Journal articles: 'Social movements – Europe'

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Ferrarotti, Franco. "Social movements in Western Europe." International Journal of Politics, Culture and Society 1, no. 1 (September 1987): 47–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01384921.

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della Porta, Donatella, and Manuela Caiani. "Europeanization From Below? Social Movements and Europe." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 12, no. 1 (February 1, 2007): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.12.1.j48p252t414qu05x.

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Although the process of European integration is proceeding speedily and social movements are often interacting transnationally, research on the Europeanization of social movement actors is far from developed. Some scholars, focusing especially on public interest groups active at EU level, expect that civil society actors, due among other reasons to the flexibility of their organizational structures, will be able to adapt quickly to integration. Others, especially scholars looking at protest activities, are skeptical on three accounts: (1) will actors endowed with scarce material resources be able to build transnational organizations; (2) will they be able to stage supranational protest events; and (3) will the European Union be accountable to pressure from below. In this article, we focus on the degree and forms of social movement participation in the public discourse and collective action concerning Europe—that is, their capacity to take part in the debate and mobilization referring to European issues, targets, and actors. On the basis of a comparative dataset that includes content analyses of daily press and interview data from seven European countries, we argue that various forms of Europeanization of the public discourse and mobilization by social movements are indeed on the rise, with a growing presence not only of purely European actors but also of European targets and frames, as well as transnational movement networks. Changes across time emerge, with the development of (conflictual) forms of "Europeanization from below."

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Klaridermans, Bert. "New Social Movements and Resource Mobilization: The European and the American Approach." International Journal of Mass Emergencies & Disasters 4, no. 2 (August 1986): 13–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/028072708600400203.

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In the past 20 years, student movements, environmental movements, women's movements and peace movements developed both in America and in Europe. These actions meant an explosive growth in the number of publications about social movements. Theory formation took a different course in Europe and in the U.S. While in the U.S. resource mobilization theory shifted attention from deprivation to the availability of resources in explanation of the rise of social movements, in Europe the “new social movement approach” emphasized the development of postindustrial society. Resource mobilisation and the new social movement approach are discussed. Both approaches are needed to arrive at a satisfactory explanation. The new social movement approach has concentrated on factors that determine mobilization potential, but does not give an answer to the question of how these potentials are mobilized, Resource mobilization theory does pay attention to the mobilization of resources, to the significance of recruitment networks, and to the costs and benefits of participation, but has no interest in the mobilization potentials from which a movement must draw in mobilization campaigns. Assumptions are formulated in explanation of the divergent development of the social movement literature on the two continents.

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Célia, Taborda Silva. "Social Movements in Europe, from the Past to the Present." European Journal of Social Science Education and Research 7, no. 3 (October 12, 2020): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/669ydk18r.

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Over time, the concept of social movement has evolved as society has changed, but has always implied collective action in the public space. The form of social contestation has changed, according to the conjuncture of each historical period. In 18th century, the transition from the Old Regime to Liberalism provoked movements considered by some authors as “primitive” or “premodern”, as they were spontaneous, sporadic and depoliticized. Industrial society of the 19th century gave rise to the labor movement and trade unionism, which from then on organized the social movements. In the 20th century there were changes and innovation in the collective way of acting, there was the emergence of a series of social movements that differ from the traditional in terms of the objectives and actors involved, such as the pacifist, ecologist, feminist movements, acting on the fringes of parties and unions. The 21st century has witnessed a set of movements that begin on social networks, such as Generation Scratch, Outraged, Occupy Wall Street, Screw the Troika, and quickly outgrow local scales to become global. Through the use of a theoretical and conceptual framework derived from the theories of social movements and taking into account the current transformation of collective action that has been witnessed in the 21st century, we intend to verify if we are facing a new social phenomenon or another phase of “repertoire” change.

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Silva, Célia Taborda. "Social Movements in Europe, from the Past to the Present." European Journal of Education 6, no. 2 (August 10, 2023): 10–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ejed-2023-0012.

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Abstract Over time, the concept of social movement has evolved as society has changed, but has always implied collective action in the public space. The form of social contestation has changed, according to the conjuncture of each historical period. In 18th century, the transition from the Old Regime to Liberalism provoked movements considered by some authors as “primitive” or “premodern”, as they were spontaneous, sporadic and depoliticized. Industrial society of the 19th century gave rise to the labor movement and trade unionism, which from then on organized the social movements. In the 20th century there were changes and innovation in the collective way of acting, there was the emergence of a series of social movements that differ from the traditional in terms of the objectives and actors involved, such as the pacifist, ecologist, feminist movements, acting on the fringes of parties and unions. The 21st century has witnessed a set of movements that begin on social networks, such as Generation Scratch, Outraged, Occupy Wall Street, Screw the Troika, and quickly outgrow local scales to become global. Through the use of a theoretical and conceptual framework derived from the theories of social movements and taking into account the current transformation of collective action that has been witnessed in the 21st century, we intend to verify if we are facing a new social phenomenon or another phase of “repertoire” change.

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Jung, Jai. "Disentangling Protest Cycles: An Event-History Analysis of New Social Movements in Western Europe." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 15, no. 1 (February 1, 2010): 25–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.15.1.86260543m3110705.

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The theory of protest cycles has informed us that the external political environment and the internal competition among social movement organizations are distinct elements leading to the emergence, development, and decline of popular protest. This theory, however, has not been examined systematically. I conduct an event-history analysis to test and refine the theory of protest cycles using a well-known new social movement event dataset. While proposing a general way of operationalizing the core concepts in social movement studies, I show that political opportunity only matters during the initial phase of social movement mobilization, rather than throughout the movement's lifespan. What explains declining frequencies of protest occurrence during the demobilization phase is the joint effect of two internal factors: the institutionalization of social movements and the growing violence during protests.

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Silva, Célia Taborda. "Democracy and Popular Protest in Europe: The Iberian Case (2011)." European Journal of Social Sciences 4, no. 2 (January 15, 2021): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/643pea84j.

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In recent years, Europe has witnessed social movements that break away from the conventional patterns typical of 19th and 20th century movements. The party-or trade union-organised social movements, very much centred on 19th century political and economic issues, or the New Social Movements centred on more universal values such as peace, environment, gender, ethnicity, of the 20th century seem to be changing their 'repertoire'. At the beginning of the 21st century, parties and trade unions have been losing their leading role in the organisation of demonstrations and strikes and collective actions prepared and led by specific actors have given way to new forms of social action, without leaders, without organisation, without headquarters, and which use social networks as a form of mobilisation. These are social movements that contest not to have more rights but to exercise those that exist, a full citizenship that offers the freedom to express one's opinion and the regalia of participation in political, economic, social, educational areas. In Europe, there are various types of such movements, but we will highlight the "Geração à Rasca (Scratch Generation)" movement in Portugal and that of the "Indignados (Outraged)" or 15 M in Spain, both started in 2011, and which had repercussions in the main European capitals. Using a qualitative methodology, through these protest movements we seek to understand how the complexity of today's social movements and their non-institutionalisation represent a challenge to European democracy.

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Obst, Marcel. "Social Movements and Sexual Citizenship in Southern Europe." Journal of Contemporary European Studies 23, no. 1 (January 2, 2015): 160–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14782804.2014.1002319.

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Hamid, Sadek. "Islam, migrants and Muslim social movements in Europe." Patterns of Prejudice 51, no. 2 (March 15, 2017): 191–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0031322x.2017.1303028.

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Susser, Ida. "Introduction." Focaal 2017, no. 79 (December 1, 2017): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2017.790101.

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It seems crucial to research the transformative aspects of progressive grassroots movements in the face of the troubling turn to the right in elections in the United States and parts of Europe. This theme section considers “commoning” as one way to understand the emergence of social movements in Europe and the United States. The articles analyze different protests from housing movements, to anti-antiblack insurgency, redefinitions of the tax code, and the squares movement. The articles consider how movements around the urban commons change over time, differ from more traditional social movements, and address or emerge from the specifics of contemporary regimes. The aim is to develop a theoretical perspective on commoning, which will provide a framework for comparison across societies at this juncture.

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ÖZTÜRK, Efe Tuğberk, and Aslı DALDAL. "New Social Movements as Postmodern Challanges To Neoliberalism and Representative Democracy." International Journal of Political Studies 7, no. 2 (August 31, 2021): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.25272/j.2149-8539.2021.7.2.01.

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In this article, the relationship between new social movements, representative democracy and neoliberalism is examined. Starting with student protests in Europe and the United State, the late 1960s have witnessed the emegence of new social movements. Ecological, anti-nuclear, feminist, student, anti-racist, and LGBTI+ protests all have been examined with the scope of the new social movements paradigm. The remarkable protest wave of the 1970s has been followed by contemporary movements in different forms like the Arab Spring and the Occupy movement. Although these movements differ in terms of issues they deal with and goals they seek, they have a lot in common. Unlike the old movements like labour protests, these new movements primarily focus on postmaterial issues. Postmaterial identity demands and rights of these movements conflict with material demands of neoliberal governments. Furthermore, modern democracies fail to address these issues. Representative democracy is seen as an obstacle to political participation. On the other hand, postmodernism is a suitable concept to explain internal discrepancies and dispersion of new social movements. It is argued that (a) the legitimacy crisis of representative democracy and neoliberal response of capitalism to its structural crisis have triggered new social conflicts and movements, (b) these movements differ from old movements in terms of their forms, goals, and demands, (c) new social movements are postmodern.

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Muś, Anna. "Politicization of Ethnicity: The Moravian-Silesian Movement in the Czech Republic and the Silesian Movement in Poland—A Comparative Approach." Nationalities Papers 47, no. 6 (November 2019): 1048–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.66.

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AbstractEthnoregionalism in Europe is a phenomenon usually studied in the context of Western Europe. Still, in Central and Eastern Europe, there are some social and political movements that can be categorized as ethnoregionalist. The phenomenon started to play a role even before the Great War and in the interwar period, but was suppressed during the times of socialist regimes. It resurfaced immediately after 1989 during the times of transformation of political systems to fully democratic systems when problems of decentralization, authority, and division of power became openly discussed. In this article, I compare two such movements in the context of their political potential. The Moravian-Silesian movement in the Czech Republic and the Silesian movement in Poland have both similarities and differences, but the article mostly focuses on the evolution of these movements.

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Rucht, Dieter, Hanspeter Kriesi, Ruud Koopmans, Jan Willem Duyvendak, and Marco G. Giugni. "New Social Movements in Western Europe: A Comparative Analysis." Contemporary Sociology 26, no. 3 (May 1997): 335. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2654027.

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KRIESI, HANSPETER, RUUD KOOPMANS, JAN WILLEM DUYVENDAK, and MARCO G. GIUGNI. "New social movements and political opportunities in Western Europe." European Journal of Political Research 22, no. 2 (August 1992): 219–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.1992.tb00312.x.

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Guzman-Concha, Cesar. "Radical Social Movements in Western Europe: A Configurational Analysis." Social Movement Studies 14, no. 6 (January 29, 2015): 668–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14742837.2014.998644.

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Koca, Burcu Togral. "New Social Movements: “Refugees Welcome UK”." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 12, no. 2 (January 29, 2016): 96. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2016.v12n2p96.

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This study addresses the dynamics of new social movements with a special emphasis on the “Refugees Welcome UK” in the light of the Syrian refugee crisis. Since March 2011, over four millions of people have fled civil war in Syria and sought refuge mainly in neighbouring countries, such as Turkey, Jordan, Egypt and Lebanon. However, precarious living circumstances and uncertain legal status in these countries have forced hundreds of thousands of Syrians to head for Europe in quest for a better life. The European countries, on the other hand, have adopted restrictive approaches towards Syrian refugees. Among these European countries, the UK has been the most criticized one because of its indifference to the plight of Syrian refugees. Under the leadership of David Cameron, the UK has taken a restrictive stance on accepting Syrian refugees and resisted any solution attempts at the EU level. Contrary to this anti-refugee approach at the state level, there emerged social movements in support of refugees throughout the UK. The most prominent one is the “Refugees Welcome” movement engaging in various strategies, ranging from seeking donation to raising public awareness. Building upon the insights of “New Social Movements” paradigm and using documentary analysis, this article explores the dynamics of this movement, its demands and objectives, social base, organizational structure, mobilization strategies and medium of action and social location. The article seeks to contribute both to the literature on social movements and to the current debate on refugees.

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Menegatti, Emanuele, Effrosyni Bakirtzi, Ana Belén Muñoz Ruiz, and Maria Salas Porras. "Populism and Social Law: The Case of Southern Europe." International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 39, Issue 1 (March 1, 2023): 71–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2023005.

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Both left-wing and right-wing populism have found fertile ground in Southern European countries, especially in the wake of the economic crisis. Impoverishment, rising inequality and social insecurity caused by growing unemployment generated by the great recession and as a side-effect of austerity measures have increased social discontent toward the traditional political establishment. This has promoted populist movements, such as the Five Star Movement and the League (the successor to the Northern League) in Italy, and Syriza in Greece, along with Podemos and Vox in Spain. In the first section the article introduces the populists to be scrutinized in the subsequent sections before exploring the reasons behind the rise of populist movements in Greece, Italy and Spain, and examining the kind of populism they share. In the second section we illustrate the political agenda of the ruling populist parties. The article highlights the fact that while in Greece and Italy ‘all-populist’ governments have been in charge in recent years and have managed to implement some of their reforms, in Spain they have never come to power alone, but only within a coalition with traditional parties, so we will mostly discuss their political agenda. The third section focuses on an evaluation of the effectiveness of the policies implemented with respect to the social issues these groups purported to address. This will take us to a final discussion of the real capacity demonstrated by ruling populists to promote a new social model or a valid alternative to the mainstream liberal one. Populism, labour law, social security law, social model

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Zadnikar, Gita. "Radio Libere: An Experiment with Radio Broadcasting in Italy." Monitor ISH 17, no. 2 (November 3, 2015): 7–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.33700/1580-7118.17.2.7-24(2015).

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The 1970s expansion of free radio stations throughout Europe and the experiences of that movement over the following years encouraged diverse reflections on, and experiments with, the ways of using media and new technologies. Of course the experience of Radio Alice and other free radio stations in the Italy of the late 1970s only became possible when the radio as a communication tool became affordable and technically accessible to a new social subject – the student movement and social movements predominantly consisting of young people. What left the deepest mark on the period, however, was a fundamental change in the attitude of social and political movements to the media.

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Nulman, Eugene, and Raphael Schlembach. "Advances in social movement theory since the global financial crisis." European Journal of Social Theory 21, no. 3 (June 20, 2017): 376–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368431017714213.

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The social movement literature in Western Europe and North America has oriented much of its theoretical work towards micro-, meso-, and macro-level examinations of its subject of study but has rarely integrated these levels of analysis. This review article broadly documents the leading theoretical perspectives on social movements, while highlighting the contributions made in recent years with regard to the wave of protests across the globe – typified by the Occupy Movement and the ‘Arab Spring’ – and grievances that are relatively novel in qualitative or quantitative form such as austerity, precarity, and a sense of democratic deficiency. While these novel social processes have invigorated the specialized arena of ‘social movement studies’ and generated a resurgence of work on social movements beyond the field, this article argues for the need to interconnect levels of analysis in order to develop a more insightful account of contemporary contentious politics.

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Doerr, Nicole, and Massimiliano Andretta. "Imagining Europe: Internal and External Non-State Actors at the European Crossroads." European Foreign Affairs Review 12, Issue 3 (August 1, 2007): 385–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2007032.

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This article studies the construction of ideals and images associated with Europe and the European Union by non-state actors (social movements, trade unions and NGOs) based outside Europe. First, we analyse the external image of Europe and the EU through the content analysis of meaning attributed to the EU and EU politics on the homepages of non-EU NGOs, trade unions and social movements within the global justice movements. Secondly, we study the perspective of non-Western European activists within the European Social Forum process as a transnational forum ‘from below’ for ‘another’ Europe. The European Union seen from outside is an ambivalent powerful political community with both a hegemonic but also a socially transformative and democratic aspiration. While internal EU organizations and groups claim the internal democratization of Europe, activists based outside the EU see it as an important external ally for the implementation of human rights and democratization (or gender equality), though they are very critical on materialistic issues, such as trade relationships.

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Havas, Clemens, Lorenz Wendlinger, Julian Stier, Sahib Julka, Veronika Krieger, Cornelia Ferner, Andreas Petutschnig, Michael Granitzer, Stefan Wegenkittl, and Bernd Resch. "Spatio-Temporal Machine Learning Analysis of Social Media Data and Refugee Movement Statistics." ISPRS International Journal of Geo-Information 10, no. 8 (July 23, 2021): 498. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijgi10080498.

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In 2015, within the timespan of only a few months, more than a million people made their way from Turkey to Central Europe in the wake of the Syrian civil war. At the time, public authorities and relief organisations struggled with the admission, transfer, care, and accommodation of refugees due to the information gap about ongoing refugee movements. Therefore, we propose an approach utilising machine learning methods and publicly available data to provide more information about refugee movements. The approach combines methods to analyse the textual, temporal and spatial features of social media data and the number of arriving refugees of historical refugee movement statistics to provide relevant and up to date information about refugee movements and expected numbers. The results include spatial patterns and factual information about collective refugee movements extracted from social media data that match actual movement patterns. Furthermore, our approach enables us to forecast and simulate refugee movements to forecast an increase or decrease in the number of incoming refugees and to analyse potential future scenarios. We demonstrate that the approach proposed in this article benefits refugee management and vastly improves the status quo.

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Bieler † §, Andreas, and Adam David Morton ¶. "‘Another Europe is possible’? Labour and social movements at the European social forum." Globalizations 1, no. 2 (December 2004): 305–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1474773042000308622.

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de Nardis, Fabio, and Alteri Luca. "Governance multilivello e partecipazione politica: una introduzione." PARTECIPAZIONE E CONFLITTO, no. 2 (March 2009): 5–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/paco2009-002001.

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- The introduction draws a picture of the link between multi-level governance and transnational social movement. The Authors moves from the description of governance polity as a system of political opportunities to social mobilization, then they describe both local and global dimensions, regarding as a field of conflict and legitimacy. The fourth paragraph develops a comparative analysis on two alternative Europe, the one from above (the institutional building suffering a democratic deficit), the latter from below (the process of collective learning built up by Social Forums). In the end, the last paragraph describes the guidelines of the whole Issue. Keywords: Multilevel Governance; Social Movements; Europe; Globalization; Public Sphere

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Kaschuba, Wolfgang. "Cultural Heritage in Europe." Anthropological Journal of European Cultures 17, no. 2 (September 1, 2008): 34–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ajec.2008.170203.

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This article deals with the often problematic connection between European and ethnological world images. After a short retrospective on the ethnological heritage, it elaborates current social and political problems and determines the ethnological position in these discourses. Finally, it recommends the imagination of an 'ethnology of the present', which increasingly focuses its lens on the European margins, across boundaries, and on movements: ethnology as a 'social ethnography' of the culturally vagrant, ambivalent and fluid.

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Roth, Silke. "Introduction: Contemporary Counter-Movements in the Age of Brexit and Trump." Sociological Research Online 23, no. 2 (April 17, 2018): 496–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1360780418768828.

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Brexit and the election of President Trump in the United States are the result of the rise of far-right populist movements which can be observed in Europe, North America, and other regions of the world. Whereas populism itself is one response to neoliberalism, globalization, and austerity measures, the election of Trump, in particular, has caused a new wave of protest. To a far lesser extent, on the 60th anniversary of the founding of the European Union in March 2017, people in the UK and many European countries participated in a March for Europe. These demonstrations represent counter-movements to the growing presence of right-wing, anti-immigrant, racist, nationalist, sexist, homophobic, anti-semitic and anti-Muslim movements throughout Europe and the United States. This rapid response issue surveys right-wing populist and left-liberal counter-movements which represent different responses to neoliberalism, globalization, austerity, and to each other. Social movements reflect and contribute to social change and need to be understood from an intersectional perspective. Networked media play an important role for both populist movements from the right and progressive counter-movements.

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Lunev, S. I. "SOCIAL PROTEST IN INDIA." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(43) (August 28, 2015): 198–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-4-43-198-207.

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Economic globalization creates unfavorable conditions for some countries and social groups while the situation in other countries and social is becoming worse. That is why social problems are on the rise worldwide. Thus, social protest became the major cause of the Arab spring is. Social wave overwhelmed Western Europe and the USA. The solution of social problems depends not on the political will of the elite, but on the activity of the population, as the ruling circles will not adopt a policy of self-restrictions and concessions to the majority without the hard push from the bottom. The peculiar feature of India is the general satisfaction of the society with the political system and economic situation. At the same time the protests against specific cases and events in the country mobilize hundreds of thousands of people, be it corruption scandals or violence against women. However, cultural- civilizational factors contribute to the non-violent character of almost all mass actions. Another distinctive feature of India is the desire of the organizers of the protest to reject support of the major parties due to the belief that political leaders are interested more in strengthening their social base rather than in solving the concrete problems. There are different categories of social protest in India: peasant movements; scheduled castes' (Dalits, the former untouchables) movements; anti-corruption movements; environmental movements; backward caste movements; women's movements; tribal movements; industrial proletariat movements; students' movements; middle class movements; human rights movements. The first four movements are currently the most noticeable. Social protest has not, so far, led to any serious political instability. However, a certain development of the situation can generate it, as well as the rejection of the mainly peaceful methods. In this respect, Dalit movements, especially in case of further erosion of the caste system, are the subject of the greatest concern.

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Mathers, Andrew. "Un metodo aperto di coordinamento nella mobilitazione sociale transnazionale: la governance multilivello e la lotta per un'Europa sociale." PARTECIPAZIONE E CONFLITTO, no. 2 (March 2009): 55–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/paco2009-002003.

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- This article explores the way that Multi-Level Governance (Mlg) has, or has not, opened up a new Political Opportunity Structure within the European Union which transnational social and political actors can utilise to advance the project for a "Social Europe". It focuses specifically on the ‘European Marches against Unemployment, Job Insecurity and Exclusions' which has emerged to challenge the labour market and welfare state restructuring which has resulted from the Lisbon Strategy to achieve a specifically European social model of development in the context of neoliberal globalisation. The article outlines the learning processes through which the EM Network developed an autonomous agenda and a contentious repertoire of action. It concludes by suggesting that the struggle for a "Social Europe", as conducted by the EM Network, was waged in and against the structures of Mlg and can be understood as an open method of coordination within an emergent transnational social movement. Keywords: multilevel governance; social movements; social Europe; Lisbon Strategy; transnational participation

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Leontidou, Lila. "Urban Social Movements in ‘Weak’ Civil Societies: The Right to the City and Cosmopolitan Activism in Southern Europe." Urban Studies 47, no. 6 (May 2010): 1179–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0042098009360239.

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The transition from fast spontaneous urbanisation in southern Europe, with popular squatting as a form of civil disobedience, to ‘new social movements’ (NSMs) for democratic globalisation in cities, is taking place in the context of a broader transition. In the 20th century, there were unstable politics, civil wars and also still dictatorships in the south, which contributed in a north—south divide in Europe, engulfing civil societies, the welfare state, planning and grassroots mobilisations for a ‘right to the city’. This paper focuses on social transformation during the 21st century and points to three directions. First, it explores the nature of several NSMs as urban social movements (USMs) organised by loosely networked cosmopolitan collectivities, social centres and flâneur activists demanding a ‘right to the city’, and interprets this with reference to globalisation, democratisation and the Europeanisation of southern civil societies. Secondly, it unveils innovative forms of ‘urban’ mobilisations in the south, influencing the rest of the Europe: squatting in the past, social centres and the ESF (both starting in Italy) at present. Thirdly, it traces transformations of USMs between two centuries and argues about the deconstruction of the north—south divide in Europe with regard to movements and definitions of the ‘right to the city’. Mediterranean USMs have offered new insights and have broadened geographical imaginations in Europe.

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Belinsky, A. V. "Covid deniers and new forms of social movements in Western Europe." RUSSIA AND THE CONTEMPORARY WORLD, no. 2 (2022): 104–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/rsm/2022.02.06.

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Campos, Inês, and Esther Marín-González. "People in transitions: Energy citizenship, prosumerism and social movements in Europe." Energy Research & Social Science 69 (November 2020): 101718. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.erss.2020.101718.

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Porta, Donatella Della, and Martín Portos. "Social movements in times of inequalities: Struggling against austerity in Europe." Structural Change and Economic Dynamics 53 (June 2020): 116–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.strueco.2020.01.011.

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Koopmans, Ruud. "New social movements and changes in political participation in Western Europe." West European Politics 19, no. 1 (January 1996): 28–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402389608425119.

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Frank, Andre Gunder. "Revolution in Eastern Europe: Lessons for democratic social movements (and socialists?)." Third World Quarterly 12, no. 2 (April 1990): 36–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436599008420233.

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Daniel, Ondrej. "From Street Parties to Hardbass: Dance and Protest in Czech Postsocialist Urban Space." IASPM Journal 13, no. 2 (July 31, 2023): 59–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5429/2079-3871(2023)v13i2.5en.

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In this study, I aim to discuss the nature of protest dances taking place in urban spaces of postsocialist Czech Republic. My point of departure consist in the hardbass masked dances that were produced and propagated by activists with links to far-right social movements mainly in Eastern Europe in the early 2010s. Hardbass thus mimicked the earlier anti-globalization social movement Reclaim the Streets (RTS). The anti-globalization movement of the late 1990s and early 2000s can be considered a truly global social movement, active not only in the core capitalist countries but also in locations that are more peripheral.

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Mahamatov, T. M., and A. Nakova. "Objective Ground of National and Ethnic Identity as self-consciousness of an Ethnic Group." Humanities and Social Sciences. Bulletin of the Financial University 10, no. 1 (November 3, 2020): 57–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.26794/2226-7867-2020-10-1-57-62.

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The Globalisation process and its achievements have exacerbated migration problems, creating a demographic crisis in the European Union and the Russian Federation. The authors of the article from the position of social philosophy and sociology examine the impact of the increasing migration flow from the problem regions of Asia and Africa to the more prosperous countries of Europe on the concepts of national and ethnic identity and tolerance, as well as on social capital and public trust in political leadership. The article draws attention to the borderline nature of the movement of identarism formed in the countries of Scandinavia, Western and Eastern Europe, with right-wing and extreme nationalist movements.

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Glenn, John K. "Contentious Politics and Democratization: Comparing the Impact of Social Movements on the Fall of Communism in Eastern Europe." Political Studies 51, no. 1 (March 2003): 103–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00415.

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In this paper, I identify and analyze the interaction between two processes – mobilization and bargaining – by which democratic challengers can transform political institutions, bringing together insights from the literatures on social movements, which tends to analyze movement emergence, and democratization, which tends to analyze the design of democratic institutions. I compare the impact of social movements in the fall of communism in Eastern Europe, cases that offer a valuable opportunity to extend the literature on contentious politics beyond its origins in the study of Western parliamentary democracies. The analysis directs attention to an under examined arena of political contestation, agenda setting, or the process by which the demands of social movements are translated into issues for governments. The paper argues that the traditional dichotomy between institutional and non-institutionalized contention has obscured the ways that democratic challengers not only pressure states from the outside but transform them through new forms of political participation. Finally, it considers alternative explanations and suggests new directions for comparative research across different settings and times.

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Christiaens, Kim. "European Reconfigurations of Transnational Activism: Solidarity and Human Rights Campaigns on Behalf of Chile during the 1970s and 1980s." International Review of Social History 63, no. 3 (August 16, 2018): 413–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859018000330.

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AbstractThe overthrow of the democratically elected socialist president Salvador Allende in Chile and the human rights violations under the military junta of Augusto Pinochet spawned one of the most iconic and sustained human rights campaigns of the Cold War. Human rights scholars have argued that this movement on behalf of Chile signalled the “breakthrough” of human rights as the lingua franca of transnational activism. They have emphasized the global dimensions of these campaigns, which inspired movements mobilizing on behalf of other issues in the Third World. However, such narratives have not been corroborated by research on the campaigns as developed in Europe. Historians have so far focused on the impact of the Chilean crisis in specific countries or on particular organizations, and on the ways in which human rights activism was coloured by local and national contexts. This article aims to shift the scope of the debate by establishing relations with and crossovers from other transnational causes and campaigns, analysing the ways in which campaigns on behalf of Chile became intimately related to campaigns on intra-European issues during the 1970s and 1980s. It explores the so far little-studied connections between campaigns over Chile and simultaneously burgeoning movements on behalf of East–West détente, resistance against authoritarian regimes in Southern Europe, and the plight of dissidents in Eastern Europe. It argues that campaigns on behalf of Chile were reconfigured around European themes, created bonds of solidarity within a divided Europe, and drew on analogies rather than a juxtaposition between Europe and the Third World.

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Barker, Eileen, Elisabeth Arweck, and Peter B. Clarke. "New Religious Movements in Western Europe: An Annotated Bibliography." Sociology of Religion 59, no. 2 (1998): 187. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3712083.

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Bruckmann, "Mónica, and Theotonio Dos Santos. "Soziale Bewegungen in Lateinamerika." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 36, no. 142 (March 1, 2006): 7–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v36i142.566.

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At the beginning of the 20th century, social movements in Latin America were heavily influenced by anarchist immigrants from Europe and then by the ideological struggles around the Russian revolution. Beginning in the 1930s, many social movements started to incorporate into leftwing and populist parties and governments, such as the Cardenismo in Mexico. Facing the shift of many governments towards the left and the 'threat' of socialist Cuba, ultrarightwing groups and the military, supported by the US, responded in many countries with brutal repression and opened the neoliberal era. Today, after 30 years of repression and neoliberal hegemony, the social movements are gaining strength again in many Latin American countries. With the anti-globalization movement, new insurrections like the Zapatismo in Mexico, and some leftwing governments coming into power in Venezuela, Brasil and other countries, there appears to be a new turn in Latin America's road to the future.

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Tagma, Halit Mustafa, Elif Kalaycioglu, and Emel Akcali. "‘Taming’ Arab social movements: Exporting neoliberal governmentality." Security Dialogue 44, no. 5-6 (October 2013): 375–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010613500512.

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In the wake of the recent Arab revolutions, the European Union (EU) has sought to provide genuine and substantial support to a range of Arab social movements in the region’s emerging polities. Yet the EU’s recent democracy-promotion efforts represent a puzzle for earlier critical approaches to the relationship between Europe and the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), which argue for the existence of hegemonic patronage linkages. We argue, however, that the EU’s attempts at democracy promotion in the MENA region may be understood through a governmentality framework, despite the limitations of such an approach. Specifically, the EU is actively promoting neoliberal policies in the aftermath of the Arab Spring in order to foster a mode of subjectivity that is conducive to the EU’s own norms and interests. What we observe are not just innocent attempts at democracy promotion, but a form of politics and economics that seeks to subject the agency on the ‘Arab street’ to EU standards. We conclude by going over the radical plurality of the Arab street, and show how it was in fact earlier neoliberal reforms by their former regimes that created the conditions of possibility for the recent revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt.

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Nardi, Peter M. "The Globalization of the Gay & Lesbian Socio-Political Movement: Some Observations about Europe with a Focus on Italy." Sociological Perspectives 41, no. 3 (September 1998): 567–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1389564.

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The emergence of new social movements focused on gay and lesbian issues during the past 25 years has been well documented in American society. The diffusion of a gay and lesbian socio-political movement in other Western cultures and many developing societies has been the subject of more recent inquiries. This article assesses the globalization of the international gay and lesbian social movement by focusing on Europe and Italy, in particular, and raises questions about the socio-political conditions that might be necessary for the development of a new social movement—one based on sexual orientation identity concepts rather than one based on age-structured or gender-structured relationships. Historical information about social and legal changes in Italy and in the rest of Europe is presented along with current issues facing the increasingly visible gay movement in Italy. What emerges is a portrait of a culture changing and questioning its relationship to traditional patriarchal, religious, and gender concepts while becoming interconnected with global gay and lesbian communities and issues.

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Roussos, Konstantinos, and Haris Malamidis. "SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND THE COMMONS: A FRAMEWORK FOR UNDERSTANDING COLLECTIVE ACTION IN CRISIS-RIDDEN SOUTHERN EUROPE." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 26, no. 3 (September 1, 2021): 359–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-26-3-359.

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Both social movement research and the literature on the commons provide rich accounts of the anti-austerity mobilizations and uprisings in southern Europe. Movement studies offer important insights regarding the context of mobilization and collective claim making. The commons literature emphasizes bottom-up practices of shared ownership, self-management, and social co-production that move beyond institutional solutions. Although both literatures highlight similar phenomena, they remain relatively unconnected. Their distance precludes a full grasp of the implications regarding the dynamic and abundant to-and-fro movement between protest-based politics and everyday forms of collective action in this region, which is heavily affected by the crisis’ austerity management. Drawing on the South European context, this article rethinks key concepts addressed in both literatures (social movements-commons, activists-commoners, mobilization-commoning) and highlights how a conceptual synthesis can sharpen and (re)politicize the theorization of contemporary collective action in the everyday.

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Agnesdotter, Carina. "Poesi i kapprustningens tid." Tidskrift för litteraturvetenskap 42, no. 2-3 (January 1, 2012): 124–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.54797/tfl.v42i2-3.11692.

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Poetry in the Age of the Arms Race: Ingrid Sjöstrand’s Poem “Otänkbart” (“Unthinkable”) on the NATO Rearmament Decisions of 1979 Within the popular movements poetry is used as a tool in the struggle for social and political change. The poetry cherished by the movements can thus be described as utilitarian, performing rhetorical functions in relevant contexts. The article deals with the poem “Otänkbart” (“Unthinkable”) by Ingrid Sjöstrand, which addresses a pertinent social problem from the perspective of the peace movement. The poem was published in Dagens Nyheter, Sweden’s largest daily newspaper, on 28 December, 1979. It is a response to the NATO decision made at a summit conference in Brussels on 12 December of that year to deploy nuclear weapons in Europe. A theoretical basis for the analysis is provided by Ron Eyerman and Andrew Jamison’s cognitive approach to social movements. In my study, I consider “Unthinkable” as part of the peace movement’s cognitive practice, exploring the explanation of the arms race formulated in the poem. I also investigate the relationship of the poem to articles published in Dagens Nyheter in December 1979 concerning the NATO decision, as well as to other texts dealing with related themes. Further, I scrutinize the poem’s uses of rhetorical devices and strategies to convince the reader to adopt the peace movement’s position on the issue and to create commitment and readiness to act. The analysis shows that “Unthinkable” was clearly a part of the peace movement’s knowledge production concerning the causes and consequences of the arms race, and of the movement’s values and alternative strategies for action. Structurally, “Unthinkable” offers creative opportunities for committed reception.

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Branco, Ana Sofia. "Asylum policies in Europe: ethical implications for Social Work." Revista Temas Sociais, no. 3 (December 30, 2022): 66–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.53809/ts_iss_2022_n.3_66-82.

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Following the 2008 financial crisis and with the increase of migrants movements since 2015 the welfare policies across EU are increasingly becoming instruments for limiting mobility of migrants from outside the EU borders. In this article we focus on the implications that asylum policies have for the interventions of social workers and the ethical dilemmas that they face. This article is the result of an exploratory work. Thus, based on the author's PhD dissertation, as well as resorting to her professional experience as a social worker, she carried out a literature review to identify a set of articles that analyse the practice of Social Work with asylum seekers and refugees and the ethical issues and challenges associated with it. The main goal of this article is to contribute to the reflection on the role of the social worker in safeguarding human rights of this population.

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PANICO, CARLA. "RIGHT TO THE CITY AND RIGHT TO THE NON-CITY: NEO-EXTRACTIVISM AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS IN SOUTHERN EUROPE." Society Register 4, no. 4 (December 1, 2020): 151–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/sr.2020.4.4.07.

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This text aims to propose a reflection on the phenomenon of so-called touristification within the geographical area of Southern Europe concerning two points: how the processes of production of space that go under this name can be placed inside of the framework of the neo-extractive processes and how social movements against tourism may eventually resonate with the perspective of political ecology. The hypothesis is that this typology of accumulation processes responds to certain colonial rationality of capitalist exploitation within a specific area of the Global North – Southern Europe – starting from the global economic crisis of 2008, which I assume as a historical period characterized by specific forms of production of space (Lefebvre 1974) and specific social movements – the anti-tourism movements and the environmental struggles.

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Stefanovski, Ivan. "Tracing Causal Mechanisms in Social Movement Research in Southeast Europe: The Cases of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia – Evidence from the “Bosnian Spring” and the “Citizens for Macedonia” Movements." SEEU Review 12, no. 1 (June 1, 2017): 27–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/seeur-2017-0003.

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AbstractRecent anti-governmental social movements in countries of former Yugoslavia have awakened the spirit of contention which had been dormant for almost two decades. The overwhelming economic deprivation, accompanied by the massive violation of basic human rights of the citizens, urged the challengers to take the streets.This paper is focused on comparison of two movements, the “Citizens for Macedonia” movement in the Republic of Macedonia and the “Bosnian Spring” in Bosnia and Herzegovina, highlighting the role and influence of movements on the (non)occurrence of policy outputs which articulated claims put forward by social movement organizations (SMOs) as well as other movement actors in the two respective countries. The analysis will be conducted taking into consideration specific social movement related variables like forms/types of claims-making and repertoires of action, as well as wider political process factors such as repression by state actors, and the attitude of allies and opponents of the movements (political parties, mainstream media, general political system characteristics, international community etc.).Regarding the methodological approach, we will apply a mixed comparative research design, with variation both on side of the independent and the dependent variables. Since the outcomes of the movements are already tangible, we will also apply elements of process tracing methodology (PTM), reconstructing the events as much as possible. My primary data collection tools encompass in-depth interviews (approximately 10 per country) with four specific categories of interviewees (SMO representatives, activists, policymakers and key informants) as well as thorough document analysis referring to the policy outputs.

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Cascais, António Fernando. "Santos, Ana Cristina (2013), Social Movements and Sexual Citizenship in Southern Europe." Revista Crítica de Ciências Sociais, no. 110 (September 1, 2016): 141–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/rccs.6420.

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Krieger, Joel. "Egalitarian Social Movements in Western Europe: Can They Survive Globalization and EMU?" International Studies Review 1, no. 3 (December 1999): 69–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1521-9488.00165.

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Lima, Maria da Paz Campos, and Antonio Martín Artiles. "Youth voice(s) in EU countries and social movements in southern Europe." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 19, no. 3 (August 2013): 345–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1024258913493732.

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Bieler, Andreas. "Labour, New Social Movements and the Resistance to Neoliberal Restructuring in Europe." New Political Economy 16, no. 2 (April 2011): 163–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13563461003789779.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Social movements – Europe'

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