Relevant bibliographies by topics / Social movements – Israel

Academic literature on the topic 'Social movements – Israel'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Social movements – Israel"

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Hartal, Gili. "Homosexuality and the Politics of LGBT Movements in Israel." IYUNIM Multidisciplinary Studies in Israeli and Modern Jewish Society 36 (December 25, 2021): 9–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.51854/bguy-36a121.

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Two processes have been central to the LGBT (lesbian, gay, transgender and bisexual) movement in politics since the end of the 1980’s: NGOization, which has led to the practice of assimilation, and homo-nationalism, representing a binary process of normalization and national inclusion. The amalgamation of NGOization and homonationalism have greatly influenced the movements, their agenda, practices, achievements and networks. The article sheds light on the broad neoliberal processes used by the Israeli LGBT movements to achieve power and status. The analysis traces major milestones from the 1980’s to the 21st century. Viewed through a neoliberal perspective, LGBT social movements are revealed to have worked and grown and become more institutionalized and normalized. However, this does not reflect the attainment of more power by the LGBT social movements in Israel; it is indicative rather of their privatization by the state which enables LGBT social movements to fill a niche under the government’s exclusive responsibility. Thus, in the 21st century, the value and valuation of LGBT subjects have been established not so much by the work of their social movements but through their economic and urban power reflective of ’post-homonationalism.
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Gal, John. "Unemployment Insurance, Trade Unions and the Strange Case of the Israeli Labour Movement." International Review of Social History 42, no. 3 (December 1997): 357–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002085900011435x.

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SummaryThe goal of this paper is to investigate the relationship between the labour movement and unemployment insurance (UI). Following a brief overview of the evolution of the approach of labour movements towards UI, the focus shifts to an analysis of a case study of the Israeli labour movement. The study traces the development of the approach of this movement towards UI during the pre-state period and following the establishment of Israel. It indicates that, while the policy adopted by the Israeli labour movement in the pre-state period was similar to that of other labour movements, the motivation differed in that the goals of the Israeli movement were primarily nationalist. In the post-independence period, the labour movement objected to the adoption of UI and prevented the introduction of this programme for two decades. The reasons for this are linked to the values and perceptions of the labour movement leadership and the legacies of policies adopted during the pre-state period.
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Orkibi, Eithan. "Resisting the cultural division of protest: The Israeli demobilized reservists’ protest after the Yom Kippur War (1973–1974)." Cultural Dynamics 29, no. 1-2 (February 2017): 23–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0921374017709231.

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The Israeli demobilized reservists’ protest after the Yom Kippur War is historically renowned for accelerating the emergence of civil criticism with regard to military and strategic affairs and for enabling the formation of peace movements in Israel. This article argues that this movement’s largest contribution was its ability to restructure the rigid cultural division of protest. In the political culture of the early 1970s in Israel, any form of street protest was associated with marginal groups engaging in a disruptive revolt against the established order. The demobilized reservists’ protest recruited members of mainstream social categories for a series of large-scale peaceful demonstrations, which concluded with the resignation of the Israeli government. This precedent blurred the traditional association of street protest with counter-hegemonic movements, and liberated the Israeli repertoire of contention for new social actors and issues. Analyzing the dialectic relations between the cultural division of protest and tactical selection in the demobilized reservists’ protest, this article shows that when members of the mainstream society employ tactics affiliated with marginal or radical groups, they legitimize these tactics as standard forms of political participation and expand their society’s modular repertoire of contention.
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Ben-Choreen, Tal-Or K. "Emergence of Fine Art Photography in Israel in the 1970s to the 1990s Through Pedagogical and Social Links with the United States." Contemporary Review of the Middle East 6, no. 3-4 (September 2019): 252–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347798919872588.

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The flourishing of photography as a tool for expressive reportage and artistic practice transformed photographic education during the mid-twentieth century. American-based academic institutions quickly established reputations in the emerging fine art field as leaders in photographic education drawing international students from diverse locations, including Israel. Many Israelis who studied photography in American institutions returned to Israel bringing with them the knowledge they had gained while abroad. This article considers the impact of American pedagogical models and social networks on the development of the Israeli photographic field. Included in this discussion is an exploration of the emergence of Israeli photography programs in institutions of higher education, photography galleries, museum collections, and exhibitions. By approaching the study through a network methodological approach, this article traces the transnational movements of individuals: photographers, program graduates, and curators in order to demonstrate the significant impact American photographic education had on the emerging Israeli photographic field.
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Ben-Hakoun, Elyakim, Eddy Van De Voorde, and Yoram Shiftan. "Trends in Emission Inventory of Marine Traffic for Port of Haifa." Sustainability 14, no. 2 (January 14, 2022): 908. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su14020908.

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Located in the Middle East, Haifa Port serves both local and international trade interests (from Asia, Europe, America, Africa, etc.). Due to its strategic location, the port is part of the Belt and Road initiative. This research investigates Haifa Port’s emissions contribution to the existing daily emission inventory level in the area. This research is based on a developed full bottom-up model framework that looks at the single vessel daily voyage through its port call stages. The main data sources for vessel movements used in this research are the Israel Navy’s movements log and the Israel Administration of Shipping and Ports’ (ASP) operational vessel movements and cargo log. The Fuel Consumption (FC) data and Sulfur Content (SC) levels are based on official Israel ASP survey data. The observation years in this research are 2010–2018, with a focus on the Ocean-Going Vessel (OGV) type only. The results show that the vessel fleet calling at Israel ports mainly comprises vessels that have a lower engine tier grade (i.e., Tier 0 and 1), which is considered a heavy contributor to nitrogen oxide (NOx) pollution. The study recommends an additional cost charged (selective tariff) to reflect the external social cost linked to the single vessel air pollution combined with supportive technological infrastructure and economic incentive tools (e.g., electric subsidy) to attract or influence vessel owners to assign vessels equipped with new engine tier grades for calls at Israeli ports.
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Calipha, Rachel, and Benjamin Gidron. "The Evolution of the Israeli Third Sector: A Conceptual and Empirical Analysis." Voluntaristics Review 5, no. 4 (March 8, 2021): 1–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24054933-12340034.

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Abstract The expansion and development of the nonprofit sector worldwide in the 1980s and 1990s did not bypass Israel, and, as in other countries, sparked an interest for study to uncover its characteristics and major features. The Israeli population—both Jewish and Arab—has a rich tradition of voluntaristic activity on the individual as well as on the collective (organizational) levels, mostly in the communal context. The modern welfare state created new opportunities and new challenges for such activity within the broad framework of the nonprofit sector. This article aims to review the development of the nonprofit sector in Israel and analyze it within existing nonprofit theories. It takes a historical perspective in looking at its evolution, in light of political, social, ideological, and economic changes in the world and in the country. It discusses the development of policy and government involvement on the one hand and the unique features of Israeli philanthropy, both Jewish and Arab, on the other. It analyzes Israel’s civil society and social movements, as well as social entrepreneurship and their expression in the Third Sector. The article also covers the development of research and education on the Third Sector; it includes a review of research centers, databases, journals, and specific programs that were developed by Israeli universities. Finally, this article summarizes the characteristics of the nonprofit sector in Israel.
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Schwartz, David, and Daniel Galily. "The Hamas Movement: Ideology vs. Pragmatism." Open Journal for Studies in History 4, no. 2 (August 29, 2021): 39–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.32591/coas.ojsh.0402.01039s.

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This study aims to present the Hamas Movement, its ideology and pragmatism. With progress and modernization, the Islamic movements in the Middle East realized that they could not deny progress, so they decided to join the mainstream and take advantage of technological progress in their favor. The movement maintains at least one website in which it publishes its way, and guides the audience. Although these movements seem to maintain a rigid ideology, they adapt themselves to reality with the help of many tools, because they have realized that reality is stronger than they are. In conclusions: the rise of the Islamist movements as a leading social and political force in the Middle East is the result of the bankruptcy of nationalism, secularism and the left in the Arab world, which created an ideological vacuum, which is filled to a large extent by the fundamentalists, ensuring that Islam is the solution. It is not only about the extent of the return to religion, but about the transformation of religion into a major political factor both by the regimes and by the opposition. These are political movements that deal first and foremost with the social and political mobilization of the masses, and they exert pressure to apply the Islamic law as the law of the state instead of the legal systems taken from the Western model. Islam is a belief rooted in the consciousness of the masses and deeply ingrained in Egyptian culture. In Israel, the situation is different, modernization and democracy also affects Israeli Arabs. Therefore, it is possible that Islam is not so deeply rooted in the culture of the Arab citizens of Israel, they are aware of the possibility of a different path other than Islam. The movements have developed over time tools that enable them to cope with reality. The religious law in Islam allows flexibility in organizing community life, Shari’a is adapted to reality because of the ruler's ability to canonize legislation and flexibility in political life according to principles such as sabra and long-term goals, to compromise with reality and find temporary solutions, as well as religious scholars who provide fatwas and commentaries on every subject.
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Hassan Al-Khazraji, Nizar Abdel Karim, and Mohamed Shatub Edan. "Indicators and challenges of political stability in (Israel)." Tikrit Journal For Political Science, no. 15 (May 11, 2019): 28. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v0i15.124.

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The indicators of political stability in Israel have produced a kind of instability in all locations from inside and outside, but they were in themselves. Social cohesion of the Jews as well as the challenge of discrimination within the Arabs (Israel). Either I explain the spring movements and the investigation into the security and existence of Israel, as well as Iran's nuclear program and Hezbollah, which indicate the most important challenges to the stability and security of Israel.
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Lainer-Vos, Dan. "Social Movements and Citizenship: Conscientious Objection in France, the United States, and Israel." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 11, no. 3 (October 1, 2006): 357–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.11.3.q10334171q6q0155.

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This article examines the ways in which citizenship regimes shape social struggles. It traces the conscientious objection movements in France during the war in Algeria, in America during the Vietnamese War, and in Israel after the invasion of Lebanon to show how they employed different practices and formed different alliances despite having similar goals. These differences can be attributed, in part, to the different citizenship regimes in each country: republican in France; liberal in the U.S.; and ethnonational in Israel. Arguments and practices that seemed sensible in one locale seemed utterly inappropriate in another. Social movements' activists did not manipulate conceptions of citizenship strategically. Rather, citizenship regimes constitute subjectivities and thereby shape the sensibilities and preferences of activists and state actors. Citizenship regimes shape social dramas by structuring the repertoire of contention available in a particular struggle.
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González-López, Felipe. "SOCIETY AGAINST MARKETS. THE COMMODIFICATION OF MONEY AND THE REPUDIATION OF DEBT." Sociologia & Antropologia 11, no. 1 (April 2021): 97–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/2238-38752021v1114.

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Abstract From anti-debt movements in Mexico, Spain, Poland, Croatia, and Chile to the Occupy movements in the United States, Israel and Canada, organizations repudiating both debt and the centrality of financial markets have proliferated worldwide. In this article, I draw on Polanyi’s work in order to frame the financialization of society and different forms of debt repudiation as a double movement, characterized as a second wave of the commodification of money and the attempts by society to protect itself from the advancement of finance. Relying on a secondary literature and my own ethnographic research on debtors’ movements, I explore the commonalities and differences between diverse forms of repudiating debt through collective action at both national and international level.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Social movements – Israel"

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Wachsmann, Emily Brook. "Social Movements, Subjectivity, and Solidarity: Witnessing Rhetoric of the International Solidarity Movement." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2009. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc12211/.

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This study engaged in pushing the current political limitations created by the political impasse of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, by imagining new possibilities for radical political change, agency, and subjectivity for both the international activists volunteering with the International Solidarity Movement as well as Palestinians enduring the brutality of life under occupation. The role of the witness and testimony is brought to bear on activism and rhetoric the social movement ISM in Palestine. Approaches the past studies of the rhetoric of social movements arguing that rhetorical studies often disassociated 'social' from social movements, rendering invisible questions of the social and subjectivity from their frames for evaluation. Using the testimonies of these witnesses, Palestinians and activists, as the rhetorical production of the social movement, this study provides an effort to put the social body back into rhetorical studies of social movements. The relationships of subjectivity and desubjectification, as well as, possession of subjects by agency and the role of the witness with each of these is discussed in terms of Palestinian and activist potential for subjectification and desubjectifiation.
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Litmanovitz, Yael D. "Moving towards an evidence-base of democratic police training : the development and evaluation of a complex social intervention in the Israeli Border Police." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:168d66e3-5a50-4e85-bde6-577fe6ffe23e.

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The centrality of the police in everyday life means police officers are in position of power to actively support or threaten democratic activities (Sklansky, 2008) for example during protests. In democracies, policing duties should be performed in ways that sustain democratic values, rather than undermine them (Loader, 2006), yet that is not always the reality. Police training is one of the tools for aligning officers' behaviour with societal norms; it is considered a protection against the possibility that police officers abuse the wide-ranging powers they hold (Manning, 2010). Training programs are therefore a basic feature of all police forces' organizational approach. Despite its centrality, training has not received extensive academic attention; there is a pressing need to understand the impact of training on police behaviour and the mechanisms thorough which it operates (Skogan & Frydl, 2004). This thesis attempts to advance the evidence-base of democratic police training following the Medical Research Council's framework for the development and evaluation of complex social interventions (Craig et al., 2008). The Israeli Border Police was chosen as the context to examine the potential of training to advance democratic norms. The three stages of the research project included: theoretical modelling of the existing complex training intervention to assess its alignment with existing evidence; participatory development and piloting of a training curriculum on policing of protests in a democracy that used an Adult Education approach and introduced Procedural Justice-related components; and a pilot quasi-randomised study to evaluate this training. Analysis and reporting are carried out in a way that allows assessment of prospective scale-up and generalisability. Flowing from the empirical work, four strands of theoretical contributions are put forward. First, a theoretical model of police training is proposed, drawing on social psychology constructs. Second, contact theory, which originates in peace education, is proposed as a possible platform for designing both police training and their evaluation studies. Third, four factors limiting the efficacy of Procedural Justice & Legitimacy based training interventions in deeply divided societies are outlined. Fourth, the Border Police case study is used to substantiate the value of participatory research methods for advancing knowledge translation and evidence-based policing.
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Cassanos, Sam. "Political Environment and Transnational Agency: a Comparative Analysis of the Solidarity Movement For Palestine." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1273954268.

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Callan, Brian. "Transnational dissent : feeling, thinking, judging and the sociality of Palestinian solidarity activism." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2015. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/18042.

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This thesis examines the role emotions play in the practice and sociality of Palestinian solidarity activism in Israel and Palestine. It finds that emotion is a subtle and sophisticated, and often ambiguous, form of knowledge and perception which is implicit in forming, appraising and adjusting the relationships participants have with intimates, fellow dissenters and public discourses on identity and the regional conflict. Fieldwork was based in and around Jerusalem and carried out over twelve months in 2011-12. This is a highly diverse transnational field where Palestinians, Israelis and Internationalists come together at specific times and places to practice various forms of dissent, largely but not exclusively against the socio-political conditions of the Palestinians vis-à-vis Israeli State policy. I present three separate propositions on Weirdness, Wrongness and Love, which relate to three different affective dimensions; perception, morality and loyalty. Each proposition also develops upon what Hannah Arendt defined the innate political faculties or activities of the human condition; thinking, action and judging. The perceptive quality of finding something Weird is found to produce doubt in the subjective mind, the purpose for which Arendt believed thinking to be a political act. The moral appraisal that something is Wrong, underwrites concerted political action in the public realm. Finally judging, as the attempt to understand the world from the perspective of another, is facilitated by the discourse of Love in the long-term loving relations activists have with friend and family, who are antagonistic to the aims of solidarity activism. Taken together these feelings are found to flow through and inform one another, constituting a nuanced affective understanding and appraisal of our world, one that is producing and maintaining a politically engaged transnational community of dissent. This community has been fostered to a large degree by the insistence and perseverance of a small number of Palestinians in villages across the West Bank and East Jerusalem, who call upon peoples of all creeds, colours and places to witness and experience the repression of non-violent resistance. If as researchers we are to understand the complexities of human life and practices, I believe we must carefully attend to this sophisticated form of emotional reasoning and begin to think not just about feelings, but also with feelings.
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Wachsmann, Emily Brook Lain Brian. "Social movements, subjectivity, and solidarity witnessing rhetoric of the international solidarity movement /." [Denton, Tex.] : University of North Texas, 2009. http://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc12211.

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Svensson, Ludvig, and Erik Gerhardsson. "“…we don’t have our voice, our opinions, our decisions and all this needs to change…” : A qualitative study of Palestinian relative deprivation, participation in social movements and the perception of Israeli settlements and its settlers by Palestinian university students." Thesis, Högskolan för lärande och kommunikation, Jönköping University, HLK, Globala studier, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-49437.

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The State of Israel’s control of the West Bank and their creation of settlements has led to feelings of frustration amongst the Palestinian population. The significance of the next generation in a conflict that has been ongoing for generations becomes crucial when aiming for peace, as the youth of today will be the adults of tomorrow. Therefore, this study researches how Palestinian university students perceives the Israeli settlements as well as examining whether if the Relative Deprivation Theory can explain these potential perceptions and the possible willingness amongst Palestinian students to participate in social movements. The methodology is based on qualitative semi-structured interviews with ten Palestinian students from Bethlehem University, which then has been analysed. The results of this study indicate that the respondents feel deprived of seven different themes, namely (1) Demolition, (2) Economy, (3) Freedom of Movement, (4) Freedom of Speech, (5) Permits, (6) Resources and (7) Services. Furthermore, the result shows that nine out of ten respondents are, or have been, participating in activities to achieve social change. In addition to feeling deprived of the seven different themes, all the respondents also felt frustration and/or negative feelings towards the existence of Israeli settlements. The analysis focuses on how the respondents partake in social movements as well as what their opinions about the resistance activities are. It became clear that all the respondents feel, or have felt, a willingness to participate in activities to achieve social change. However, the respondents use different forms of activities, such as protesting in the streets, demonstrating, and/or raising awareness, but there is an overarching social movement which focuses on “the Palestinian cause”. Finally, this study supports the idea of Relative Deprivation Theory, as the willingness to partake in social movements seems to be high amongst the respondents due to them being deprived of essential services and resources.
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Marsden, Sarah V. "How terrorism ends : understanding the outcomes of violent political contestation." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3970.

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Existing scholarship suggests terrorism is an ineffective method of political contestation; groups rarely achieve their political objectives and are often disrupted by the security services. These findings invite us to look again at the dominant rational choice paradigm, which suggests that terrorism is selected as the best strategy to achieve predetermined goals. Unpicking the assumptions underpinning this model using historical case studies, comparative analysis and typology development, this thesis broadens our interpretation of what those who use terrorism seek to achieve. It does so via a tripartite framework. First, employing a new reading of American pragmatist thought, interpreting militant group goals as culturally and socially mediated problems opens up a new vista of outcomes, in particular examining the way terrorism seeks to change relations between people. Second, using Social Movement Theory as its organising framework, an empirically derived typology of militant groups sets out the background political conditions and organisational characteristics of 28 dormant groups. Using existing models of interpreting outcomes to assess these historical cases demonstrates the unmet challenges of providing robust explanations for why terrorism ends and what it achieves. Third, the thesis explores the promise of a mechanism and process-led approach to explaining outcomes. It does so through in-depth examination of two historical case studies: Kach and the Aden-Abyan Islamic Army. Despite being classified as failures, using largely neglected primary sources, the case studies reveal a range of fascinating and important outcomes that still resonate in Israel and Yemen today. Most of these methodological and conceptual tools are being applied to the question of terrorism's outcomes for only the first or second time. In doing so, this thesis offers greater depth than existing scholarship on how terrorism ends, by looking beyond measures such as success and failure in interpreting outcomes, whilst affording greater breadth through its ability to make comparative assessments at the level of mechanisms and processes. The result is a more detailed and robust set of explanations as to how terrorism ends and what it achieves, illustrated through detailed historical case studies of two interesting, yet often neglected, groups.
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Tippner, Jeffrey E. "The Third World evangelical missiology of Orlando E. Costas." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3278.

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This thesis examines the missiological writings of Orlando E. Costas (1943-1987), particularly The Church and Its Mission: A Shattering Critique from the Third World (1974); Theology of the Crossroads in Contemporary Latin America (1976); Christ Outside the Gate (1982); and Liberating News: A Theology of Contextual Evangelization (1989). From the early 1970s until his death in 1987 he wrote over 130 articles and 12 books in both Spanish and English that addressed key missiological concerns. A careful reading of a selection of Costas's texts oriented around a hymn, a gospel song, a psalm, and a poem provides the shape of this thesis. This thesis argues that Costas formulated a Third World evangelical missiology. Chapter one investigates what Costas's autobiographical material expressed about his positions on conversion, Protestant evangelicalism, missiology, and those living on the ‘periphery' of life. Chapter two recognises his commitment to the peoples of Latin America and the Caribbean in particular and the Third World in general. Chapter three explores Costas's analysis of the Latin American Protestant Church in a revolutionary situation in the continent and chapter four examines his survey and critical appraisal of Latin American liberation theology. Chapter five recognizes the pastoral shape of Costas's missiology. Chapter six explores his critical interaction with two more conservative evangelical missiological positions, the Church Growth Movement and Peter Beyerhaus and the Frankfurt Declaration, and chapter seven surveys the discussion within the international evangelical community regarding the relationship between evangelism and social responsibility. Chapter eight examines Costas's Liberating News as an expression of Third World evangelical missiology. Chapter nine considers the theological issue of penal substitutionary atonement and his missiology. The thesis concludes with an appraisal of the issues and contributions of Costas's Third World evangelical missiology to current missiological discussion.
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ORAL, Didem. "Peace movements in militaristic societies : Israel and Turkey as unidentical twins." Doctoral thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/54704.

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Defence date: 17 May 2018
Examining Board: Prof. Donatella della Porta, EUI (Supervisor- Scuola Normale Superiore); Prof. Olivier Roy, EUI; Prof. Klaus Eder, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin; Prof. Joel S. Migdal, University of Washington
This qualitative research studies different characteristics of peace movement groups and organizations in militaristic societies by using the most similar system design to compare Israel and Turkey. It attempts to explore the dynamic interaction of political opportunity structures (POS), mobilizing structures and framing through different time periods. The two countries are similar in many types of POS like having a militaristic society, ethnic division and being involved in armed conflicts. If Israel and Turkey have similar POS, does it mean that they also have similar characteristics of peace movements? With my research, I found out that in the two countries mobilizing structures and frames vary consistently. This can be explained through the fact that the development of mobilizing structures and frames is affected by other types of POS, in which Israel and Turkey differ: citizenship rights and foundational principles. These types of POS that vary between the two countries also explain the variance of peace movement groups’ and organizations’ characteristics. This study covers the period from 2000 (the Second Intifada) in Israel and from 2002 in Turkey (when AKP came to power) until Summer 2014. The research is conducted using interviews during fieldworks in Istanbul, Tel Aviv and Jerusalem between June 2012 and September 2014. This research is based on sixty-seven intensive interviews with thirty-seven peace movement groups and organizations; such as human rights organizations, anti-NATO groups, political organizations and groups supporting conscientious objectors. It includes mobilization during turning points like Operation Protective Edge (2014) and Gezi Protests (2013). It builds on the theories of political, as well as discursive opportunity structures, and citizenship studies, which are important to analyze how framing works through mobilizing structures in militaristic societies. To my knowledge, there is no previous research which deals extensively, and exclusively, with this topic, therefore my research is the first attempt to categorize and label these groups. The originality of this research depends on its empirical data as well as on its conceptual framework. Considering the recent mobilization in Israel, Turkey and the surrounding regions, this research is a very timely project. Besides that, it also contributes to the theoretical as well as methodological understanding of social movements, and peace movements in particular.
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Khannenje, Hassan. "Between Johannesburg and Jerusalem a comparative analysis of non-violence as strategy for political change : the case of apartheid South Africa and the occupied territories of Palestine/Israel /." 2007. http://etd1.library.duq.edu/theses/available/etd-07122007-100716/.

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Books on the topic "Social movements – Israel"

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Jews, Judaizing movements, and the traditions of Israelite descent in South Asia. Delhi: Pragati Publications, 2016.

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Intra-Jewish conflict in Israel: White Jews, black Jews. New York: Routledge, 2010.

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V, Robinson Robert, ed. Claiming society for God: Religious movements and social welfare in Egypt, Israel, Italy, and the United States. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2012.

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Hofnung, Menaḥem. Meḥaʼah ṿe-ḥemʼah: Hashpaʻat hafganot ha-Panterim ha-sheḥorim ʻal haḳtsaʼot le-tsorkhe ḥevrah u-reṿaḥah. Śerigim-Leʼon: Nevo, 2006.

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Shurat ha-mitnadvim: Ḳorotaṿ shel irgun ezraḥim. Tel Aviv: ʻAm ʻoved, 2007.

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Furst, Benny. Yeruḳim zoʻaḳim: Sipuro shel ha-aḳṭivism ha-sevivati be-Yiśraʼel = The green shout : the story of environmental activism in Israel. Tel Aviv: Resling, 2018.

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Azati, Aharon. Li-feḳudah tamid anaḥnu?: Ha-tenuʻot ha-ḳibutsiyot ṿeha-tsava 1948-1957 = "Can't do without us?" : the kibbutz movements and the Israel Defense Force 1948-1957. Ramat-Gan: Yad Ṭabenḳin, 2015.

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Chetrit, Sami Shalom. ha- Maʾavaḳ ha-mizraḥi be-Yiśraʾel: Ben dikui le-shiḥrur, ben hizdahut le-alṭernaṭivah, 1948-2003. Tel Aviv: ʻAm ʻoved, 2004.

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Struggling for a just peace: Israeli and Palestinian activism in the second Intifada. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2011.

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Livne, Moshe. "Yiśraʼel shelanu": Tenuʻat ha-meḥaʼah le-aḥar Milḥemet Yom ha-Kipurim, sipur meḥaʼat ha-dor ha-avud = "Our Israel" : the protest movement following Yom Kippur War : the story of the lost generation's protest. [Israel]: Efi Meltser, 2019.

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Book chapters on the topic "Social movements – Israel"

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Goodman, Yehuda C. "Mediating Moralities: Intersubjectivities in Israeli Soldiers’ Narratives of the Occupation." In Political Sentiments and Social Movements, 207–35. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-72341-9_8.

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"Civil Society, NGOs And Social Movements." In Palestinian NGOs in Israel. I.B.Tauris, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9780755612543.ch-001.

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Hajjar, Lisa. "Human Rights in Israel/Palestine: The History and Politics of a Movement." In Law and Social Movements, 137–54. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315091983-6.

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"Breaching events and the emotional reactions of the public: Women in Black in Israel." In Emotions and Social Movements, 67–88. Routledge, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203013526-8.

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Gawerc, Michelle I. "Organizational Adaptation and Survival in a Hostile and Unfavorable Environment: Peacebuilding Organizations in Israel and Palestine." In Research in Social Movements, Conflicts and Change, 167–202. Emerald Group Publishing Limited, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/s0163-786x(2013)0000036009.

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Benski, Tova. "Emotion maps of participation in protest: The case of women in black against the occupation in Israel." In Research in Social Movements, Conflicts and Change, 3–34. Emerald Group Publishing Limited, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/s0163-786x(2011)0000031004.

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BARSTAD, HANS M. "The History of Ancient Israel: What Directions Should we Take?" In Understanding the History of Ancient Israel. British Academy, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197264010.003.0003.

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There can be little doubt about the enormous importance of the work of Fernand Braudel and the French Annales tradition for the academic study of history. Together with its many ramifications, the Annales ‘school’ constitutes what is known today as the (French) ‘New History’. In France, the scientific nature of history was never really doubted. History formed (as it does today) a part of the social sciences. For this reason, Braudel stressed the necessity of using empirical data, often quantifiable, to be able to identify the structures underlying social and cultural phenomena. Later, this was referred to as histoire sérielle. The reason why Annales should be considered in some detail in the present context is that some biblical researchers have claimed that the Braudel heritage may be useful for the study of the history of ancient Israel. Knowledge of climate, biology, geography, population movements, and economic trends in Palestine during the Iron Age is relevant to the student of the history of ancient Israel.
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Barnhart, Joslyn N., and Robert F. Trager. "Women and War in the Modern Era." In The Suffragist Peace, 135–56. Oxford University PressNew York, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197629758.003.0007.

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Abstract Within democracies, there are voters and there are leaders. But there are also many layers of social organization in between—interest groups and social movements that play a vital role in setting the tone and structure of political debate, altering norms of acceptable behavior and encouraging active political participation by others. This chapter shows that women’s greater on average preference for peace continues to shape international affairs. Traveling across three countries—Israel, Liberia, and Japan—and three continents, it looks not only at women voters and leaders in action but also at women’s social movements and the vital role they can play in shaping peace.
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Seidman, Naomi. "‘Building Bais Yaakov’." In Sarah Schenirer and the Bais Yaakov Movement, 69–107. Liverpool University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781906764692.003.0004.

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This chapter analyses the crucial transition of the movement from its charismatic beginnings to the institutionalization of Bais Yaakov. Bais Yaakov has frequently been called a revolution in Jewish education. The chapter proposes that Bais Yaakov was a particular kind of revolution: a charismatic social movement that followed the trajectory that is inevitable for such movements if they are not to fail, from charisma to institutionalization and routinization. It focuses particularly on the year 1925, which marked the shift from a movement still under the sway of its founder, Sarah Schenirer, to one dominated by its Central Offices and the larger organizational framework of Agudath Israel, the political organization of Orthodox Jews. This shift was accompanied by a burst of literary creativity centred on the Bais Yaakov Journal.
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Boum, Aomar. "“Curating the Mellah”." In Social Currents in North Africa, 187–204. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190876036.003.0010.

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This chapter discusses the movement of cultural renovation and marketing of Jewish heritage in Tunisia and Morocco and its ties to the development of a Jewish cultural tourism that targets Israeli tourists of North African and Ashkenazi descent. It also analyzes the political and social debates about Israeli relations with Morocco and Tunisia, and Jewish-Muslim relations that have been generated by this movement of cultural preservation. This chapter argues that this movement has a philo-Semitic dimension given its focus on Jewish capital and tourism revenues rather than on a serious national debate about the place of Jews as citizens in Morocco and Tunisia. While Jews are admired as successful business owners and traders, they are socially and religiously stigmatized because of their direct or indirect links to the conflict between Israel and Palestine. Therefore, negative perceptions of Jews are seen largely through debates revolving around the appropriateness of normalizing relations with Israel, especially after the Arab uprisings. Even with the damaging political impact of the Arab-Israeli conflict on perceptions of Jews in Morocco and Tunisia, governments are still using their countries’ historical Jewish heritage to market a living Jewish culture in North African cities and villages.
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Conference papers on the topic "Social movements – Israel"

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Wizel, Maya. "BUILDING BRIDGES: BRINGING NONFORMAL PEDAGOGIES INTO THE CLASSROOM." In International Conference on Education and New Developments. inScience Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36315/2021end021.

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Education systems worldwide have long sought ways to engage and support learners to become self-directed and develop 21st-century skills. This became even more relevant—and crucial—with the COVID-19 pandemic restrictions. Solutions to help formal education systems establish innovative pedagogies and methods to organize learning can be found in places as unpredictable as nonformal education settings. In this study, I interviewed educators with backgrounds in nonformal education to better understand that system’s qualities and how they can be transferred into formal settings. Findings regarding practices include teachers prioritizing instructional choice (voluntarism); addressing social-emotional aspects through diverse teaching methods that emphasize students’ active learning and real-life experiences (classroom as a social group); and excelling in dialogue and teamwork to sustain solid interpersonal relationships with students and colleagues (relationships and dialogue). Educators working in nonformal settings often know they have a unique collection of difficult-to-articulate abilities. This research presents the voices of youth movement leaders in Israel, who nonformally have been doing what formal educators worldwide are trying to figure out; defines some of their skills; and explores how those skills can be applied in formal settings. This study has been published as a book in Hebrew in 2020. This paper embodies a few aspects of the study and will benefit formal education leaders and practitioners who seek to incorporate methods from nonformal pedagogies.
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Reports on the topic "Social movements – Israel"

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Yilmaz, Ihsan, and Nicholas Morieson. Religious populism in Israel: The case of Shas. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0011.

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Since the 1990s, populism has become increasingly prevalent in Israeli politics. While scholars and commentators have often focused on the populist rhetoric used by Benjamin Netanyahu, his is hardly the only manifestation of populism within Israel. For example, Shas, a right-wing populist party which seeks to represent Sephardic and Haredi interests within Israel, emerged in the 1980s and swiftly became the third largest party in the country, a position it has maintained since the mid 1990s. Shas is unique insofar as it merges religion, populism, and Sephardic and Haredi Jewish identity and culture. Indeed, Shas is not merely a political party, but a religious movement with its own schools and religious network, and it possesses both secular and religious leaders. In this article, we examine the religious populism of Shas and investigate both the manner in which the party constructs Israeli national identity and the rhetoric used by its secular and religious leadership to generate demand for the party’s religious and populist solutions to Israel’s social and economic problems. We show how the party instrumentalizes Sephardic ethnicity and culture and Haredi religious identity, belief, and practice, by first highlighting the relative disadvantages experienced by these communities and positing that Israeli “elites” are the cause of this disadvantaged position. We also show how Shas elevates Sephardic and Haredi identity above all others and claims that the party will restore Sephardic culture to its rightful and privileged place in Israel.
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