810000073.
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The books that are the subject of this review essay comprise three new contributions and one revised edition about a topic that has become paradigmatic in defining scholarly and political approaches to key areas of Middle Eastern history. It has shaped studies of the historical and ideological roots of Arab nationalism, the Arab–Israeli conflict, and the emergence and perseverance of authoritarian regimes in the modern Middle East. The ways that politicians, intellectuals, political movements, and the Arab public related to Nazism and Nazi anti-Semitism have been used to contest the legitimacy of 20th-century Arab political movements across the ideological spectrum. Historians have theorized about the involvement of individuals such as Grand Mufti Amin al-Husseini in the crimes of Adolf Hitler, Heinrich Himmler, and Adolf Eichmann; the roots of Arab nationalist doctrine in German Volk ideas; the mimicry of Nazism in organizations such as the Iraqi al-Futuwwa and Antun Saadeh's Syrian Social Nationalist Party; and Arab public sympathies for Nazi anti-Semitism dating from the 1930s or even earlier. Until recently, European and Anglo-American research on these topics—often based on a history of ideas approach—tended to take a natural affinity of Arabs toward Nazism for granted. More recent works have contextualized authoritarian and totalitarian trends in the Arab world within a broad political spectrum, choosing subaltern perspectives and privileging the analysis of local voices in the press over colonial archives and the voices of grand theoreticians. The works of Israel Gershoni have taken the lead in this emerging scholarship of Arab nationalism. This approach was also the common denominator of a research project on “Arab Encounters with National Socialism,” which the Berlin Center for Modern Oriental Studies (Zentrum Moderner Orient) hosted from 2000 to 2003. Its members included the author of this review and the authors of two of the books under review (Nordbruch and Wildangel). The project used indigenous Arabic sources, especially local newspapers, for a close scrutiny of Arab reactions to the challenge of Nazism in a period when Arabs, especially nationalists, perceived that quasicolonial regimes undermined the ostensibly democratic and liberal ethos of the British and French Mandate powers.
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Yassine, Abdel-Qader. "Understanding Modernity on One’s Own Terms." American Journal of Islam and Society 15, no. 2 (July 1, 1998): 47–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v15i2.2197.
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How can the movements fighting for an Islamic state in which Shari’ah(the Islamic Law) rules supreme best be understood-as part of a worldwidereaction against modernist thought or as a broad and diverseattempt to understand and tackle the problems of modemity throughreconnecting with an indigenous system of references for producingmeaning? This is the main question discussed in this paper.Revolt Against the Modern Age?In his book Defenders of God: The Fundamentalist Revolt Against theModern Age,’ the American historian of religion Bruce B. Lawrence surveyswhat he identifies as “fundamentalist” movements within the threemajor religions of Semitic origin: Judaism, Christianity (AmericanProtestantism), and Islam. In seeking to understand how fundamentalistsrelate to the d i t i e s of the modem world, Lawrence makes a distinctionbetween modernity and modernism. Modernity is seen as the concretefacts of modem lie: the revolutions in production and communicationstechnalogy hu@ an by indusbialkm and the cowmnt changes inmaterial life and, to a certain extent, in social organization. Lawrence’sfundamentalists are not opposed to modernity, with the possible exception of the Natluei Karta group in Israel. They also are adept at utilizingthe most modem means of communications in their campaign or organizingactivities.Modernism, on the other hand, is what characterizes the new way ofthinking that has o c c d in the West as a result of, or at least alongside,the industrial and scientific revolutions. It is marked by a strong belief inthe powers of science and reason and by a basic skepticism toward anysubstantial, absolute truth. To the modernist mind no “truth” is immune ...
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Segalo, Puleng, Einat Manoff, and Michelle Fine. "Working With Embroideries and Counter-Maps: Engaging Memory and Imagination Within Decolonizing Frameworks." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 3, no. 1 (August 21, 2015): 342–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v3i1.145.
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As people around the world continue to have their voices, desires, and movements restricted, and their pasts and futures told on their behalf, we are interested in the critical project of decolonizing, which involves contesting dominant narratives and hegemonic representations. Ignacio Martín-Baró called these the “collective lies” told about people and politics. This essay reflects within and across two sites of injustice, located in Israel/Palestine and in South Africa, to excavate the circuits of structural violence, internalized colonization and possible reworking of those toward resistance that can be revealed within the stubborn particulars of place, history, and culture. The projects presented here are locally rooted, site-specific inquiries into contexts that bear the brunt of colonialism, dispossession, and occupation. Using visual research methodologies such as embroideries that produce counter-narratives and counter-maps that divulge the complexity of land-struggles, we search for fitting research practices that amplify unheard voices and excavate the social psychological soil that grows critical analysis and resistance. We discuss here the practices and dilemmas of doing decolonial research and highlight the need for research that excavates the specifics of a historical material context and produces evidence of previously silenced narratives.
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‘Ali, Nohad, Raphael Cohen-Almagor, Barak Mendelsohn, and Liat Berdugo. "Book Reviews." Israel Studies Review 37, no. 3 (December 1, 2022): 158–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2022.370308.
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Michael Karayanni, A Multicultural Entrapment: Religion and State among the Palestinian-Arabs in Israel (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020), 200 pp. $110.00 (hardcover). Daniel Bar-Tal and Amiram Raviv, Comfort Zone of a Society in Conflict [In Hebrew.] (Tel Aviv: Steimatzky, 2021), 424 pp. NIS 98 (paperback). Sivan Hirsch-Hoefler and Cas Mudde, The Israeli Settler Movement: Assessing and Explaining Social Movement Success (Cambridge: Cambridge University press, 2021), 280 pp. $99.99 (hardcover). Rebecca L. Stein, Screen Shots: State Violence on Camera in Israel and Palestine (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2021), 248 pp. $26.00 (paperback).
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Ben Hagai, Ella, and Eileen L. Zurbriggen. "Between tikkun olam and self-defense: Young Jewish Americans debate the Israeli-Palestinian conflict." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 5, no. 1 (April 5, 2017): 173–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v5i1.629.
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In this study, we examined processes associated with ingroup members’ break from their ingroup and solidarity with the outgroup. We explored these processes by observing the current dramatic social change in which a growing number of young Jewish Americans have come to reject Israel’s treatment of the Palestinians. We conducted a yearlong participant observation and in-depth interviews with 27 Jewish American college students involved in Israel advocacy on a college campus. Findings suggest that Jewish Americans entering the Jewish community in college came to learn about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict through a lens of Jewish vulnerability. A bill proposed by Palestinian solidarity organizations to divest from companies associated with Israel (part of the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions or BDS movement) was also interpreted through the lens of Israel's vulnerability. As the college’s Student Union debated the bill, a schism emerged in the Jewish community. Some Jewish students who had a strong sense of their Jewish identity and grounded their Judaism in principles of social justice exhibited a greater openness to the Palestinian narrative of the conflict. Understanding of Palestinian dispossession was associated with the rejection of the mainstream Jewish establishment’s unconditional support of Israel. Moreover, dissenting Jewish students were concerned that others in the campus community would perceive them as denying the demands of people of color. We discuss our observations of the process of social change in relation to social science theories on narrative acknowledgment and collective action.
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Hirschl, Ran. "Juristocracy vs. Theocracy: Constitutional Courts and the Containment of Sacred Law." Middle East Law and Governance 1, no. 2 (2009): 129–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633708x396478.
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AbstractOne of the fascinating yet seldom explored phenomena in predominantly religious polities in the Middle East and elsewhere is the growing reliance on constitutional courts and their jurisprudential ingenuity to contain the spread of religiosity or advance a pragmatic version of it. In this article, I explore the scope and nature of this phenomenon. I proceed in several main steps. First, I define what may be termed "constitutional theocracy" with its often conflicting legal commitments, political interests, and social realities. Second, I examine the main epistemological, juridical and political reasons why constitutional law and courts are so appealing to secularist, modernist, cosmopolitan, and other non-religious social forces in polities facing deep divisions along secular/religious lines. Third, I look at various modes of interpretive ingenuity drawn upon by constitutional courts in Egypt, Pakistan, Israel, and Turkey in order to contain, limit, and mitigate the resurgence of religiosity in their respective polities. All of these countries have experienced a growth in the influence of religious political movements, with a commensurate increase in the levels of popular support that they receive. Despite the considerable differences in these countries' formal recognition of, and commitment to, religious values, there are, however, some striking parallels in the way that the constitutional courts in these (and in other similarly situated countries) have positioned themselves as important secularizing forces within their respective societies. I conclude by drawing some general lessons concerning the political construction of judicial review and the secularizing role of constitutional courts in an increasingly religious world.
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Krylov, A. V. "The role of the religious factor in political processes in Israel." Journal of International Analytics, no. 1 (March 28, 2016): 98–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2016-0-1-98-108.
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This article studies the influence of religion on political and social processes in Israel. Modern Israel is a complicated multi-ethnic and multi-religious society. Israel is home to over 8 million people and approximately a quarter of its citizens are non-Jews (Muslim Arabs and Christian Arabs, Druze, Bedouins, Circassians and etc.). In spite of the fact that the Israeli system of law provides “the complete equality of social and political rights to all its inhabitants irrespective of religion, race or sex”, many Arabs and other non-Jews citizens of the State are not really integrated into Israeli society and do not feel themselves full citizens of the State that seeks to position itself exclusively as a «Jewish State».In addition the tension between Israel’s Middle Eastern and European identities is personified in the contradictions between Ashkenazim and Sephardim. There are also religious differences between Jews who identify themselves with the ultra-Orthodox, religious nationalists (so called “Hardelim” - an acronym of two words in Hebrew – “Hared” (ultra-orthodox) and “Leumi” (nationalist)), traditionalists and secular Jews. The article notes that the current «Likud» government supported by the religious parties actually strengthens the tendency to clericalization of Israeli political and social life.The author also makes an attempt to understand and analyze the basic historical, philosophical and religious aspects of the National-Religious trend in Israeli politics. This trend turned into a powerful force after a Jewish religious fanatic Yigal Amir had killed Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin in 1995.The research reveals the forms and methods, aims and objectives of the Israeli official settlement policy, determines the attitude of the religious parties and groups towards the settlement movement and indicates a negative influence of the settlement factor on the Israeli-Palestinian negotiating process and political situation in the Middle East as well.
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Krylov, A. V. "SOCIAL AND POLITICAL PROTEST THE PALESTINIAN SOCIETY." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(43) (August 28, 2015): 180–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-4-43-180-197.
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This article, perhaps for the first time in Russian scientific and historical literature raises the question of the nature and character of the social protest in the Arab Palestinian society. Even before the creation of the State of Israel in 1948, the Arab population of Palestine entered an active stage of forming national consciousness and identity, which was parallel to the development of pan-Arab national liberation movement. Mass demonstrations of Palestinians in 1920, 1929 and 1936-1939 suggest that the main cause of the protest was the colonial policy of Great Britain, expressed in support the Zionist movement and, as a consequence – the impossibility for the leading Palestinian clans to realize their political ambitions. Taking into account the fact that the Palestinians have shown exceptional tenacity and will in the struggle for national independence, the international community has supported the UN decision to create on the territory of mandated Palestine two States – one Arab and one Jewish. However, due to the Arab-Israeli conflict and other well-known geopolitical reasons, the state of Palestine has not been created till now. Today the Palestinians are divided into four segments: refugees living outside of Palestine in other countries, the Arab population of Israel, the Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. In this article the author analyses the situation of the Palestinians on the territory of the historical Palestine and typical forms of protest and discontent in the Palestinian community at present. The article argues that the protest in the Palestinian society, as in the past, has a distinct anti-Israel and anti-Zionist orientation.