Journal articles on the topic 'Social movements – Great Britain'
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1
d'Anjou, Leo, and John Van Male. "Between Old and New: Social Movements and Cultural Change." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 3, no. 2 (October 1, 1998): 207–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.3.2.mv32162701623653.
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Social movement actors often challenge authorities on behalf of people whose needs and interests are not addressed. To do this, they must accomplish a contradictory task. They must frame their challenges in interpretive packages that are contrary to the dominant culture while at the same time struggle to make these contrary views part of the dominant culture. How do movement actors succeed in this seemingly impossible task? Our review of cultural studies of social movements points to two strategies: (1) linking controversial topics like abortion with generally accepted and valued notions like basic rights; (2) associating their interpretive package, such as protecting the ecology, with an existing theme, such as harmony with nature, that as an alternative cultural context may legitimate their package. We use a case study, the abolitionist movement in Great Britain, to test these propositions. The case material confirms their utility, but also illustrates a third strategy: relating the package to cultural themes that are becoming dominant. The role the changing cultural context in producing new meanings is indicated. The findings lead to a discussion about the role of movement actors, the cultural context, and the changes therein in the production of meaning.
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Yerokhin, Vladimir. "CELTIC FRINGES AND CENTRAL POWER IN GREAT BRITAIN: HISTORY AND MODERNITY." Izvestia of Smolensk State University, no. 1 (49) (May 26, 2020): 226–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.35785/2072-9464-2020-49-1-226-244.
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The article deals with history of interrelations between political centre and Celtic fringes of Great Britain in modern and contemporary times. As soon as nationalist movements in Celtic fringes became more active from the mid 1960s, the need appeared to analyze the history of interrelations between central
power and Celtic regions in order to understand causes of Celtic people’s striving for obtaining more rights and even state independence. The article ascertains that attitude of central power to Celtic fringes was complicated by ethno-cultural differences between Englishmen and Celtic people, which resulted in discrimination of Scotland, Wales and Ireland by London's policy towards Celtic regions. Since British industrialization evolved the central power in Great Britain, it created conditions for balanced comprehensive
development of industrial economy only in English counties, whereas Celtic regions were permitted to develop only branches of economic activity which were non-competitive to English business. The level of people’s income in Celtic fringes was always lower than in English parts of Great Britain. There was an
established practice that English business dominated in Celtic regions and determined the economic development of Celtic regions. The English as distinct from Celts had prior opportunities to be engaged on more prestigious and highly paid positions. Celtic population’s devotion to preservation of their culture
and ethno-cultural identity found expression in religious sphere so that Nonconformity and Presbyterianism accordingly dominated among Welshmen and Scotsmen. Political movements in Celtic fringes put forward ethno-cultural demands
rather than social class ones in their activities.
During the first half of the XX century the opposition between Celtic fringes and central power in Great Britain showed that in parliamentary elections Celtic population gave their votes mainly for the members of Labour Party. From the mid-1960s nationalist movements in Celtic fringes became more active. They began to make slogans of political independence. The author of the
article comes to conclusion that interrelations of central power in Great Britain towards Celtic fringes can be adequately described by notions of I. Wallerstein’s world-system analysis and M. Hechter's model of internal colonialism.
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Williams, Dana M., and Matthew T. Lee. "Aiming to Overthrow the State (Without Using the State): Political Opportunities for Anarchist Movements." Comparative Sociology 11, no. 4 (2012): 558–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341236.
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Abstract The anarchist movement utilizes non-statist and anti-statist strategies for radical social transformation, thus indicating the limits of political opportunity theory and its emphasis upon the state. Using historical narratives from present-day anarchist movement literature, we note various events and phenomena in the last two centuries and their relevance to the mobilization and demobilization of anarchist movements throughout the world (Bolivia, Czech Republic, Great Britain, Greece, Japan, Venezuela). Labor movement allies, failing state socialism, and punk subculture have provided conditions conducive to anarchism, while state repression and Bolshevik success in the Soviet Union constrained success. This variation suggests that future work should attend more closely to the role of national context, and the interrelationship of political and non-political factors.
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Sigsworth, Michael, and Michael Worboys. "The public's view of public health in mid-Victorian Britain." Urban History 21, no. 2 (October 1994): 237–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926800011044.
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What did the public think about public health reform in mid-Victorian Britain? Historians have had a lot to say about the sanitary mentality and actions of the middle class, yet have been strangely silent about the ideas and behaviour of the working class, who were the great majority of the public and the group whose health was mainly in question. Perhaps there is nothing to say. The working class were commonly referred to as ‘the Great Unwashed’, purportedly ignorant and indifferent on matters of personal hygiene, environmental sanitation and hence health. Indeed, the writings of reformers imply that the working class simply did not have a sanitary mentality. However, the views of sanitary campaigners should not be taken at face value. Often propaganda and always one class's perception of another, in the context of the social apartheid in Britain's cities in the mid-nineteenth century, sanitary campaigners' views probably reveal more about middle-class anxieties than the actual social and physical conditions of the poor. None the less many historians still use such material to portray working-class life, but few have gone on to ask how public health reform was seen and experienced ‘from below’. Historians of public health have tended to portray the urban working class as passive victims who were rescued by enlightened middle-class reformers. This seems to be borne out at the political level where, unlike with other popular movements of the 1840s and after, there is little evidence of working-class participation in, or support for, the public health movement.
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Inkin, V. V. "British Society in the reflection of the press: fascist sentiments among the World War I veterans in the 1930s." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities 29, no. 2 (April 27, 2024): 528–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2024-29-2-528-540.
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Importance. The topic of the threat of fascist ideas and movements at the present stage is increasingly being brought up in the framework of public and scientific discussions. The coverage of this problem of the history of Great Britain in the 1930s is connected with the need to study the development of the features of fascism in society and in the society of veterans of the World War I. The novelty of the work is to consider the strengthening of the right-wing sentiments of part of the community of British war veterans in the 1930s, while fascism in Great Britain has been studied most widely by historical science in relation to political organizations and parties. Revealing the connection of veterans with the fascist movement will reveal the essence of the state ideology and the contradiction in public sentiment.Materials and Methods. Within the framework of a historical and systematic approach, the Fascist movement in Great Britain was considered as one of the features of the development of public sentiment. The problem of fascization of British society was the duality of political attitudes. On the one hand, representatives of British fascism were marginals, and on the other, prominent figures of the largest veterans’ organization, the British Legion, were the exponents of the ideas of fascism. Using the prosopographic method, the social and political activities of the World War I veterans were investigated.Results and Discussion. Based on the analysis of the development of Great Britain in the 1930s, the specifics of public sentiment are described. The veteran movement in the country adhered to various ideologies. By the mid-1930s, opinions arose among veteran leaders about the possibility of uniting with the fascists. During this period, the veterans of the World War I themselves, with the assistance of politicians and the aristocracy, as well as the support of capitalist circles, created right-wing radical organizations that openly adopted nationalist, anti-Semitic, and racist positions. The possibility of veterans coming under the influence of fascist organizations actually existed, given the numerous contacts and joint activities both within the UK itself and with foreign organizations and politicians (in particular, with the leaders of the Third Reich and Italy).Conclusion. Prominent figures of the veteran movement (in particular, the British Legion) are responsible for the development of fascism in the UK and have contributed to the policy of appeasing the aggressor. Their activities in the process of unleashing the World War II were derived from the prevailing socio-economic system. In the 1930s, veterans and their leaders became instruments and sometimes representatives of the interests of competing groups of the economically dominant class in Great Britain. Dissatisfaction with the policies of the British governments and the rise of fascist sentiment was reflected in social protest and criticism in the press.
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Тетяна Коляда. "SOCIAL CONDITIONS FOR THE DEVELOPMENT OF SECONDARY EDUCATION IN GREAT BRITAIN." Social work and social education, no. 5 (December 23, 2020): 179–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.31499/2618-0715.5.2020.220814.
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The article considers the social conditions for the development of secondary education in Great Britain (XIX – first half of the XX century). It was founded that an important factor in the formation of the British education system was the influence of the ruling class of aristocrats (landlords) and the petty nobility. It was founded that education of the majority of the population depended on the area, financial status of the family and religion. It was emphasized that religion played a significant role in the field of mass education. It has been shown that in the early nineteenth century, English society was engulfed in a movement of evangelical revival, as a result of which the Anglican Church could not control all its faithful, unlike the Catholic Church in Europe. It is determined that industrialization, urbanization and democratization have created conditions for social, political and economic transformations that required educated personnel. As a result, a number of laws were passed initiating reforms in primary and secondary education.
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Hendley, Matthew. "Anti-Alienism and the Primrose League: The Externalization of the Postwar Crisis in Great Britain 1918-32." Albion 33, no. 02 (2001): 243–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0095139000067120.
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Anti-alienism has frequently been the dark underside of organized patriotic movements in twentieth-century Britain. Love of nation has all too frequently been accompanied by an abstract fear of foreigners or a concrete dislike of alien immigrants residing in Britain. Numerous patriotic leagues have used xenophobia and the supposed threat posed by aliens to define themselves and their Conservative creed. Aliens symbolized “the other,” which held values antithetical to members of the patriotic leagues. These currents have usually become even more pronounced in times of tension and crisis. From the end of the First World War through the 1920s, Britain suffered an enormous economic, social, and political crisis. British unemployment never fell below one million as traditional industries such as coal, iron and steel, shipbuilding, and textiles declined. Electoral reform in 1918 and 1928 quadrupled the size of the electorate, and the British party system fractured with the Liberals divided and Labour becoming the alternative party of government. Industrial unrest was rampant, culminating in the General Strike of 1926. The example of the Russian Revolution inspired many on the Left and appalled their opponents on the Right, while many British Conservatives felt that fundamental aspects of the existing system of capitalism and parliamentary democracy were under challenge.
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Moss, Dana M. "Voice After Exit: Explaining Diaspora Mobilization for the Arab Spring." Social Forces 98, no. 4 (June 18, 2019): 1669–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sf/soz070.
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AbstractResearch demonstrates that diaspora movements play a powerful role in contentious politics and social change in their homelands under a range of conditions. However, few have systematically explained the conditions that facilitate diaspora movements’ “voice” after “exit” across cases or over time. The article addresses this shortcoming by explaining how and to what extent diaspora movements became auxiliary forces for anti-regime rebellions during the Arab Spring. Using data that include 239 original interviews on Libyan, Syrian, and Yemeni mobilization from the US and Great Britain, the analysis finds that only some diaspora groups played a sustained, full-spectrum role in their home-country’s rebellion by broadcasting their allies’ claims, remitting resources homeward, representing the rebellion to external audiences, brokering between parties, and volunteering on the front lines. The article then demonstrates how differences in (1) the rebellion’s needs, (2) geopolitical support, (3) activist resources, and (4) access to the front lines produced variation in auxiliary activism by national group, host-country, and over time. In so doing, the article contributes to theories of transnationalism, social movements, diaspora politics, and cross-border contentious politics more generally.
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Massiera, Bernard, Ben Mahmoud Imed, and Long Thierry. "Comparison of Sporting Values in Europe: Effects of Social Institutionalization in Three European Territories." Journal of Human Values 24, no. 3 (July 19, 2018): 208–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971685818781242.
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This study examines the representations conveyed by sports practitioners and the ideologies that govern sports institutions in three European countries. Sports organizations seem to construct identitary references for practitioners through the values they convey and the forms of sociability that they develop. This international study compares the practices and representations of sport based on a questionnaire sent to a sample of practitioners in Cardiff, Great Britain; Nice, France; and Pitesti, Romania. The findings indicate some differences. In Great Britain, sports practices remain imbued with educational values, in line with the ideals that were at the origin of the sporting movement. In France, sports practices seem more rooted in an orthodoxy promoted by community supervision. In Romania, sport remains attached to a therapeutic vocation and social mobility in connection with the communist past.
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Tosko, Mike. "Book Review: Abolition and Antislavery: A Historical Encyclopedia of the American Mosaic." Reference & User Services Quarterly 55, no. 3 (March 25, 2016): 248. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/rusq.55n3.248.
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This encyclopedia covers the rise and proliferation of abolitionist movements in the United States and the subsequent consequences of the emancipation of the former slaves. While outside international influences on American slavery existed—particularly Great Britain—the focus here is on both the Northern and Southern United States. Of course, banishing slavery did not lead to immediate social equality, and in fact many abolitionists did not ever desire this type of equality. This work also traces the subsequent controversial issues that emerged following abolition, such as new forms of labor exploitation, the right to own land and to vote, and the use of violence and intimidation to keep African Americans in inferior social and economic positions.
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Fingleton, B., and P. Tyler. "A Cost-Based Approach to the Modelling of Industrial Movement in Great Britain." Regional Studies 24, no. 5 (October 1990): 433–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00343409012331346114.
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Kahr, Brett. "“How to Cure Family Disturbance”: Enid Balint and the Creation of Couple Psychoanalysis – Twenty-first Enid Balint Memorial Lecture 2016." Couple and Family Psychoanalysis 7, no. 1 (March 31, 2017): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.33212/cfp.v7n1.2017.1.
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In 1946, Enid Eichholz (the future Enid Balint) established the very first psychotherapeutic service for the treatment of marital distress in Great Britain. Assisted by supportive colleagues from the Tavistock Clinic and the Tavistock Institute of Human Relations, Mrs Eichholz's Family Discussion Bureaux soon became incorporated into the Tavistock family, and ultimately developed into the organisation now known as Tavistock Relationships, part of the Tavistock Institute of Medical Psychology. In this essay, based extensively on unpublished archival sources, the author traces the history of the couple psychoanalytic movement in Great Britain, exploring the ways in which Enid Eichholz Balint forged important collaborative partnerships, set against the backdrop of a progressive post-World War social democratic government, in order to create a new paradigm in mental health provision.
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Rodríguez Blanco, César. "The origins of casual culture: hooliganism and fashion in Great Britain." Culture & History Digital Journal 8, no. 1 (July 17, 2019): 016. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2019.016.
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This dissertation attends to the study of football hooligans’ subcultures. In particular, it addresses a general synthesis of the beginnings of casual culture in Great Britain, within the context of the cultural transition process of the 1980s, and within a political, social and cultural context greatly influenced by the new Conservative government of Margaret Thatcher. It makes a chronological review of the stylistic evolution and the attitudes of the casuals, based on the concept one-upmanship, facing the different realities that happened in approximately a decade. From the birth of the punk movement in the late seventies to the emergence of rave and club cultures at the end of the following decade. It also includes the element of violence in football, both inside and outside the stadiums, through several events that exemplify the level of violence achieved in those years. Throughout the text it tries to record the relevance of the study of youth expressions and activities for a better understanding of wider historical and cultural processes.
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Horn, Gerd-Rainer. "Gender and Class in the Twentieth Century." International Labor and Working-Class History 57 (April 2000): 107–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900212763.
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Few nonspecialists know that Belgium was the first continental European country to benefit and suffer from the Industrial Revolution. Resulting in part from this heritage and also building on an even older tradition of textile manufacturing dating back to the High Middle Ages, Belgium is home to a number of high-quality museums and institutions showcasing and researching the age of industry and its corresponding social movements. Two such organizations are the Archive and Museum of the Socialist Workers Movement (AMSAB) and the Museum of Industrial Archaeology and Textiles (MIAT) in the city of Ghent. On April 27–30, 1999, these two institutions joined forces to organize an international conference on “Gender and Class in the 20th Century.” For several days, participants from Switzerland, the Netherlands, France, Great Britain, and Belgium gathered to listen and respond to a variety of presentations covering the whole range of issues related to the conference theme, from sexuality at the point of production to the discursive construction of poverty as female in the contemporary global age.
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Rashed, Daher. "A két világháború közti libanoni rendszer természetrajza." Belvedere Meridionale 31, no. 3 (2019): 59–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/belv.2019.3.4.
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The reconfiguration of the Middle East after the First World War can be regarded as the first wave of Europeanization in the Middle East. The centuries-long imperial order that defined the region and originated from local factors were replaced by a European-type modern state system, in which mandate powers such as France and Great Britain established Western institutions with their secular ideology, administrative basis, and understanding of sovereignty. It was evident from the beginning, that the arbitrarily designated borders broke many wellestablished local compromises and subverted the delicate balance between different sects, religions, language groups, and nations. The case of Lebanon – as the most complex area concerning the ethnic and sectarian divisions – illustrates the fact that implementing a European style nationstate into a Middle Eastern environment met with resistance and these set of internal contradictions have been exerting influence on the political situation of the region ever since. Although the mandate system of the interwar period broke up and Lebanon gained independence after the Second World War, the original demands by local movements (e.g. establishing a Greater Syria) was not possible owing to the firm establishment of new borders after 1918. In practice, this meant that independence was materialized in a framework defined by France and Great Britain and this condition considerably limited the space of action both on the political and the social level.
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Łukasiewicz, Sławomir. "A Shadow Party System: The Political Activities of Cold War Polish Exiles." Journal of Cold War Studies 25, no. 1 (2023): 46–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01121.
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Abstract Polish émigrés were an important feature of the Cold War landscape in Europe, as were exiles from other Central European countries. In addition to opposing the Communist systems in their countries of origin, they tried to pursue independent policies in the West. Émigrés were active in political parties—including Christian Democratic, Socialist, and agrarian parties—but at the same time they attempted to create new forms, such as new political and social movements and transnational organizations. With active international agendas, they also worked to influence their own societies, both in the countries in which they had settled and in their countries of origin. This mixture of social and political dimensions was a specific phenomenon of Cold War intellectual history in Europe. The article draws on archival materials from Poland, Great Britain, France, Italy, and the United States and builds on concepts developed by scholars such as Maurice Duverger, Giovanni Sartori, V. O. Key, Jr., Yossi Shain, and Idesbald Goddeeris.
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MacLeod, Roy. "Scientists, Society, and State: The Social Relations of Science Movement in Great Britain, 1931-1947. William McGucken." Isis 77, no. 1 (March 1986): 148–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/354076.
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Rota, Michael W. "Moral Psychology and Social Change: The Case of Abolition." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 49, no. 4 (March 2019): 567–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_a_01338.
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The examination of a test case, the popular movement to abolish slavery, demonstrates that the insights of recent psychological research about moral judgment and motivated reasoning can contribute to historians’ understanding of why large-scale shifts in cultural values occur. Moral psychology helps to answer the question of why the abolitionist movement arose and flourished when and where it did. Analysis of motivated reasoning and the just-world bias sheds light on the conditions that promoted recognition of the moral wrongfulness of chattel slavery, as well as on the conditions that promoted morally motivated social action. These findings reveal that residents of Great Britain and the northern United States in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries were in an unusually good position to perceive, and to act on, the moral problems of slavery. Moral psychology is also applicable to other social issues, such as women’s liberation and egalitarianism.
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Tomashevska, M. V. "DEVELOPMENT OF THE “EXIT” SOCIAL AND POLITICAL MOVEMENT IN THE MEDIA DISCOURSE OF GREAT BRITAIN (2015 – JUNE 2016)." Scientific Journal "Regional Studies", no. 35 (2023): 117–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.32782/2663-6170/2023.35.19.
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Gross, Stephen G. "Energy, Ecology, and the Remaking of West German Politics in the 1970s and 1980s." German Politics and Society 41, no. 4 (December 1, 2023): 62–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2023.410404.
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Abstract This article traces the transformation of West Germany's political system during the 1970s and 1980s, when an extra-parliamentary ecological opposition emerged to challenge the governing Social Democratic Party (SPD). Demographic, economic, and structural features in West Germany's political system created the space for this opposition, eventually leading to the formation of the Green Party. This article argues that ideas about energy were crucial to the movement's success, providing a focal point for reform that aimed to spur an energy transition. This movement of experts and activists pulled West Germany's political system in an ecological direction, forcing the SPD to become green itself. The transformation of West Germany's political system, in turn, set the Federal Republic on a different energy trajectory than the United States, Great Britain, and France.
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Soine, Aeleah. "“The Relation of the Nurse to the Working World”: Professionalization, Citizenship, and Class in Germany, Great Britain, and the United States before World War I." Nursing History Review 18, no. 1 (January 2010): 51–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/1062-8061.18.51.
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Campaigns for state nursing registration in the United States and Great Britain have a prominent place in the historical scholarship on nursing professionalization; the closely related German campaign has received less scholarly attention. Applying a transnational perspective to these three national movements highlights the collaborative and interrelated nature of nursing reform prior to World War I and recognizes the important contribution of German nurses to this dialogue and agenda. Focusing particularly on the years 1909–12, this article depicts a generation of German, American, and British nurses who organized national and international nursing associations to realize state registration as a stepping stone to other markers of professional recognition, such as collegiate education, full political citizenship, social welfare, and labor legislation. However, the consequent reliance of these strategies on nation-states as arbiters of citizenship and professional status undermined the shared ideological foundation of international and national nursing leaders. This article contributes to a more multinational understanding of how these international nursing leaders transcended and were confined by the limits of their nation-states in the years leading up to World War I.
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Damljanović, Nataša. "Lady Chatterley, her Lover and their Room with a View: Modernist discourses on love and reality." Norma 26, no. 2 (2021): 269–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/norma2102269d.
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The dawn of the 20th century in Britain witnessed changes in almost every aspect of women>s everyday lives. The emergence of the women's movement and a new generation of female professionals transformed the traditional patriarchal social structure. The present paper pursues two main goals. First, it shows how the novels Lady Chatterley's Lover and A Room with a View emerged from this social-historical moment in Britain. Since the novels depict the period before the Great War, they connect two periods in English history: Victorianism and Modernism, two different ways of living and two different approaches to moral principles. The protagonists of the novels, Connie, later lady Chatterley, and Lucy, personify the young and impressionable women of that era. Second, the focus is on the layers of interpretation/the codes of meaning that indicate the narrative interface: similarities in the novels' plots and their characters. They also reflect on the social divide that marked the period. The paper also shows that, according to the story, plot, and discourse of the novels, money and social status cannot substitute for the bindings of love.
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Subotic, Milan. "“Internal colonialism” - a contribution to the history of the concept." Sociologija 60, no. 2 (2018): 410–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc1802410s.
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Starting from the renewed interest into the concept of the ?internal colonialism? within the contemporary ?postcolonial studies?, this paper discusses the origin and the meaning of the concept in various theoretical traditions and scientific fields. The first part interprets ?internal colonialism? and ?internal colonization? from the perspective of historical and political-economic debates on the Russian and Soviet imperial structure, and from the sociological critique of the social development of the Stalinist epoch. The second part is dedicated to the analysis of the effect and limitations of the use of the concept in interpreting the integrative (French) nationalism and interpreting the reactive, (Celtic) minority nationalisms within Great Britain. In the final part the author has interpreted the meanings that ?internal colonialism? had in sociological analysis of the states of the ?capitalist periphery? (Latin America) and in the political discourse of the ?New Left? protest movements in the USA as a ?capitalist metropolis?. By pointing out the close connection of the analyses of ?colonialism in one country? with Marxist tradition of research into class structure of society, the author concludes that the concept of ?internal colonialism? today is primarily used as a metaphor that finds a useful application within the ?cultural studies?. From that point of view, the history of the concept illustrates the change of the theoretical discourse that characterises social sciences after the ?cultural turn?.
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ROHRSCHNEIDER, ROBERT. "Environmental Belief Systems in Western Europe." Comparative Political Studies 26, no. 1 (April 1993): 3–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414093026001001.
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For most parts of the 20th century, class and religious predispositions guided individuals' perceptions of the political space in Western Europe. Recently, however, analysts have noted the weakening of class and religious cleavages. Moreover, new social movements emerged in Western Europe, despite the inapplicability of traditional class and partisan cues to ecological issues. In light of the presumed lack of sophistication of mass publics, these developments raise the following question. What mental structures, if any, do individuals employ in evaluating competing Old and New Politics issues? In an attempt to answer the question, we analyze citizens' environmental belief systems in four West European countries. We find that environmental belief systems are substantially constrained by general political predispositions in Germany and the Netherlands. In contrast, environmental attitudes are significantly less constrained in France and Great Britain. These crossnational variations in belief systems constraint are attributed to varying activity levels of environmental elites. The implications of these findings for the sources of belief systems constraint and for the sophistication of mass beliefs are assessed.
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Mergel, Thomas. "Americanization, European Styles or National Codes? The Culture of Election Campaigning in Western Europe, 1945–1990." East Central Europe 36, no. 2 (2009): 254–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633009x411520.
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AbstractThe culture of election campaigning in postwar Western Europe allegedly has been shaped by a process of Americanization. In terms of political communication, Americanization has four distinct features: proximity of political marketing to commercial marketing, personalization and professionalization of campaigns, and media centered strategies. Based on an analyses of some European cultures of electioneering – Germany, Great Britain, and Italy – the main thesis of the paper is that the shared features are only to a smaller degree the results of American influences, but rather parallel trends due to structural commonalities like being medialized democracies in welfare and consumer societies, politically shaped by the Cold War context. The 1980s, however, meant a threshold: private media have risen across Europe and policy issues from the “new social movements” were pressured into the policy agenda. Although this has furthered the “Americanization” of European electioneering styles, at the same time several European elections point to an increased Europeanization of electioneering. On the whole, however, different national political cultures continue to modify and change American and European influences, creating local variations of campaigning.
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Chipfakacha, Chido T. "The Death of Queen Elizabeth, the Death of the British Empire." Global Journal of Politics and Law Research 12, no. 2 (February 15, 2024): 61–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.37745/gjplr.2013/vol12n26170.
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The life of Elizabeth Windsor famously kmown by her title Queen Elizabeth the second, is one of mixed realites she is the longest reigning British Monarch in history having set on the throne for 70 years. The reign of Elizabeth was born from the greatest times of the British Empire with many colonies and a great reputation of the empire after the defeat of the Germans in World war 2. Queen Elizabeth has been credited in overseeing the end of colonisation from the British empire by many African states who were under British colonial rule. She facilitated for negotiations in some cases between liberation war movements and the colonial governments on peaceful ways of transfering power. Her Queen`s government even went on to sanction Ian Smith regime in Rhodesia when it declared independence from Britain, the sanctions were as a result that her majesty`s government would only accept independence if it was given to the majority black africans of Rhodesia. The British economy under her rule had prospered beyond unimaginable dought with the British pound being the most powerful currency, the attractiveness of the pound attracted great minds from across the globe which helped improve the British economy and advanced its technological base. The common wealth of nations an organisation the Queen championed has had success in cooperation between Britain its former colonies and other countries that were not British colonies have since joined the organisation because of its successes. This paper seeks to show how the British economy, social base and its political prowess has suffered from the days that the Queen became sick to her subsequent death and the aftermath. Policies like the Brexit that was carried out during her old age and its impact of Britain will be visited upon in this article, the Irish referendum, the removal of the British Mornach as heard of state by carribean nations that belonged to the British realm. The paper seeks to show how Elizabeth Windsor was the glue that bonded British modern society and the survival of the British monarch without her is under threat.In her life Queen Elizabeth worked with 15 British Prime Ministers from diverse parties sharing diferent ideologies this showed her to be a democratic monarch. This paper will expand on the front of the death of monarchs and empires in the modern era and Elizabeth Winsdor being the last great monarch.
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Kyrchanoff, Maksym Waler'evich. "Classic Theories of Nationalism in the Context of Minority Nationalism in Great Britain:regional nationalist movements as a “marginal” subject of modern historiography of nationalism." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 11 (November 2023): 59–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2023.11.68857.
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The purpose of this study is to analyze the possibility of classical theories of nationalism use in analysis of the minority nationalisms histories in the British historiographical situation. The author analyses the complexities of integration and assimilation of the ideal models of Ruritania and Megalomania as imagining nationalising and modernising societies proposed by Ernest Gellner, as well as Miroslav Hrochs’ periodisation of nationalism as “ideal” interpretive models in the contexts of British historiography. The subject of the article is classical modernist theories of nationalism, the object is the possibility of their application in British historical research. It is assumed that the processes of nationalist modernisation and the development of regional nationalisms, on the one hand, are perceived through the prism of a constructivist approach. On the other hand, the author believes that the British historical material is characterised by a significant degree of resistance and therefore the use of classical theories of nationalism in the context of the conservatism of the historiographical imagination in Great Britain is debatable. The article analyses the difficulties of integrating the history of regional minority nationalisms and English nationalism into the contexts of sociocultural modernism of classical theories of nationalism. The results of the study suggest that the modern British historiographical situation is simultaneously characterised by an interest in the problems of the social history of regional nationalisms and significant conservatism, which expresses itself in ignoring classical theories of nationalism, despite the effectiveness of their interpretive models.
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Redfern, Neil. "British Communists, the British Empire and the Second World War." International Labor and Working-Class History 65 (April 2004): 117–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547904000080.
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For a few years after its foundation in 1920 the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) attempted, energetically prompted by the Comintern, to work in solidarity with anticolonial movements in the British Empire. But after the Nazi victory in Germany the Comintern's principal concern was to defend the Soviet Union and the liberal democracies against the threat of fascism. British communists criticized the British Government for failing to defend the Empire against the threat from its imperial rivals. After the entry of the Soviet Union into the war in 1941 they vigorously supported the British war effort, including the defense of Empire. This was not though simply a manifestation of chauvinism. British communists believed that imperialism was suffering a strategic defeat by “progressive” forces and that colonial freedom would follow the defeat of fascism. These chimerical notions were greatly strengthened by the allies' promises of postwar peace, prosperity and international cooperation. In the last year or so of war British communists were clearly worried that these promises would not be redeemed, but nevertheless supported British reassertion of power in such places as Greece, Burma and Malaya. For the great majority of British communists, these were secondary matters when seen in the context of Labour's election victory of 1945 and its promised program of social-imperialist reform.
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Korostichenko, Ekaterina I., and Yaroslav I. Klimov. "The social dimension of the new atheism." Philosophy Journal 16, no. 2 (2023): 96–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.21146/2072-0726-2023-16-2-96-114.
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The article examines the socio-political aspect of the new atheism. Within the framework of this phenomenon, initially associated with the four bestselling authors R. Dawkins, S. Harris, K. Hitchens, D. Dennett, who launched the “fight against religion” in the mid-2000s, a community and a weakly organized movement eventually formed. A number of connected questions are considered: characteristics of the phenomenon of new atheism (origins, sources, specifics); perception of atheism and new atheism by society in the USA and Great Britain; political views of key figures of the new atheism, external assessment of their political influence; views and activity of supporters, external assessment of the socio-political influence of the movement. The article focuses on the aspects of the new atheism as a movement in the USA and the UK. The author comes to the following conclusions: the “creators” of the new atheism scarcely touch upon the socio-political agenda in their activities (the main foreign policy interest is the fight against Islamic terrorism); currently, the new atheism as a movement and a community reacts to politics rather than forms it; not all actions of new atheists aimed at reducing the social and political presence of religion or at reducing discrimination against atheists achieve their goals; the main achievement of the new atheism movement is that atheism as a worldview ceases to be a marginal agenda, and non-believers receive a formalized, positively colored identity for themselves. The latter is important in the context of discrimination of non-believers against believers, which in the United States takes place both in the public consciousness and even at the highest political level.
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Hanagan, Michael. "Family, Work and Wages: The Stéphanois Region of France, 1840–1914." International Review of Social History 42, S5 (September 1997): 129–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000114816.
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Exploring issues of the family wage, this paper examines labour markets, family employment patterns and political conflict in France. Up to now, the debate over the family wage has centred mainly on analysing British trade unions and the development of an ideal of domesticity among the British working classes, more or less taking for granted the declining women's labour force participation rate and the configuration of state/trade union relations prevailing in Great Britain. Shifting the debate across the Channel, scholars such as Laura Frader and Susan Pedersen have suggested that different attitudes to the family wage prevailed. In France, demands for the exclusion of women from industry were extremely rare because women's participation in industry was taken for granted. But a gendered division of labour and ideals of domesticity remained and made themselves felt in both workforce and labour movement.
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Väänänen, Pentti. "Fostering peace through dialogue The international social democratic movement and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict." Regions and Cohesion 2, no. 3 (December 1, 2012): 166–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/reco.2012.020310.
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The Socialist International (SI), the worldwide forum of the socialist, social democratic, and labor parties, actively looked for a solution to the Jewish-Palestinian conflict in the 1980s. At that time, the Israeli Labour Party still was the leading political force in Israel, as it had been historically since the foundation of the country. The Labour Party was also an active member of the SI. The Party’s leader, Shimon Peres, was one of its vice-presidents. At the same time, the social democratic parties were the leading political force in Western Europe. Several important European leaders, many of them presidents and prime ministers, were involved in the SI’s work. They included personalities such as Willy Brandt of Germany; former president of the SI, Francois Mitterrand of France; James Callaghan of Great Britain; Bruno Kreisky of Austria; Bettini Craxi of Italy; Felipe Gonzalez of Spain; Mario Soares of Portugal; Joop de Uyl of the Netherlands; Olof Palme of Sweden; Kalevi Sorsa of Finland; Anker Jörgensen of Denmark; and Gro Harlem Brudtland of Norway—all of whom are former vice-presidents of the SI. As a result, in the 1980s, the SI in many ways represented Europe in global affairs, despite the existence of the European Community (which did not yet have well-defined common foreign policy objectives).
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Krylov, A. V. "SOCIAL AND POLITICAL PROTEST THE PALESTINIAN SOCIETY." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(43) (August 28, 2015): 180–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-4-43-180-197.
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This article, perhaps for the first time in Russian scientific and historical literature raises the question of the nature and character of the social protest in the Arab Palestinian society. Even before the creation of the State of Israel in 1948, the Arab population of Palestine entered an active stage of forming national consciousness and identity, which was parallel to the development of pan-Arab national liberation movement. Mass demonstrations of Palestinians in 1920, 1929 and 1936-1939 suggest that the main cause of the protest was the colonial policy of Great Britain, expressed in support the Zionist movement and, as a consequence – the impossibility for the leading Palestinian clans to realize their political ambitions. Taking into account the fact that the Palestinians have shown exceptional tenacity and will in the struggle for national independence, the international community has supported the UN decision to create on the territory of mandated Palestine two States – one Arab and one Jewish. However, due to the Arab-Israeli conflict and other well-known geopolitical reasons, the state of Palestine has not been created till now. Today the Palestinians are divided into four segments: refugees living outside of Palestine in other countries, the Arab population of Israel, the Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. In this article the author analyses the situation of the Palestinians on the territory of the historical Palestine and typical forms of protest and discontent in the Palestinian community at present. The article argues that the protest in the Palestinian society, as in the past, has a distinct anti-Israel and anti-Zionist orientation.
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Ackers, Peter. "Colliery Deputies in the British Coal Industry Before Nationalization." International Review of Social History 39, no. 3 (December 1994): 383–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002085900011274x.
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SummaryThis article challenges the militant and industrial unionist version of British coal mining trade union history, surrounding the Miners' Federation of Great Britain and the National Union of Mineworkers, by considering, for the first time, the case of the colliery deputies' trade union. Their national Federation was formed in 1910, and aimed to represent the three branches of coal mining supervisory management: the deputy (or fireman, or examiner), overman and shotfirer. First, the article discusses the treatment of moderate and craft traditions in British coal mining historiography. Second, it shows how the position of deputy was defined by changes in the underground labour process and the legal regulation of the industry. Third, it traces the history of deputies' union organization up until nationalization in 1947, and the formation of the National Association of Colliery Overmen, Deputies and Shotfirers (NACODS). The article concludes that the deputies represent a mainstream tradition of craft/professional identity and industrial moderation, in both the coal industry and the wider labour movement.
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Nikolaienko, Volodymyr, Leonid Nikolaienko, and Yuriy Yakovenko. "Railway mobility: social history and implementation practices." Sociology: Theory, Methods, Marketing, no. 1 (March 2023): 92–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/sociology2023.01.092.
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The article raises questions of the social history (history of institutionalization) of railways and railway mobility (or mobility of railway passenger's), which are becoming popular in the English-speaking sociology of transport, which is the reason for mainstreaming this topic in Ukraine. The questions raised are considered from the point of view of empires’ history, in particular, Great Britain, where the institutionalization of the internal railway, and later of railways in the colonies, led to the development of not only English, but also world industry, and at the same time contributed to world socio-cultural development, including the development of warfare. Our goal is to provide the reader with a preliminary introduction to a large series of books published under the general title “Studies in Imperialism”, where there are works on the institutionalization of railway transport, in particular the passenger railway, their functions, etc. The series is dominated by the idea that imperialism as a cultural phenomenon had the same significant impact on the dominant society as it did on the dependent one and that the development and operation of railways is a direct consequence of imperial ideology. It was the imperial ideology of the institutionalization of railway transport both in the metropolises themselves and on the colonized territories that gave rise to contradictions of the social order, including massive outrage, as it led to radical institutional and mental changes associated with the traditional space and time orientation of local residents, limited them in the right to voluntary movement, accustomed to movement according to someone’s and somewhere developed schedules and life according to the principle of movement from work to work, etc. Finally, the authors make a conclusion that all this fit into the postulates of the ideology of modernization and rationalization of public life, but was interpreted in terms of the colonization of others living space/time, as it accustomed to the appropriate life regime and not only while travelling by rail.
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Nikitin, Dmitry S. "United Indian Patriotic Association versus Indian National Congress (1888–1893)." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 1 (2022): 118. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080013036-6.
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The article examines the emergence of Anglo-Indian and Muslim opposition to the Indian National Congress (INC) in the second half of the 1880s – early 1890s. By 1887, Congress had lost the support of the Viceroy of India Dufferin, and it greatly influenced the formation of the anti-Congress movement. The social base of opposition to the Congress was formed by the most conservative parts of society – the Anglo-Indians (the British who permanently lived in India) and Indian Muslims. The center of the anti-Congress movement was the Aligarh College, and the leader was the Muslim educator and founder of the college, Syed Ahmad Khan. The movement received support from the Anglo-Indian press and colonial officials. In 1888, United Indian Patriotic Association was founded with the Muslim organizations of Upper India and the conservative Hindu aristocracy in its ranks. The Association believed that the Congress did not represent the interests of the entire Indian people, but only a narrow stratum of European educated Indians. The INC's proposals for the introduction of an elective element in legislative councils and simultaneous examinations for civil service in India and Great Britain were regarded as premature, threatening interests of Muslims and British rule in India. The main goal of the United Indian Patriotic Association was to counter the agitation of the INC in Great Britain, where the British Committee of the INC operated, by holding anti-Congress meetings and pamphleting. After the adoption of the Indian Councils Act of 1892, the leaders of the Association focused on protecting the interests of Indian Muslims, and this solution led to the dissolution of the United Indian Patriotic Association in 1893. The Association became one of the first organizations opposed to the INC and had a significant impact on strengthening the political activity of Indian Muslims. The emergence of Muslim opposition to INC in the second half of the 1880s. became an important factor in the political development of India and the national liberation movement in the first half of the XX century.
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Ibragimov, I. E. "The Role of the Military-Political Elite of Egypt in the Struggle for National Independence in the Post-World War II Period (1945-1952)." MGIMO Review of International Relations 12, no. 4 (September 9, 2019): 72–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2019-4-67-72-88.
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The article analyzes the role of the Egyptian military-political elite on the eve of the Revolution of 1952, when the military came to power, led by Gamal Abdel Nasser. The study of the history and activities of the organization «Free Officers» is hardly possible without considering the evolution of the national-patriotic and political movements in the Egyptian army. During the second quarter of the 20 th century the Egyptian society experienced fairly turbulent and eventful political process that influenced the further development of the country. At present the study of role of army in liberation movement in the Middle East is extremely urgent since military structures have become the base of the state system of many Arabic countries. The army has sufficiently influenced to the political development of the states. In connection with the recent transformations in the Middle East, that witnessed crises of political systems and statehood, the consideration of military elites, their coming to power and impact on a political system is important for the study of the general issues of the Middle East.The author considers the factors which influenced the evolutionary transformation of the Egyptian military before and after the World War II, as well as the social origins of the officer corps. Moreover, the object of the study includes the entire period of the national liberation movement of the Egyptian people, when almost all segments of Egyptian society were involved in this struggle. An important aspect of this trend is that, in the run-up to the Egyptian Revolution of 1952, the officers and the military elite became a more prepared and organized than other groups and was able to quickly and almost bloodlessly take power into their own hands.The article notes that it is impossible to solve urgent social problems and overcome economic backwardness without centralized strong leadership. While forming the Egyptian statehood and the Kingdom of Egypt, there were three centers of power – Wafd party led by Saad Zaghloul, the king and his supporters, as well as Great Britain, which retained control over Egypt. Given the absence of one center of power in the country, as well as the weakness and dependence of the existing ones, opposition movements with different views on the development of Egypt were created. The society of «Muslim Brotherhood» was one of them, eventually discrediting itself during its further development. «Free Officers» were able to establish themselves as a secret society, which ideologically did not belong to any political camp. Coherence, hierarchy and army solidarity became effective advantages in their struggle for power.
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Schwartz, Laura. "A Job Like Any Other? Feminist Responses and Challenges to Domestic Worker Organizing in Edwardian Britain." International Labor and Working-Class History 88 (2015): 30–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547915000216.
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AbstractThis article focuses on the Domestic Workers’ Union of Great Britain and Ireland (est. 1909–1910), a small, grassroots union organized by young female domestic servants in the years leading up to the First World War. This union emerged against a backdrop of labor unrest as well as an increasingly militant women's movement. The article looks at how the Domestic Workers’ Union drew inspiration from the latter but also encountered hostility from some feminists unhappy with the idea of their own servants becoming organized. I argue that the uneven and ambivalent response of the women's movement toward the question of domestic worker organizing is significant not simply as an expression of the social divisions that undoubtedly characterized this movement, but also as reflecting a wider debate within early twentieth-century British feminism over what constituted useful and valuable work for women. Attitudes toward domestic worker organizing were therefore predicated upon feminists’ interrogation of the very nature of domestic labor. Was it inherently inferior to masculine and/or professional forms of work? Was it intrinsically different from factory work, or could it be reorganized and rationalized to fit within the industrial paradigm? Under what conditions should domestic labor be performed, and, perhaps most importantly, who should do it?
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MacKenzie, John M. "Lusaka: New Capital and the Imperial Garden City Movement." Britain and the World 16, no. 2 (September 2023): 107–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2023.0404.
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The colonial Garden City Movement represents the culmination of a whole sequence of relationships between botany and imperialism that had developed from the seventeenth century onwards, but particularly in the Victorian era. Botany was central to the transnationality of imperialism and botanical exploration while plant collecting fed into many Victorian phenomena in Britain which also had their colonial counterparts. These were intended to alleviate the social, environmental and medical evils of industrialism, providing a closer interaction between the rural and the urban. They included the creation of green belts, the founding of model villages, the emergence of municipal public parks and botanical gardens, and finally the garden city movement. By these means it was intended that industrial (and sometimes rural) workers should experience a healthier lifestyle, as well as a social uplift which would mitigate class conflict while also providing rational recreation. In the export of garden city ideas to the British Empire, there were additionally significant colonial precedents in street tree planting and in the beautification movement of the Victorian era and early twentieth century. This article specifically focuses upon the translation of aspects of this garden city movement and of these other influences into the creation of the new capital of Lusaka in Northern Rhodesia (Zambia) in the twentieth century and the manner in which a great diversity of both indigenous and exotic plants were used to express the idealistic characteristics of this urban development while also reflecting the social and racial norms inherent in the colonial relationship.
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O'KEEFFE, ELEANOR K. "Civic veterans: the public culture of military associations in inter-war Glasgow." Urban History 44, no. 2 (August 5, 2016): 293–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926816000493.
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ABSTRACTThis article examines the public culture of military associations, and their veteran membership, in inter-war Glasgow. It follows their parades and beery reunions to consider the public meanings of such acts. That these claims to civic recognition were met by a congregation of civic elements allows us to view the inter-war creation of civic identity from a new and enlightening vantage point. But this culture also allows us to encompass the vitality, and distinctly urban character, of the memory of the Great War within inter-war society. Cities provided alternative channels for the veteran associational impulse to the British Legion, which has generally been seen as synonymous with the veterans’ movement in Britain. War memory, too, had a distinct urban form and character that needs to be acknowledged within wider literature. This is the story of the ‘civic veteran’ and the social and cultural contexts that made him.
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Bortulev, V. E. "TRANSFORMATION OF THE STRATEGY OF THE LABOUR PARTY IN THE PROGRAM DOCUMENTS OF 1918." Vestnik Bryanskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta 07, no. 02 (June 30, 2023): 45–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.22281/2413-9912-2023-07-02-45-52.
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The article attempts to analyze the events that marked an important milestone in the evolution of the Labour Party, which is one of the key elements of the modern political system of Great Britain. The First World War led to a significant change in the balance of British political forces associated with the crisis of the Liberal Party, as well as the organizational and ideological consolidation of the socialist movement. An important basis of this process was the activity of Fabian societies. Scientific interest in this topic is due to the need for further comprehensive research of the evolution of the ideology of social reformism and the specifics of its manifestation in the socio-political practice of individual European states. The analysis of the decisions taken by the governing structures of the Labour Party in 1918 also makes it possible to expand the currently existing ideas in Russian and British historiography about the discussions taking place within the British political elite regarding ways and means of overcoming the complex of socio-economic problems that Britain faced as a result of the First World War. In addition, a comprehensive study of the program documents of the Labour Party of this period contributes to a deeper scientific understanding of the processes that took place within the British political system in the interwar decades.
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Musso, Giorgio. "The Making of a Fragmented Nation: sufi ṭuruq and Sudan’s Decolonization." Oriente Moderno 97, no. 1 (March 30, 2017): 133–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340146.
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This article focuses on the role of sufi ṭuruq during Sudan’s struggle for independence from the Anglo-Egyptian Condominium. The decolonization of Sudan unfolded within a fragmentary political landscape characterized by a complex stratification of interests. The role ofṭarīqah-inspired political factions—later evolving into full-fledged parties—contributed to inhibit the birth of a cohesive nationalist movement, giving way to the emergence of a sectarian political system. As prominent members of the traditional establishment of Sudanese society (along with tribal leaders, merchants and other notables), Muslim leaders were afraid of the rising radical nationalist movement, that could have challenged recognized social hierarchies. Their interests converged with those of Great Britain, that since the early 1920s tried to foster the emergence of a moderate nationalist elite under the slogan al-Sūdān li-l-Sūdāniyyīn (“the Sudan for the Sudanese”) to counter Egypt’s influence in the country without subverting the structures of imperial dominance. In this sense, the decolonization of Sudan can be analysed as a “passive revolution”: a gradual regime transition that allowed the dominant classes to take over political power while preserving their fundamental interests.
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TOMICZEK, Martyna. "Diaspora diplomacy –about a new dimension of diplomacy,the example of a New Emigrationnon-governmental organisation." Journal of Education Culture and Society 2, no. 2 (January 14, 2020): 105–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.15503/jecs20112.105.123.
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In recent years, the migration movement, which tends to be oriented towards Great Britain, reached its climax at the moment when Poland became afully-fledged memberof the European Union. years following Poland’s accession have witnessed an enormous outbreak of Polish exodus – leaving their own country they were trying to find anew placeabroad. Among the plurality of motives, we could point to such as: hope for abetter life and improving personal material situation, amore interesting life in amultinational society and becoming a“world man”, necessity and curiosity. Results were also much more complica-ted than anyone could ever imagine. The causes and effects of the Polish exodus constituted an inescapable subject of analysis and research. The Polish migration movement can be considered in many aspects. This unique phe-nomenon has its economic, political, social and psychosocial dimensions – each of them is worth profound analysis. Within each of the previously mentioned dimensions arese-archer would find singularly important and specific phenomena regarding the migration movement – phenomena which are at the very core of the lives of migrants’ succeeding generations. Undoubtedly, one of the dimensions of the New Polish Emigration analysis could be referred to public diplomacy strategy. This thesis will be the main framework of this paper.
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Fesenko, M. V., and V. V. Mukha. "CONSEQUENCES OF BREXIT FOR THE PROSPECTS OF THE UK-EU RELATIONS." Actual Problems of International Relations, no. 146 (2021): 29–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2021.146.1.29-36.
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The article analyzes the main consequences of Brexit for socio-economic and political development of the UK and the EU. The issuesof British identity, security, migration crisis, as well as the financial and economic crisis have turned to be the key factors that have, in some ways, led to the Brexit referendum and its results. Brexit means a crisis of a single European identity, European integrity and unity. The United Kingdom joined the EEC and then the EU on special terms, which it consistently defended in the future, staying away from most of integration processes. Brexit has political and socio-economic consequences for the development of both the UK and the EU. Adropin GDP and in the pound sterlingrate, rising unemployment, the outflow of migrants, real estate crashmay be the possible consequences of Brexit. A further fragmentation within Britain itself can also be the consequence of Brexit. In London today, there are many contradictions in relations with Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, and the unity of the autonomous regions of Great Britain may be threatened by the strengthening of nationalist movement there.Today, Brexit is considered to be an irrational event that occurred due to a combination of factors and circumstances. Britain is the only country wherethe ruling party raised the question of EU membership. In other EU countries, similar proposals do not come from the majority parties, but from the semi-marginal far-right ones. Brexit has revealed a deep rift in British society on regional, age, social, educational and in general on a class basis. Negotiations on the terms of Brexit were tough and the possibility of Brexit without an agreement was not ruled out.With the exit of the UK, the EU loses its second union economy and the EU budget revenues willbe significantly reduced. The rupture of economic ties with the UK will have a mirror effect on EU countries and their businesses.
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Novikova, Vera. "The didactic potential of the genre of family chronicles in the mass literature of Great Britain of the XXI century." Litera, no. 1 (January 2024): 39–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-8698.2024.1.69608.
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The subject of the study is the British family chronicles created at the turn of the XX-XXI centuries by E. Howard, R. Pilcher, E. Rutherford, D. Lennox, G. Swift. These works are analyzed from the point of view of their didactic potential, which is understood here as the intention of translating ethical norms and values. This genre has become the pinnacle of the development of the English social novel. Its authors considered it their task to influence the reader in terms of educating a "moral sense" in him, assimilating ethical norms and understanding a distinct hierarchy of values. The classic of the genre was the "Saga of the Forsytes" by D. Galsworthy, which denied the norms of Victorian morality, and broadcast a new system of values and the idea of historical progress. The article examines the changes in the genre that appeared under the influence of the postmodern worldview. Comparative historical and typological methods of analysis are used to compare the genre dominants of family chronicles in the early twentieth century and their implementation at the turn of the twentieth and twenty first centuries. The novelty lies in the addition of ideas about the axiology of modern mass literature. At the end of the century, there was a revolution in public consciousness, which led to the fundamental destruction of any hierarchies in ethical terms and the denial of the very idea of a positive movement of history. The authors of modern family chronicles overcome the decentering of ethics. In most of the works they refer to the events of the Second World War. The very desire to recall these lessons of history and the unequivocal denial of the ideology of fascism is proof of the didactic potential of the novels in question. In addition, they create an idealized model of family life. The influence of the postmodern worldview is reflected in the non-linearity of artistic time, the fragmentation of depicted events, and the loss of the idea of historical progress. The analysis of the family chronicles of these authors allowed us to determine the formulas and stamps of the genre.
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CAMPBELL, CAROLINE. "Gender and Politics in Interwar and Vichy France." Contemporary European History 27, no. 3 (May 9, 2017): 482–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777317000108.
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One of the defining paradoxes of interwar France was the coexistence of a deep-rooted belief in national decadence with the development of a wide range of innovative organisations, cumulatively mobilising millions of people, as a means of fighting this supposed decline. While women played a key role in perpetuating the belief that the Republic was deteriorating, created numerous politically-oriented groups and entered into the government as ministers for the first time, these facts have barely entered into scholarly analysis of the state of France's political culture. Beginning in the 1960s a narrative of stagnation tended to dominate scholars’ interpretations of the interwar years. Reflective of the times, gender was absent from such analyses, as scholars defined ‘politics’ in certain ways and assumed that political actors were men. The influential political scientist Stanley Hoffman, for example, insisted that this was a period of stalemate, essentially the consequence of a failure to modernise during the Third Republic (1870–1940). Hoffman argued that peasants, small business and the bourgeoisie coalesced to advocate for protectionist measures and resist social and economic reforms. This conservative agenda was facilitated by governments that sought to limit economic change, which contributed to ministerial instability: during the interwar period, the French government changed forty-seven times, compared to thirty in Poland and Romania, nine in Great Britain and an average of one per year in Weimar Germany, Belgium and Sweden. For Anglophone and Francophone proponents of the idea of a systemic crisis, the Third Republic appears fundamentally flawed, crippled by an intrinsic defect rather than a democratic government that opened spaces for dynamic groups and movements to effect real change.
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Filner, Robert E. "William McGucken. Scientists, Society, and the State: The Social Relations of Science Movement in Great Britain, 1931-1947. Columbus, Ohio: Ohio State University Press. 1984. Pp. 381. $22.50." Albion 17, no. 4 (1985): 529–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4049462.
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Kane, Paula M. "‘The Willing Captive of Home?’: The English Catholic Women's League, 1906–1920." Church History 60, no. 3 (September 1991): 331–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3167471.
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Henry Cardinal Manning wrote in 1863 that he wanted English Catholics to be “downright, masculine, and decided Catholics—more Roman than Rome, and more ultramontane than the Pope himself.” Given this uncompromising call for militant, masculine Roman Catholicism in Protestant Victorian England, frequently cited by scholars, it may seem surprising that a laywomen's movement would have emerged in Great Britain. In 1906, however, a national Catholic Women's League (CWL), linked closely to Rome, to the English clergy, and to lay social action, emerged in step with the aggressive Catholicism outlined by Manning 40 years earlier. The Catholic Women's League was led by a coterie of noblewomen, middle-class professionals, and clergy, many of them former Anglicans. The founder, Margaret Fletcher (1862–1943), and the league's foremost members were converts; the spiritual advisor, Rev. Bernard Vaughan, was the son of a convert. A short list of the clergy affiliated with the CWL reveals an impressive Who's Who in the Catholic hierarchy and in social work in the early twentieth century: Francis Cardinal Bourne (Archbishop of Westminster from 1903 to 1935), Monsignor Robert Hugh Benson (a convert and well-known author), and influential Jesuits Bernard Vaughan, Charles Plater, Cyril Martindale, Joseph Keating, Leo O'Hea and Joseph Rickaby. The CWL was born from a joining of convert zeal and episcopal-clerical support to a tradition of lay initiative among English Catholics.
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Price, Linda, and Mark Simpson. "The trouble with accessing the countryside in Northern Ireland." Environmental Law Review 19, no. 3 (September 2017): 183–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461452917720632.
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The twenty-first century has seen a shift in emphasis from enabling local authorities to provide opportunities for recreation on private land to the conferment of a general right to access certain types of land in Great Britain. Similar liberalisation has not occurred in Northern Ireland. This article examines features of the Northern Ireland context that might explain why landowners’ rights continue to trump those of recreational users, drawing on stakeholder interviews and a rural geography conceptual framework. Following historic struggles for land in Ireland, any erosion of owner control is perceived to undermine hard-won rights; in a relatively rural society and agrarian economy, farmers are readily accepted as having the ‘right’ to determine the function of rural land; and recent conflict has depressed outdoor leisure and tourism. Consequently, productive uses of land remain central to rural policy and a countryside movement able to overcome objections to liberalisation has not emerged. Conflict and instability have also left a legacy of social problems and ‘legislative lag’ in higher priority areas that must be addressed before countryside access can move up the political agenda. The article reveals how, in stakeholders’ eyes, these factors combine to limit the prospects of reform.
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Gentile, Antonina, and Sidney Tarrow. "Charles Tilly, globalization, and labor’s citizen rights." European Political Science Review 1, no. 3 (November 2009): 465–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s175577390999018x.
Full textAbstract:
Since the 1990s, observers have seen globalization impairing labor’s rights. We take Charles Tilly as an exemplar of this view, subjecting his 1995 article to critical appreciation. We argue that Tilly, known for his work on the National Social Movement, overlooked the fact that some unions under pressure from global neo-liberalism can employ a protest repertoire employing their citizen rights, while others continue to use labor rights. We use port workers, who are directly exposed to globalization, to show how different political opportunity structures and different strategic choices influence these choices. In Sweden, our exemplar of a neo-corporatist system, we find that the employment of labor rights continues to be robust; in the USA, our exemplar of a fully-fledged neo-liberal system, we find much greater recourse to a repertoire calling on citizen rights. Finally, in Australia and Great Britain, countries undergoing a shift to neo-liberalism in the 1980s and 1990s, we show that strategic choice influences how effectively unions adapt to shifts towards neo-liberalism: Australian unions effectively used citizen rights while the British port unions failed to make this strategic shift.
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Foster, John Bellamy. "The Return of the Dialectics of Nature." Historical Materialism 30, no. 2 (July 4, 2022): 3–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-20222279.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract The resurrection of the classical Marxian ecological critique in the context of the current planetary emergency has led to the return of the concept of the dialectics of nature, associated with the work of Frederick Engels in particular. In the century following the deaths of Charles Darwin and Karl Marx, the dialectics-of-nature conception played a formative role in the development of the modern ecological critique within science, notably in Britain, and helped inspire the contemporary environmentalist movement. Nevertheless, all of this occurred outside the dominant streams of Marxian thought and practice, where a great chasm had arisen in this area. Whereas official Marxism in the Soviet Union reduced the dialectics of nature to a fixed dogma, Western Marxism rejected it altogether. In the current Anthropocene Epoch in the geological time scale – and in what is referred to here as the Capitalinian Age of the Anthropocene – a new historical-materialist synthesis constructed on classical foundations, reintegrating the dialectics of nature, so as to address the immense ecological challenges confronting humanity, is seen as objectively (and subjectively) necessary.