Academic literature on the topic 'Social movements – Europe'
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Journal articles on the topic "Social movements – Europe"
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Ferrarotti, Franco. "Social movements in Western Europe." International Journal of Politics, Culture and Society 1, no. 1 (September 1987): 47–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01384921.
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della Porta, Donatella, and Manuela Caiani. "Europeanization From Below? Social Movements and Europe." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 12, no. 1 (February 1, 2007): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.12.1.j48p252t414qu05x.
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Although the process of European integration is proceeding speedily and social movements are often interacting transnationally, research on the Europeanization of social movement actors is far from developed. Some scholars, focusing especially on public interest groups active at EU level, expect that civil society actors, due among other reasons to the flexibility of their organizational structures, will be able to adapt quickly to integration. Others, especially scholars looking at protest activities, are skeptical on three accounts: (1) will actors endowed with scarce material resources be able to build transnational organizations; (2) will they be able to stage supranational protest events; and (3) will the European Union be accountable to pressure from below. In this article, we focus on the degree and forms of social movement participation in the public discourse and collective action concerning Europe—that is, their capacity to take part in the debate and mobilization referring to European issues, targets, and actors. On the basis of a comparative dataset that includes content analyses of daily press and interview data from seven European countries, we argue that various forms of Europeanization of the public discourse and mobilization by social movements are indeed on the rise, with a growing presence not only of purely European actors but also of European targets and frames, as well as transnational movement networks. Changes across time emerge, with the development of (conflictual) forms of "Europeanization from below."
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Klaridermans, Bert. "New Social Movements and Resource Mobilization: The European and the American Approach." International Journal of Mass Emergencies & Disasters 4, no. 2 (August 1986): 13–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/028072708600400203.
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In the past 20 years, student movements, environmental movements, women's movements and peace movements developed both in America and in Europe. These actions meant an explosive growth in the number of publications about social movements. Theory formation took a different course in Europe and in the U.S. While in the U.S. resource mobilization theory shifted attention from deprivation to the availability of resources in explanation of the rise of social movements, in Europe the “new social movement approach” emphasized the development of postindustrial society. Resource mobilisation and the new social movement approach are discussed. Both approaches are needed to arrive at a satisfactory explanation. The new social movement approach has concentrated on factors that determine mobilization potential, but does not give an answer to the question of how these potentials are mobilized, Resource mobilization theory does pay attention to the mobilization of resources, to the significance of recruitment networks, and to the costs and benefits of participation, but has no interest in the mobilization potentials from which a movement must draw in mobilization campaigns. Assumptions are formulated in explanation of the divergent development of the social movement literature on the two continents.
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Célia, Taborda Silva. "Social Movements in Europe, from the Past to the Present." European Journal of Social Science Education and Research 7, no. 3 (October 12, 2020): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/669ydk18r.
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Over time, the concept of social movement has evolved as society has changed, but has always implied collective action in the public space. The form of social contestation has changed, according to the conjuncture of each historical period. In 18th century, the transition from the Old Regime to Liberalism provoked movements considered by some authors as “primitive” or “premodern”, as they were spontaneous, sporadic and depoliticized. Industrial society of the 19th century gave rise to the labor movement and trade unionism, which from then on organized the social movements. In the 20th century there were changes and innovation in the collective way of acting, there was the emergence of a series of social movements that differ from the traditional in terms of the objectives and actors involved, such as the pacifist, ecologist, feminist movements, acting on the fringes of parties and unions. The 21st century has witnessed a set of movements that begin on social networks, such as Generation Scratch, Outraged, Occupy Wall Street, Screw the Troika, and quickly outgrow local scales to become global. Through the use of a theoretical and conceptual framework derived from the theories of social movements and taking into account the current transformation of collective action that has been witnessed in the 21st century, we intend to verify if we are facing a new social phenomenon or another phase of “repertoire” change.
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Silva, Célia Taborda. "Social Movements in Europe, from the Past to the Present." European Journal of Education 6, no. 2 (August 10, 2023): 10–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ejed-2023-0012.
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Abstract Over time, the concept of social movement has evolved as society has changed, but has always implied collective action in the public space. The form of social contestation has changed, according to the conjuncture of each historical period. In 18th century, the transition from the Old Regime to Liberalism provoked movements considered by some authors as “primitive” or “premodern”, as they were spontaneous, sporadic and depoliticized. Industrial society of the 19th century gave rise to the labor movement and trade unionism, which from then on organized the social movements. In the 20th century there were changes and innovation in the collective way of acting, there was the emergence of a series of social movements that differ from the traditional in terms of the objectives and actors involved, such as the pacifist, ecologist, feminist movements, acting on the fringes of parties and unions. The 21st century has witnessed a set of movements that begin on social networks, such as Generation Scratch, Outraged, Occupy Wall Street, Screw the Troika, and quickly outgrow local scales to become global. Through the use of a theoretical and conceptual framework derived from the theories of social movements and taking into account the current transformation of collective action that has been witnessed in the 21st century, we intend to verify if we are facing a new social phenomenon or another phase of “repertoire” change.
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Jung, Jai. "Disentangling Protest Cycles: An Event-History Analysis of New Social Movements in Western Europe." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 15, no. 1 (February 1, 2010): 25–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.15.1.86260543m3110705.
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The theory of protest cycles has informed us that the external political environment and the internal competition among social movement organizations are distinct elements leading to the emergence, development, and decline of popular protest. This theory, however, has not been examined systematically. I conduct an event-history analysis to test and refine the theory of protest cycles using a well-known new social movement event dataset. While proposing a general way of operationalizing the core concepts in social movement studies, I show that political opportunity only matters during the initial phase of social movement mobilization, rather than throughout the movement's lifespan. What explains declining frequencies of protest occurrence during the demobilization phase is the joint effect of two internal factors: the institutionalization of social movements and the growing violence during protests.
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Silva, Célia Taborda. "Democracy and Popular Protest in Europe: The Iberian Case (2011)." European Journal of Social Sciences 4, no. 2 (January 15, 2021): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/643pea84j.
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In recent years, Europe has witnessed social movements that break away from the conventional patterns typical of 19th and 20th century movements. The party-or trade union-organised social movements, very much centred on 19th century political and economic issues, or the New Social Movements centred on more universal values such as peace, environment, gender, ethnicity, of the 20th century seem to be changing their 'repertoire'. At the beginning of the 21st century, parties and trade unions have been losing their leading role in the organisation of demonstrations and strikes and collective actions prepared and led by specific actors have given way to new forms of social action, without leaders, without organisation, without headquarters, and which use social networks as a form of mobilisation. These are social movements that contest not to have more rights but to exercise those that exist, a full citizenship that offers the freedom to express one's opinion and the regalia of participation in political, economic, social, educational areas. In Europe, there are various types of such movements, but we will highlight the "Geração à Rasca (Scratch Generation)" movement in Portugal and that of the "Indignados (Outraged)" or 15 M in Spain, both started in 2011, and which had repercussions in the main European capitals. Using a qualitative methodology, through these protest movements we seek to understand how the complexity of today's social movements and their non-institutionalisation represent a challenge to European democracy.
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Obst, Marcel. "Social Movements and Sexual Citizenship in Southern Europe." Journal of Contemporary European Studies 23, no. 1 (January 2, 2015): 160–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14782804.2014.1002319.
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Hamid, Sadek. "Islam, migrants and Muslim social movements in Europe." Patterns of Prejudice 51, no. 2 (March 15, 2017): 191–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0031322x.2017.1303028.
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Susser, Ida. "Introduction." Focaal 2017, no. 79 (December 1, 2017): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2017.790101.
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It seems crucial to research the transformative aspects of progressive grassroots movements in the face of the troubling turn to the right in elections in the United States and parts of Europe. This theme section considers “commoning” as one way to understand the emergence of social movements in Europe and the United States. The articles analyze different protests from housing movements, to anti-antiblack insurgency, redefinitions of the tax code, and the squares movement. The articles consider how movements around the urban commons change over time, differ from more traditional social movements, and address or emerge from the specifics of contemporary regimes. The aim is to develop a theoretical perspective on commoning, which will provide a framework for comparison across societies at this juncture.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Social movements – Europe"
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Cruickshank, Neil Albert. "Power, civil society and contentious politics in post communist Europe /." St Andrews, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/559.
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SUBIRATS, Anna. "Opening the urban 'black box' : the role of the local context in the mobilisation of urban movements." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/66669.
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Defence date: 25 March 2020 (Online)Examining Board: Donatella Della Porta (EUI/SNS) (Supervisor), Laszlo Bruszt (EUI/CEU), Claire Colomb (UCL), Eduardo Romanos (Madrid Complutense)
This thesis analyses urban protest actions in the context of austerity urbanism in Southern Europe, attempting to better understand the conditions that lead to the mobilisation of urban protestors. To date, the literature on urban movements has tended to analyse the effect of macro-forces in transforming the urban environment, finding in them an explanation for protest. By contrast, local contexts – the political and institutional environments in which urban protest emerge – has been relatively unexplored. This is the case despite the fact that, empirically, we see significant variation in local protest despite similarity in the macro-problems effecting residents’ lives. Barcelona and Turin are examples of two cities that share many similarities in terms of large-scale processes and phenomena but nonetheless differ markedly in terms of the characteristics of their respective urban mobilisation. Both cities have transformed their economic model over recent decades, moving from an industrial base to the promotion of cultural and knowledge-based economic activity. Recently, both cities have been acutely affected by the financial crisis, suffering severe housing crises and being subject to fiscal constraints and austerity cuts. At the same time, both cities have a strong tradition of urban protest. Taking existing urban studies literature as a starting point, all of these factors would lead to an expectation of similar levels and forms of urban protest in Barcelona and Turin, but this thesis shows that urban mobilisation in the two cities differs in significant ways. This thesis explores the ways in which local contexts may be important in shaping expressions of urban protest. In doing so, I use protest event analysis and content analysis methodologies to collect, map and analyse 852 protest actions in Barcelona and Turin between 2011 and 2015. Drawing on the broader literature on social movements, I argue that the nature and structure of local institutionalised power are important and under-studied aspects of the dynamics of urban protest. More broadly, the thesis suggests that in order to understand urban protest, it is necessary to look beyond the particularistic qualities and fragmentation of a highly place-embedded activism and consider it in the deeper context of the local political process.
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de, Vries Helma Gerritje Engelien. "Insiders and outsiders: global social movements, party politics, and democracy in Europe and North America." College Park, Md.: University of Maryland, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/7678.
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Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2007.Thesis research directed by: Dept. of Government and Politics. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.
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Krawatzek, Félix. "Youth and crisis : discourse networks and political mobilisation." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:80a45271-f04d-4c1d-abff-6ee6c6478941.
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This thesis explores the meaning of "youth" and the political mobilisation of young people in key moments of crisis in Europe. Between 2005 and 2011, youth became critical for the consolidation of the authoritarian regime structures in Russia. I show that this process included the restructuring of the discourse about youth, the physical mobilisation of young people, and the isolation of oppositional youth. How valid are these findings for regime crises more generally? I answer this question through an analysis of the breakdown of the authoritarian Soviet Union during perestroika, the breakdown of unconsolidated democracy during the last years of the Weimar Republic, and the crisis of the democratic regime in France around 1968. The cross-regional and cross-temporal comparison of these episodes demonstrates that regimes lacking popular democratic support compensate for their insufficient legitimacy by trying to mobilise youth symbolically and politically. By developing a new method of textual analysis which combines qualitative content analysis and network analysis, the thesis offers a novel social science perspective on the meaning of youth in the four cases. My study shows how discursive structures about youth condition the possibility of political mobilisation of young people. The thesis makes three contributions to comparative politics. First, on an empirical level, my study offers new insights into social movements at moments of regime crisis in different political settings. Second, on a conceptual level, I refine our understanding of the symbolic significance of the terms "youth" and "generation" in moments when society is reorienting itself. I also examine the significance of "crisis" and argue that the term expresses openness and the possibility to remake the past and future. Third, on a methodological level, my thesis builds on the growing interest in textual analysis by developing a novel multi-level approach in three linguistic contexts, which offers insights into the structure of public discourse and the actors involved.
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Stefanovski, Ivan. "Raised on streets? The influence of social movements over policy outcomes in South East Europe: the cases of Macedonia, Bulgaria and Bosnia and Herzegovina." Doctoral thesis, Scuola Normale Superiore, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11384/86225.
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Moissonnier, Loïc. "Coordination et conflits dans le mouvement altermondialiste européen : l'expérience de trois réseaux thématiques dans le cadre du Forum Social Européen (2005-2010)." Thesis, Grenoble, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011GRENH011/document.
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Cette thèse porte sur le mouvement altermondialiste dans sa déclinaison européenne, en s'intéressant en particulier au processus du Forum Social Européen tel qu'il a été initié à Florence en novembre 2002. Plus spécifiquement, nous nous intéressons à des réseaux thématiques qui se sont constitués au fil des éditions du Forum Social Européen avec l'objectif de renforcer la coordination entre les différents participants au Forum, sur des thèmes économiques et sociaux liés à l'intégration européenne. Ces réseaux ont été constitués dans le sillage des grandes manifestations altermondialistes de portée européenne qui se sont développées dans les années 90-2000. Rapidement après leur création, ces réseaux ont cependant réuni de moins en moins de participants et ont finalement disparu en tant qu'espaces d'organisation collective. Cette thèse vise principalement à expliquer l'échec de ces réseaux. La mise en relation de la création de nos réseaux thématiques avec les mobilisations de l'altermondialisme européen, qui semblent s'essouffler au milieu des années 2000, nous incite à les analyser dans le cadre d'un processus de démobilisation au niveau européen. Celui-ci se traduit par des conflits entre les participants restant sur les modes de fonctionnement collectif au sein des réseaux ou sur les stratégies collectives à mettre en œuvre, et finalement à de nouveaux retraits de participants. La distinction de plusieurs phases entre 2005 et 2010 nous permet par ailleurs d'envisager cette combinaison entre démobilisation et conflits à plusieurs niveaux. Tandis que la fin de campagnes altermondialistes en Europe nous permet d'observer des conflits entre les acteurs sur le rôle de réseaux thématiques comme structures potentielles d'action collective, la baisse de la participation dans le cadre spécifique du Forum Social Européen fait naitre des conflits sur le rôle que devraient endosser ces réseaux dans ce processus. Finalement, le fort déclin de la participation dans le FSE d'Istanbul en 2010 aboutit à la disparition des réseaux thématiques étudiés. Au-delà de leur échec, ce travail se termine néanmoins par la mise en évidence des apports de ces expériences sur la constitution d'un groupe d'acteurs à l'échelle européenne entretenant des objectifs prochesThis thesis is about the Global Justice Movement (GJM) in its European dimension, focusing on the European Social Forum process which was launched in Florence in November 2002. More precisely, specific thematic networks have been created in the course of this process with the aim of strengthening coordination between different participants on economic and social issues linked with the European integration. These networks were created in the wake of some campaigns of the Global Justice Movement in Europe which developed in the years 1997-2005. However, fewer and fewer participants took part in the meetings of the networks, and they finally disappeared as spaces of collective organisation. This thesis is aimed at explaining the failure of these networks. We first analyze their creation as a sign of a larger process of demobilisation after 2005, concerning the whole GJM in Europe. This process leads to conflicts between remaining participants, about the internal functioning of the networks (modes of decisions, etc.) and the external collective strategies that should be defined. We distinguish several phases between 2005 and 2010 where we can find this combination between demobisation and internal conflicts in the networks. Although we observe conflicts between actors of the networks while some global justice campaigns are coming to an end in Europe (2005-2006), the decline of participation in the European Social Forum leads to conflicts about the role these networks should have in this process (2007-2010). Finally, the huge loss of participants in the ESF in Istanbul in 2010 led to the end of the thematic networks which are studied here. Beyond their failure, we point at the end of this thesis the positive contribution of these experiences that favoured the constitution of a coherent group of actors with similar objectives at the European level
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Schulze, Sheila, and Yvonne Mrukwa. "#GreenRecovery for Europe: A Content Analysis of tweets about the Green Recovery from COVID-19 on Twitter." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Malmö högskola, Institutionen för konst, kultur och kommunikation (K3), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-36968.
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The aim of this thesis is to investigate how digital activism is conducted on Twitter, particularly in relation to the dialogues and demands for Europe’s green economic recovery plan from COVID-19. It seeks to analyse the communication made using #GreenRecovery on Twitter by various actors over the period of May to June 2020, guided by the theory of public sphere and social movement and literature on digital activism, hashtag activism, Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) and Corporate Political Activity (CPA) using a qualitative and quantitative content analysis.By analysing the frequency patterns of tweets and by uncovering the different types of communication, this paper sheds light on the users involved as well as the issue frames and mobilisation strategies that were visible in the #GreenRecovery discourse . Results of this study demonstrate that #GreenRecovery is used by varying actors on Twitter such as individuals, social movements, businesses and others. Furthermore, the hashtag has been used to raise awareness, communicate particular information, mobilize action and also employ assertion as dominant digital spectator activity. Tweets with #GreenRecovery was primarily framed towards the need for a redesign of the economy, indicating demands for changes in policies by targeting accounts of political actors from the EU Commission. It is further implied that during the discourse, #GreenRecovery acted as a structural signifier as a response to the leaked proposal of the Recovery Plan demonstrating that it has the potential to create hashtag communities.
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Rivat, Emmanuel. "La transnationalisation de la cause antinucléaire en Europe : une approche comparée de la France et des Pays-Bas : (1970-2010)." Thesis, Bordeaux 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013BOR40005.
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La plupart des travaux portant sur la politique et la contestation de l’énergie nucléaire étudient des enjeux de mobilisations locaux et nationaux. Cette thèse a pour but de montrer que si les théories de la « nouvelle gouvernance » défendent l’hypothèse d’un dépassement de l’État, elles ne permettent pas de suffisamment saisir les dilemmes et les blocages de la transnationalisation de la cause anti-nucléaire. A partir de travaux de la sociologie des mouvements sociaux, des réseaux et de la sociologie politique, cette thèse vise à mieux comprendre la genèse et les modalités de la coopération et de la concurrence des Verts européens, des ONG environnementales telles que Greenpeace et Les Amis de la Terre, et des groupes locaux et nationaux. De la première conférence internationale des Nations Unies sur l'environnement de Stockholm en 1972 à la conférence sur le changement climatique de Copenhague en 2009, cette thèse étudie pourquoi et comment les militants se saisissent d’opportunités politiques internationales ou européennes. Elle explicite deux dilemmes de la coopération transnationale, à savoir la diversité des contraintes nationales des champs politiques et le degré d’institutionnalisation des groupes de contestation. Elle analyse enfin comment les militants établissent les règles de fonctionnement d’un capital social transnational comme « bien collectif » qui facilite la production, la circulation et la réception de différents types de ressources et de compétences sociales pour les militants. Loin de céder aux sirènes de l’avènement d’une « société civile transnationale », ce travail insiste sur la grande hétérogénéité pdes militants, profondément ancrés dans des champs politiques nationaux. Cette situation explique que l’activisme transnational en Europe demeure provisoire et discontinuMost of the work about the politics and contention of nuclear energy deal with local and national issues. This thesis aims to show that « new governance » theories, speaking about the decline of the state, cannot capture properly enough the various dilemmas and conflicts that prevent the rise and dynamic of the transnationalisation of the antinuclear cause. Based on social movement sociology, network sociology and political sociology, this work studies the incremental cooperation between green political parties, environmental NGO’s such as Greenpeace and Friends of the Earth, and last but not the least, local and national protest groups from the beginning of the 1970’s to the end of the 2000’s. From the first United Nation International Conference on the Environment of Stockholm in 1972 to the International Conference on Climate Change of Copenhagen in 2009, this thesis show why and how transnational activists perceive and size political international and European opportunities. It shows as well how activists face two kinds of dilemmas that prevent further transnational cooperation: the widediversity of constraints of political fields and the degree of institutionalization of antinuclear groups. It focuses on how antinuclear activists become able to build up rules of transnational social capital, understood as a “collective good” that may well facilitate the production, circulation and reception of different types of social resources and competences for activists. Far from turning a blind eye on the contradictions of what could be seen as a « transnational civil society », this work emphasizes the heterogeneity of activists, who remain deeply rooted into national political fields. This situation explains why transnational activism in Europe is still temporary and discontinuous
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Duffield, Lee R. "Graffitti on the Wall. Reading History Through News Media: The role of news media in historical crises, in the case of the collapse of the Eastern bloc in Europe 1989." Thesis, James Cook University, 2002. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/3904/1/3904.pdf.
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The thesis reviews the engagement of news media in the collapse of communism in Eastern Europe in 1989, most vividly represented by the opening of the Berlin Wall. It uses field observations of the author as a jouralist of the time, extensive interviews with other news correspondents, a review of historical writing on the period, and an exhaustive review of the coverage given by six major news outlets. The work sees the change in Europe being driven by mass social movements, but also examines conventional, institutional politics at work, and describes the engagement of news media in the historical situation as it unfolds. It determines that the daily coverage by leading Western news media judged in terms of accuracy and perspective was successful, validated by later evaluations. It is informed by theoretical writing on mass social movements and on journalistic news values. It concludes by suggesting that the approach followed, a review of history from the perspective of news media of the day, could be applied to many other situations.
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Schlembach, Raphael. "Against old Europe : social movement constructions of European nationalism." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.520709.
Full textBooks on the topic "Social movements – Europe"
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Santos, Ana Cristina. Social Movements and Sexual Citizenship in Southern Europe. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137296405.
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Mathers, Andy. Struggling for a social Europe: Neoliberal globalisation and the birth of a European social movement. Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2007.
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J, Wood Lesley, and Tilly Charles, eds. Social movements, 1768-2008. Boulder: Paradigm Publishers, 2009.
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Shipley, Peter. Patterns of protest in Western Europe. London: Institute for the Study of Conflict, 1986.
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Shipley, Peter. Patterns of protest in Western Europe. London: Institute for the Study of Conflict, 1986.
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Manning, Nick. Citizenship, social movements and social policy in the New Eastern Europe. Canterbury: Universityof Kent, Darwin College, 1992.
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Hanspeter, Kriesi, ed. New social movements in Western Europe: A comparative analysis. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995.
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Hanspeter, Kriesi, ed. New social movements in Western Europe: A comparative analysis. London: UCL Press, 1995.
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Isabelle, Sommier, Fillieule Olivier, and Agrikoliansky Eric, eds. Généalogie des mouvements altermondialistes en Europe: Une perspective comparée. Paris: Karthala, 2008.
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John, Coakley, ed. The Social origins of nationalist movements: The contemporary West European experience. London: Sage Publications, 1992.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Social movements – Europe"
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Lobera, Josep. "Anti-austerity movements in Europe." In Routledge Handbook of Contemporary European Social Movements, 267–83. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2020. | Series: Routledge international handbooks: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351025188-20.
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della Porta, Donatella. "Democratic models in Europe." In Routledge Handbook of Contemporary European Social Movements, 73–88. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2020. | Series: Routledge international handbooks: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351025188-6.
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Císař, Ondřej. "Social movement diffusion in Eastern Europe." In Routledge Handbook of Contemporary European Social Movements, 237–50. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2020. | Series: Routledge international handbooks: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351025188-18.
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Siegrist, Nathan. "Heterotopia, Social Movements and Democratic Innovation." In Participatory Democratic Innovations in Southeast Europe, 115–31. London: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003426103-8.
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Peace, Timothy. "Introduction: Muslims and Social Movements in Europe." In European Social Movements and Muslim Activism, 1–15. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137464002_1.
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Daphi, Priska. "The Global Justice Movement in Europe." In Routledge Handbook of Contemporary European Social Movements, 142–54. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2020. | Series: Routledge international handbooks: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351025188-11.
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Monforte, Pierre. "From ‘Fortress Europe’ to ‘Refugees Welcome’." In Routledge Handbook of Contemporary European Social Movements, 46–58. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2020. | Series: Routledge international handbooks: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351025188-4.
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Markovikj, Nenad, Ivan Damjanovski, and Zoran Ilievski. "Social Movements, Active Citizenship and Democratic Innovation." In Participatory Democratic Innovations in Southeast Europe, 11–36. London: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003426103-3.
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Peace, Timothy. "Conclusion: The Future of Muslim Political Activism in Europe." In European Social Movements and Muslim Activism, 157–65. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137464002_8.
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Santos, Ana Cristina. "Conclusion: What Difference Do Social Movements Make?" In Social Movements and Sexual Citizenship in Southern Europe, 176–87. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137296405_8.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Social movements – Europe"
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Demir, Emre. "THE EMERGENCE OF A NEO-COMMUNITARIAN MOVEMENT IN THE TURKISH DIASPORA IN EUROPE: THE STRATEGIES OF SETTLEMENT AND COMPETITION OF GÜLEN MOVEMENT IN FRANCE AND GERMANY." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/bkir8810.
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This paper examines the organisational and discursive strategies of the Gülen movement in France and Germany and its differentiation in Turkish Islam in Europe, with the primary focus on the movement’s educational activities. The paper describes the characteristics of organisational activity among Turkish Muslims in Europe. Then it analyses two mainstream religious-communitarian movements and the contrasting settlement strategies of the “neo- communitarian” Gülen movement. Despite the large Turkish population in western Europe, the movement has been active there for only about ten years – relatively late compared to other Islamic organisations. Mainly, the associational organisation of Turkish Islam in Europe is based on two axes: the construction/ sponsoring of mosques and Qur’anic schools. By contrast, the Gülen movement’s members in Europe, insisting on ‘the great importance of secular education’, do not found or sponsor mosques and Qur’anic schools. Their principal focus is to address the problems of the immi- grant youth population in Europe, with reintegration of Turkish students into the educational system of the host societies as a first goal. On the one hand, as a neo-communitarian religious grouping, they strive for a larger share of the ‘market’ (i.e. more members from among the Turkish diaspora) by offering a fresh religious discourse and new organisational strategies, much as they have done in Turkey. On the other hand, they seek to gain legitimacy in the public sphere in Germany and France by building an educational network in these countries, just as they have done in Central Asia and the Balkans region. Accordingly, a reinvigorated and reorganised community is taking shape in western Europe. This paper examines the organizational and discursive strategies1 of the Gülen movement in France and Germany and it is differentiation in Turkish Islam in Europe. We seek to analyse particularly the educational activities of this movement which appeared in the Islamic scene in Diaspora of Europe for the last 10 years. We focus on the case of Gülen movement because it represents a prime example amongst Islamic movements which seek to reconcile-or ac- commodate- with the secular system in Turkey. In spite of the exclusionary policy of Turkish secular state towards the religious movements, this faith-based social movement achieved to accommodate to the new socio-political conditions of Turkey. Today, for many searchers, Gülen movement brings Islam back to the public sphere by cross-fertilizing Islamic idioms with global discourses on human rights, democracy, and the market economy.2 Indeed, the activities of Gülen movement in the secular context of France and Germany represent an interesting sociological object. Firstly, we will describe the characteristics of organizational ability of Anatolian Islam in Europe. Then we will analyse the mainstream religious-com- munitarian movements (The National Perspective movement and Suleymanci community) and the settlement strategies of the “neo-communitarian”3 Gülen movement in the Turkish Muslim Diaspora. Based on semi-directive interviews with the directors of the learning centres in Germany and France and a 6 month participative observation of Gülen-inspired- activities in Strasbourg; we will try to answer the following questions: How the movement appropriates the “religious” manner and defines it in a secular context regarding to the host/ global society? How the message of Gülen is perceived among his followers and how does it have effect on acts of the Turkish Muslim community? How the movement realises the transmission of communitarian and `religious’ values and-especially-how they compete with other Islamic associations? In order to answer these questions, we will make an analysis which is based on two axes: Firstly, how the movement position within the Turkish-Islamic associational organisation? Secondly, we will try to describe the contact zones between the followers of Gülen and the global society.
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Gurbuz, Mustafa. "PERFORMING MORAL OPPOSITION: MUSINGS ON THE STRATEGY AND IDENTITY IN THE GÜLEN MOVEMENT." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/hzit2119.
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This paper investigates the Gülen movement’s repertoires of action in order to determine how it differs from traditional Islamic revivalist movements and from the so-called ‘New Social Movements’ in the Western world. Two propositions lead the discussion: First, unlike many Islamic revivalist movements, the Gülen movement shaped its identity against the perceived threat of a trio of enemies, as Nursi named them a century ago – ignorance, disunity, and poverty. This perception of the opposition is crucial to understanding the apolitical mind-set of the Gülen movement’s fol- lowers. Second, unlike the confrontational New Social Movements, the Gülen movement has engaged in ‘moral opposition’, in which the movement’s actors seek to empathise with the adversary by creating (what Bakhtin calls) ‘dialogic’ relationships. ‘Moral opposition’ has enabled the movement to be more alert strategically as well as more productive tactically in solving the everyday practical problems of Muslims in Turkey. A striking example of this ‘moral opposition’ was witnessed in the Merve Kavakci incident in 1999, when the move- ment tried to build bridges between the secular and Islamist camps, while criticising and educating both parties during the post-February 28 period in Turkey. In this way the Gülen movement’s performance of opposition can contribute new theoretical and practical tools for our understanding of social movements. 104 | P a g e Recent works on social movements have criticized the longstanding tradition of classify- ing social movement types as “strategy-oriented” versus “identity-oriented” (Touraine 1981; Cohen 1985; Rucht 1988) and “identity logic of action” versus “instrumentalist logic of ac- tion” (Duyvendak and Giugni 1995) by regarding identities as a key element of a move- ment’s strategic and tactical repertoire (see Bernstein 1997, 2002; Gamson 1997; Polletta 1998a; Polletta and Jasper 2001; Taylor and Van Dyke 2004). Bifurcation of identity ver- sus strategy suggests the idea that some movements target the state and the economy, thus, they are “instrumental” and “strategy-oriented”; whereas some other movements so-called “identity movements” challenge the dominant cultural patterns and codes and are considered “expressive” in content and “identity-oriented.” New social movement theorists argue that identity movements try to gain recognition and respect by employing expressive strategies wherein the movement itself becomes the message (Touraine 1981; Cohen 1985; Melucci 1989, 1996). Criticizing these dualisms, some scholars have shown the possibility of different social movement behaviour under different contextual factors (e.g. Bernstein 1997; Katzenstein 1998). In contrast to new social movement theory, this work on the Gülen movement indi- cates that identity movements are not always expressive in content and do not always follow an identity-oriented approach; instead, identity movements can synchronically be strategic as well as expressive. In her article on strategies and identities in Black Protest movements during the 1960s, Polletta (1994) criticizes the dominant theories of social movements, which a priori assume challengers’ unified common interests. Similarly, Jenkins (1983: 549) refers to the same problem in the literature by stating that “collective interests are assumed to be relatively unproblematic and to exist prior to mobilization.” By the same token, Taylor and Whittier (1992: 104) criticize the longstanding lack of explanation “how structural inequality gets translated into subjective discontent.” The dominant social movement theory approaches such as resource mobilization and political process regard these problems as trivial because of their assumption that identities and framing processes can be the basis for interests and further collective action but cannot change the final social movement outcome. Therefore, for the proponents of the mainstream theories, identities of actors are formed in evolutionary processes wherein social movements consciously frame their goals and produce relevant dis- courses; yet, these questions are not essential to explain why collective behaviour occurs (see McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald 1996). This reductionist view of movement culture has been criticized by a various number of scholars (e.g. Goodwin and Jasper 1999; Polletta 1997, 1999a, 1999b; Eyerman 2002). In fact, the debate over the emphases (interests vis-à-vis identities) is a reflection of the dissent between American and European sociological traditions. As Eyerman and Jamison (1991: 27) note, the American sociologists focused on “the instrumentality of movement strategy formation, that is, on how movement organizations went about trying to achieve their goals,” whereas the European scholars concerned with the identity formation processes that try to explain “how movements produced new historical identities for society.” Although the social movement theorists had recognized the deficiencies within each approach, the attempts to synthesize these two traditions in the literature failed to address the empirical problems and methodological difficulties. While criticizing the mainstream American collective behaviour approaches that treat the collective identities as given, many leading European scholars fell into a similar trap by a 105 | P a g e priori assuming that the collective identities are socio-historical products rather than cog- nitive processes (see, for instance, Touraine 1981). New Social Movement (NSM) theory, which is an offshoot of European tradition, has lately been involved in the debate over “cog- nitive praxis” (Eyerman and Jamison 1991), “signs” (Melucci 1996), “identity as strategy” (Bernstein 1997), protest as “art” (Jasper 1997), “moral performance” (Eyerman 2006), and “storytelling” (Polletta 2006). In general, these new formulations attempt to bring mental structures of social actors and symbolic nature of social action back in the study of collec- tive behaviour. The mental structures of the actors should be considered seriously because they have a potential to change the social movement behaviours, tactics, strategies, timing, alliances and outcomes. The most important failure, I think, in the dominant SM approaches lies behind the fact that they hinder the possibility of the construction of divergent collective identities under the same structures (cf. Polletta 1994: 91). This study investigates on how the Gülen movement differed from other Islamic social move- ments under the same structural factors that were realized by the organized opposition against Islamic activism after the soft coup in 1997. Two propositions shall lead my discussion here: First, unlike many Islamic revivalist movements, the Gülen movement shaped its identity against perceived threat of the triple enemies, what Nursi defined a century ago: ignorance, disunity, and poverty. This perception of the opposition is crucial to grasp non-political men- tal structures of the Gülen movement followers. Second, unlike the confrontational nature of the new social movements, the Gülen movement engaged in a “moral opposition,” in which the movement actors try to empathize with the enemy by creating “dialogic” relationships.
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Erickson, Ian. "Bright Colors Beneath a White Shroud: Scandinavian Postmodernism and the Conservative Imaginary." In 108th Annual Meeting Proceedings. ACSA Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.am.108.72.
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Both academia and popular culture have neglected the movement of Scandinavian Postmodern architecture (ca. 1975-1990), a tradition eclipsed by Modernism as the prevailing aesthetic and social project in Scandinavia. In light of the last decade of Postmodernism’s resurgence in the architectural academy globally, and recent uses of Postmodern architectural principles by right-wing movements in Europe, it is a crucial time to revisit this obscured regional Postmodernism. The movement of Scandinavian Postmodern architecture coincided with political shifts in the region which were supported by both the right and left of the political spectrum causing a shared space of conflict and imagination. The political dimensions of Scandinavian Postmodernism will be explored primarily through a close reading of Danish Postmodern Architect and Writer Ernst Lohse’s 1986 manifesto “Our Construction Should be Based in the Irrational” (translated into English for the first time for this paper), where, despite Lohse’s own sympathy for the environmental movement, he adopts familiar conservative rhetoric, bemoaning the loss of Western culture and the limitations of the welfare state. This paper will reconstruct the obscured history of Scandinavian Postmodernism, using the case of Ernst Lohse to locate discourse that reveals the movement as a site of contention and overlap between diverging political groups and its particular appeal to the conservative imagination.
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Hettiarachchi, Shanthikumar. "TURKISH MUSLIMS AND ISLAMIC TURKEY: PERSPECTIVES FOR A NEW EUROPEAN ISLAMIC IDENTITY?" In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/qdnp5362.
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The paper discusses the potential of Fethullah Gülen’s thinking on the revival of core socio- ethical tenets of Islam to influence an emerging European Islamic identity. The long absence of any substantial Muslim population from the religious landscape of western Europe in the modern period began to end with the post-War immigration of Muslims from South Asia to the UK and other parts of Europe. But Muslims from other parts of the Islamic world have also established communities in Europe with their own, different expressions of Islam. The presence of Muslims represents a religio-cultural counterpoint to the projected ‘post-Chris- tian society of Europe’, since they are now permanently settled within that society. The encounter of ‘Turkish Islam’ (Anatolian & other) and the majority ‘South Asian Islam’ (with its diverse strands, Barelvi, Deobandi and others) in western Europe hints at the build- ing of a new ‘European Islamic’ identity. Arguably, this twenty-first century ‘European Islam’ might be a synthesis of the ‘Turkish’ and the ‘South Asian’ expressions of Islam. Any dishar- mony, on the other hand, might kindle yet another rivalry in the heart of Europe. This paper considers whether Gülen’s thought on community education based on the fundamentals of Islam could help build a positive and fresh expression of Islam that may reform the prevailing image of it as a cultural tradition that resorts to violence in order to redress grievances.
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Vicini, Fabio. "GÜLEN’S RETHINKING OF ISLAMIC PATTERN AND ITS SOCIO-POLITICAL EFFECTS." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/gbfn9600.
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Over recent decades Islamic traditions have emerged in new forms in different parts of the Muslim world, interacting differently with secular and neo-liberal patterns of thought and action. In Turkey Fethullah Gülen’s community has been a powerful player in the national debate about the place of Islam in individual and collective life. Through emphasis on the im- portance of ‘secular education’ and a commitment to the defence of both democratic princi- ples and international human rights, Gülen has diffused a new and appealing version of how a ‘good Muslim’ should act in contemporary society. In particular he has defended the role of Islam in the formation of individuals as ethically-responsible moral subjects, a project that overlaps significantly with the ‘secular’ one of forming responsible citizens. Concomitantly, he has shifted the Sufi emphasis on self-discipline/self-denial towards an active, socially- oriented service of others – a form of religious effort that implies a strongly ‘secular’ faith in the human ability to make this world better. This paper looks at the lives of some members of the community to show how this pattern of conduct has affected them. They say that teaching and learning ‘secular’ scientific subjects, combined with total dedication to the project of the movement, constitute, for them, ways to accomplish Islamic deeds and come closer to God. This leads to a consideration of how such a rethinking of Islamic activism has influenced po- litical and sociological transition in Turkey, and a discussion of the potential contribution of the movement towards the development of a more human society in contemporary Europe. From the 1920s onwards, in the context offered by the decline and collapse of the Ottoman Empire, Islamic thinkers, associations and social movements have proliferated their efforts in order to suggest ways to live a good “Muslim life” under newly emerging conditions. Prior to this period, different generations of Muslim Reformers had already argued the compat- ibility of Islam with reason and “modernity”, claiming for the need to renew Islamic tradition recurring to ijtihad. Yet until the end of the XIX century, traditional educational systems, public forms of Islam and models of government had not been dismissed. Only with the dismantlement of the Empire and the constitution of national governments in its different regions, Islamic intellectuals had to face the problem of arranging new patterns of action for Muslim people. With the establishment of multiple nation-states in the so-called Middle East, Islamic intel- lectuals had to cope with secular conceptions about the subject and its place and space for action in society. They had to come to terms with the definitive affirmation of secularism and the consequent process of reconfiguration of local sensibilities, forms of social organisation, and modes of action. As a consequence of these processes, Islamic thinkers started to place emphasis over believers’ individual choice and responsibility both in maintaining an Islamic conduct daily and in realising the values of Islamic society. While under the Ottoman rule to be part of the Islamic ummah was considered an implicit consequence of being a subject of the empire. Not many scientific works have looked at contemporary forms of Islam from this perspective. Usually Islamic instances are considered the outcome of an enduring and unchanging tradition, which try to reproduce itself in opposition to outer-imposed secular practices. Rarely present-day forms of Islamic reasoning and practice have been considered as the result of a process of adjustment to new styles of governance under the modern state. Instead, I argue that new Islamic patterns of action depend on a history of practical and conceptual revision they undertake under different and locally specific versions of secularism. From this perspective I will deal with the specific case of Fethullah Gülen, the head of one of the most famous and influent “renewalist” Islamic movements of contemporary Turkey. From the 1980s this Islamic leader has been able to weave a powerful network of invisible social ties from which he gets both economic and cultural capital. Yet what interests me most in this paper, is that with his open-minded and moderate arguments, Gülen has inspired many people in Turkey to live Islam in a new way. Recurring to ijtihad and drawing from secular epistemology specific ideas about moral agency, he has proposed to a wide public a very at- tractive path for being “good Muslims” in their daily conduct. After an introductive explanation of the movement’s project and of the ideas on which it is based, my aim will be to focus on such a pattern of action. Particular attention will be dedi- cated to Gülen’s conception of a “good Muslim” as a morally-guided agent, because such a conception reveals underneath secular ideas on both responsibility and moral agency. These considerations will constitute the basis from which we can look at the transformation of Islam – and more generally of “the religion” – in the contemporary world. Then a part will be dedicated to defining the specificity of Gülen’s proposal, which will be compared with that of other Islamic revivalist movements in other contexts. Some common point between them will merge from this comparison. Both indeed use the concept of respon- sibility in order to push subjects to actively engage in reviving Islam. Yet, on the other hand, I will show how Gülen’s followers distinguish themselves by the fact their commitment pos- sesses a socially-oriented and reformist character. Finally I will consider the proximity of Gülen’s conceptualisation of moral agency with that the modern state has organised around the idea of “civic virtues”. I argue Gülen’s recall for taking responsibility of social moral decline is a way of charging his followers with a similar burden the modern state has charged its citizens. Thus I suggest the Islamic leader’s pro- posal can be seen as the tentative of supporting the modernity project by defining a new and specific space to Islam and religion into it. This proposal opens the possibility of new and interesting forms of interconnection between secular ideas of modernity and the so-called “Islamic” ones. At the same time I think it sheds a new light over contemporary “renewalist” movements, which can be considered a concrete proposal about how to realise, in a different background, modern forms of governance by reconsidering their moral basis.
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Pavlović, Jovana, Biljana Vitošević, and Milica Filipović. "Political factors of the spread of Sokol movement in Europe during the 19th and 20th centuries." In Antropološki i teoantropološki pogled na fizičke aktivnosti (10). University of Priština – Faculty of Sport and Physical Education in Leposavić, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/atavpa24030p.
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This study examines the historical development of the Sokol movement, employing heuristic, critical, synthetic, and dispositive analyses across various contexts of East and Central Europe. Spanning from its inception in the 19th century to World War II, the research aims to unearth new sociopolitical, economic, and cultural insights that directly influenced the Sokol movement's evolution among various Slavic groups. Through this lens, the study not only addresses the identities of the Sokols, their contributions, and reasons for their decline but also the intricate interplay between the Sokol organization as a Slavic national movement and other philosophical, political, and social ideologies, such as liberalism, enlightenment, rationalism, empiricism, and gender equality.
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Peka, Nejla. "Guarantee of the Right to Online Education in Exceptional Situations: Case Study of the COVID-19 Pandemic." In Eighth International Scientific-Business Conference LIMEN Leadership, Innovation, Management and Economics: Integrated Politics of Research. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/limen.2022.371.
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Covid-19 came as a challenge in human being life. After the announcement of the state of the world pandemic on March 11, 2020, by the World Health Organization, the government reacted to this situation, undertaking a series of measures considering the general interruption of social and economic activities such as closing schools, the prohibition of mass gatherings in closed or open places, the restriction or prohibition of other movements inside and outside the country, which brought the country into total quarantine for about three months. Among other things, the government also presented an action plan for the prevention and response to Covid-19 in May 2020, which provided three pillars of action: prevention, response, and recovery, to continue providing health services to the entire population. While the government’s response has necessarily been swift in terms of protecting health and guaranteeing the right to life, the pandemic situation brought a new challenge, in terms of children’s well-being and the effective exercise of their rights, especially in the most vulnerable children. In the situation of the global pandemic, international institutions have addressed a series of recommendations and statements for the protection and guarantee of the rights of children and their families. In April 2020, ENOC 2 calls on governments, the European Commission and the Council of Europe to take all appropriate actions to ensure that the rights of all children are guaranteed in accordance with the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child. Children’s rights and, the comments of the United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child, should be respected during the Covid-19 health care crisis.
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Ugur, Etga. "RELIGION AS A SOURCE OF SOCIAL CAPITAL? THE GÜLEN MOVEMENT IN THE PUBLIC SPHERE." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/clha2866.
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This paper asks: when and under what conditions does religion become a source of coopera- tion rather than conflict? The Gülen movement is an Islamic social movement that bases its philosophy on increasing religious consciousness at the individual level and making Islam an important social force in the public sphere. It is this intellectual and social activism that has made the movement a global phenomenon and the focus of socio-political analysis. The Gülen community brings different sectors of society together to facilitate ‘collective intellectual effort’ and offer ‘civil responses’ to social issues, seeing this as a more subtle and legitimate way of influencing public debate and policy. To this end, the movement initiated a series of symposiums, known as Abant Workshops in Turkey. The scope of these meetings was later expanded to include a wider audience in Europe, the U.S., and the Middle East. This paper looks specifically at the Abant Workshops and the movement’s strategy of bridge building and problem-solving. It uses the press releases, transcripts and audio-visual records of the past 14 meetings to discuss their objectives and outcomes. This material is supplement- ed by interviews with key organisers from the Journalists and Writer Foundation and other participants. The discussion aims to understand how far religiously inspired social groups can contribute to the empowerment of civil society vis-à-vis the state and its officially secular ideology. Beyond that, it aims to explain the role of civil society organisations in democratic governance, and the possibility of creating social capital in societies lacking a clear ‘overlap- ping consensus’ on issues of citizenship, morality and national identity. The hesitancy at the beginning turns into friendship, the distance into understanding, stiff looks and tensions into humorous jokes, and differences into richness. Abant is boldly moving towards an institutionalization. The objective is evident: Talking about some of the problems the country is facing, debating them and offering solutions; on a civil ground, within the framework of knowledge and deliberation. Some labelled the ideas in the concluding declarations as “revolutionary,” “renaissance,” and “first indications of a religious reform.” Some others (in minority) saw them “dangerous” and “non-sense.” In fact, the result is neither a “revolution” nor “non-sense” It is an indication of a quest for opening new horizons or creating a novel vision. When and under what conditions does religion become a source of cooperation rather than conflict in the civil society? The Gülen movement is an Islamic social movement that bases its philosophy on increasing religious consciousness at the individual level and making Islam an important social force in the public sphere. It is this intellectual and social activism that raises the Gülen movement of Turkey as a global phenomenon to the focus of socio-political analysis. The Gülen community brings different sectors of the society together to create and facilitate a ‘common intellect’ to brainstorm and offer ‘civil responses’ to social issues. The move- ment sees this as a more subtle, but more effective, and legitimate way of influencing public debate and policy. Hence, the movement initiated a series of symposiums, known as Abant Workshops in Turkey. The scope of the meetings was later expanded to include a wider audi- ence in Europe, the U.S., and the Middle East. In early 1990s the Gülen Movement launched a silent but persistent public relations cam- paign. Fethullah Gülen openly met with the prominent figures of government and politics, and gave interviews to some popular newspapers and magazines. With a thriving media net- work, private schools, and business associations the movement seemed to have entered a new stage in its relations with the outside world. This new stage was not a simple outreach effort; it was rather a confident step to carve a niche in the increasingly diversified Turkish public sphere. The instigation of a series of workshops known as Abant Platforms was one of the biggest steps in this process. The workshops brought academics, politicians, and intellectu- als together to discuss some of the thorniest issues of, first, Turkey, such as secularism and pluralism, and then the Muslim World, such as war, globalization and modernization. This paper seeks to explain the motives behind this kind of an ambitious project and its possible implications for the movement itself, for Turkey and for the Muslim World in transition.
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ORGA-DUMITRIU, Gina. "CAPITAL MOVEMENTS VS. FREEDOM OF ESTABLISHMENT AND FREEDOM TO PROVIDE SERVICES IN THE CASE-LAW OF THE CJEU." In 10th SWS International Scientific Conferences on SOCIAL SCIENCES - ISCSS 2023. SGEM WORLD SCIENCE, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.35603/sws.iscss.2023/s02.02.
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The Treaty of Rome promoted a more cautious approach as concerns the free movement of capital in comparison with other fundamental economic freedoms. The recognized importance of the sovereign prerogatives of the states in the field of monetary policies explains why its original regulatory wording bears the signs of a reserved attitude and of an increased concern for the balance of powers distributed between the Commission, the Council and the Member States. The full liberalization of capital movements is the result of a legislative interventions in stages that culminated in the Directive of 24 June 1988 and the Maastricht Treaty, which laid down the free movement of capital not only in the relations between Member States but also in the relations with third countries. Thus, through a paradoxical dynamic, the capital movements enjoy a wider territorial scope compared to the other freedoms (of goods, persons and services) which are applicable only in intra-European cross-border situations (I). The study aims at analysing the recent interpretations of the Court of Luxembourg regarding particular illustrations of the notion of capital movements (II) and highlights the elements of added value regarding the delimitation of the free movement of capital from the freedom of establishment (III), and from the freedom to provide services (IV), respectively. In accordance with the reasoning of the Court, the provisions of Article 49 TFEU on freedom of establishment will be the ones that will apply, to the extent the shares held within a company allow the exercise of a definite influence on the decisions of a company. In exchange, the participations made only with the intention of making a financial investment, without the intention of influencing the management and control of the companies, must be analysed by reference to Article 63 TFEU on the free movement of capital. The distinction between the capital movements and the freedom to provide services provided in Article 56 TFEU arises in the presence of a regulation on the provision of financial services and proves to be much more delicate in practice. The national measure will only be examined from the perspective of one of these two freedoms if, in the circumstances of the case, one of them is entirely secondary to the other and can be linked to it.
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Colucci, Jose´ A., Agusti´n Irizarry-Rivera, and Efrain O’Neill-Carrilo. "Sustainable Energy @ Puerto Rico." In ASME 2007 Energy Sustainability Conference. ASMEDC, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/es2007-36010.
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During the last 15 years a renewed interest and growth in renewable energy (RE) processes emerged. It was driven by strong environmental movements, oil dependence/depletion concerns and lately national security concerns. Several RE technologies such as wind, niche photovoltaic and biodiesel are presently very competitive in certain applications versus their oil counterparts especially in Europe and certain locations in the mainland United States. Others are slowly penetrating certain markets such as fuel cells. In the discussion section an overview of the most mature RE technologies will be given focusing on their potential implementation in Puerto Rico. The discussion section will also include findings from an ongoing study at the municipality of Caguas who is becoming the sustainable model for Puerto Rico including energy. The overall analysis includes some elements of social, technical, cultural, political and economic criteria. In the latter capital, operating costs and foot print will be considered. Also sensitivity analyses will be performed regarding the energy generation potential of these processes. The technologies included are photovoltaic, wind energy, fuel cells, concentrated solar power and solar thermal water heating. These are referred to as near term implementation technologies. Other medium/long term ocean energy technologies will be discussed including tide, waves and ocean thermal. The last discussion subsection will briefly consider the area of transportation fuels (gasoline and diesel). In the last section an implementation plan will be presented for these processes including the University of Puerto Rico @ Mayagu¨ez (UPRM) capabilities and potential role in this puertorrican SAGA (Sol, Aire, Gente and Agua).
Reports on the topic "Social movements – Europe"
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Droogan, Julian, Lise Waldek, Brian Ballsun-Stanton, and Jade Hutchinson. Mapping a Social Media Ecosystem: Outlinking on Gab & Twitter Amongst the Australian Far-right Milieu. RESOLVE Network, September 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/remve2022.6.
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Attention to the internet and the online spaces in which violent extremists interact and spread content has increased over the past decades. More recently, that attention has shifted from understanding how groups like the self-proclaimed Islamic State use the internet to spread propaganda to understanding the broader internet environment and, specifically, far-right violent extremist activities within it. This focus on how far right violent extremist—including far-right racially and ethnically motivated violent extremists (REMVEs) within them—create, use, and exploit the online networks in which they exist to promote their hateful ideology and reach has largely focused on North America and Europe. However, in recent years, examinations of those online dynamics elsewhere, including in Australia, is increasing. Far right movements have been active in Australia for decades. While these movements are not necessarily extremist nor violent, understanding how violent far right extremists and REMVEs interact within or seek to exploit these broader communities is important in further understanding the tactics, reach, and impact of REMVEs in Australia. This is particularly important in the online space access to broader networks of individuals and ideas is increasingly expanding. Adding to a steadily expanding body of knowledge examining online activities and networks of both broader far right as well as violent extremist far right populations in Australia, this paper presents a data-driven examination of the online ecosystems in which identified Australian far-right violent extremists exist and interact,1 as mapped by user generated uniform resource locators (URL), or ‘links’, to internet locations gathered from two online social platforms—Twitter and Gab. This link-based analysis has been used in previous studies of online extremism to map the platforms and content shared in online spaces and provide further detail on the online ecosystems in which extremists interact. Data incorporating the links was automatically collected from Twitter and Gab posts from users existing within the online milieu in which those identified far right extremists were connected. The data was collected over three discrete one-month periods spanning 2019, the year in which an Australian far right violent extremist carried out the Christchurch attack. Networks of links expanding out from the Twitter and Gab accounts were mapped in two ways to explore the extent and nature of the online ecosystems in which these identified far right Australian violent extremists are connected, including: To map the extent and nature of these ecosystems (e.g., the extent to which other online platforms are used and connected to one another), the project mapped where the most highly engaged links connect out to (i.e., website domain names), and To explore the nature of content being spread within those ecosystems, what sorts of content is found at the end of the most highly engaged links. The most highly engaged hashtags from across this time are also presented for additional thematic analysis. The mapping of links illustrated the interconnectedness of a social media ecosystem consisting of multiple platforms that were identified as having different purposes and functions. Importantly, no links to explicitly violent or illegal activity were identified among the top-most highly engaged sites. The paper discusses the implications of the findings in light of this for future policy, practice, and research focused on understanding the online ecosystems in which identified REMVE actors are connected and the types of thematic content shared and additional implications in light of the types of non-violent content shared within them.
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Goto, Junichi. The Migrant Workers in Japan from Latin America and Asia: Causes and Consequences. Inter-American Development Bank, March 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0010753.
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The world has been increasingly interconnected both economically and politically ever since the end of the World War II. In addition to the increase in the movement of goods (international trade) and the movement of money (foreign investment), we have observed increased amount of movement of labor (international migration) in various parts of the world. For example, European countries, notably Germany and France, have accepted a large number of migrant workers from neighboring countries for many years. In the United States, huge number of migrant workers, both legal and illegal, have been flowing from various countries in Latin America and the Caribbean. While Japan had been a fairly closed country to foreigners for many years, the influx of migrant workers emerged in the mid-1980s when an economic boom brought about serious labor shortage created an economic boom. Initially, most of these foreign workers are illegal migrant workers from neighboring Asian countries. However, since the revision of the Japanese immigration law in 1990, there has been a dramatic influx of the Latin American of Japanese origin (Nikkei) because these people are now allowed to do whatever activities in Japan, including an unskilled work that is prohibited to foreigners in principle. The number of these Latin American migrants is estimated to be around 150,000 to 200,000. This paper analyzes the recent experiences in the economic and social impact of international migration from Latin America and Asia in Japan.
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Colomb, Claire, and Tatiana Moreira de Souza. Regulating Short-Term Rentals: Platform-based property rentals in European cities: the policy debates. Property Research Trust, May 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52915/kkkd3578.
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Short-term rentals mediated by digital platforms have positive and negative impacts that are unevenly distributed among socio-economic groups and places. Detrimental impacts on the housing market and quality of life of long-term residents have been particular contentious in some cities. • In the 12 cities studied in the report (Amsterdam, Barcelona, Berlin, Brussels, Lisbon, London, Madrid, Milan, Paris, Prague, Rome and Vienna), city governments have responded differently to the growth of short-term rentals. • The emerging local regulations of short-term rentals take multiple forms and exhibit various degrees of stringency, ranging from rare cases of laissez-faire to a few cases of partial prohibition or strict quantitative control. Most city governments have sought to find a middle-ground approach that differentiates between the professional rental of whole units and the occasional rental of one’s home/ primary residence. • The regulation of short-term rentals is contentious and highly politicised. Six broad categories of interest groups and non-state actors actively participate in the debates with contrasting positions: advocates of the ‘sharing’ or ‘collaborative’ economy; corporate platforms; professional organisatons of short-term rental operators; new associations of hosts or ‘home-sharers’; the hotel and hospitality industry; and residents’ associations/citizens’ movements. • All city governments face difficulties in implementing and enforcing the regulations, due to a lack of sufficient resources and to the absence of accurate and comprehensive data on individual hosts. That data is held by corporate platforms, which have generally not accepted to release it (with a few exceptions) nor to monitor the content of their listings against local rules. • The relationships between platforms and city governments have oscillated between collaboration and conflict. Effective implementation is impossible without the cooperation of platforms. • In the context of the European Union, the debate has taken a supranational dimension, as two pieces of EU law frame the possibility — and acceptable forms — of regulation of online platforms and of short-term rentals in EU member states: the 2000 E-Commerce Directive and the 2006 Services Directive. • For regulation to be effective, the EU legal framework should be revised to ensure platform account- ability and data disclosure. This would allow city (and other ti ers of) governments to effectively enforce the regulations that they deem appropriate. • Besides, national and regional governments, who often control the legislative framework that defines particular types of short-term rentals, need to give local governments the necessary tools to be able to exercise their ‘right to regulate’ in the name of public interest objectives.
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Hunter, Fraser, and Martin Carruthers. Iron Age Scotland. Society for Antiquaries of Scotland, September 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.9750/scarf.09.2012.193.
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The main recommendations of the panel report can be summarised under five key headings: Building blocks: The ultimate aim should be to build rich, detailed and testable narratives situated within a European context, and addressing phenomena from the longue durée to the short-term over international to local scales. Chronological control is essential to this and effective dating strategies are required to enable generation-level analysis. The ‘serendipity factor’ of archaeological work must be enhanced by recognising and getting the most out of information-rich sites as they appear. o There is a pressing need to revisit the archives of excavated sites to extract more information from existing resources, notably through dating programmes targeted at regional sequences – the Western Isles Atlantic roundhouse sequence is an obvious target. o Many areas still lack anything beyond the baldest of settlement sequences, with little understanding of the relations between key site types. There is a need to get at least basic sequences from many more areas, either from sustained regional programmes or targeted sampling exercises. o Much of the methodologically innovative work and new insights have come from long-running research excavations. Such large-scale research projects are an important element in developing new approaches to the Iron Age. Daily life and practice: There remains great potential to improve the understanding of people’s lives in the Iron Age through fresh approaches to, and integration of, existing and newly-excavated data. o House use. Rigorous analysis and innovative approaches, including experimental archaeology, should be employed to get the most out of the understanding of daily life through the strengths of the Scottish record, such as deposits within buildings, organic preservation and waterlogging. o Material culture. Artefact studies have the potential to be far more integral to understandings of Iron Age societies, both from the rich assemblages of the Atlantic area and less-rich lowland finds. Key areas of concern are basic studies of material groups (including the function of everyday items such as stone and bone tools, and the nature of craft processes – iron, copper alloy, bone/antler and shale offer particularly good evidence). Other key topics are: the role of ‘art’ and other forms of decoration and comparative approaches to assemblages to obtain synthetic views of the uses of material culture. o Field to feast. Subsistence practices are a core area of research essential to understanding past society, but different strands of evidence need to be more fully integrated, with a ‘field to feast’ approach, from production to consumption. The working of agricultural systems is poorly understood, from agricultural processes to cooking practices and cuisine: integrated work between different specialisms would assist greatly. There is a need for conceptual as well as practical perspectives – e.g. how were wild resources conceived? o Ritual practice. There has been valuable work in identifying depositional practices, such as deposition of animals or querns, which are thought to relate to house-based ritual practices, but there is great potential for further pattern-spotting, synthesis and interpretation. Iron Age Scotland: ScARF Panel Report v Landscapes and regions: Concepts of ‘region’ or ‘province’, and how they changed over time, need to be critically explored, because they are contentious, poorly defined and highly variable. What did Iron Age people see as their geographical horizons, and how did this change? Attempts to understand the Iron Age landscape require improved, integrated survey methodologies, as existing approaches are inevitably partial. Aspects of the landscape’s physical form and cover should be investigated more fully, in terms of vegetation (known only in outline over most of the country) and sea level change in key areas such as the firths of Moray and Forth. Landscapes beyond settlement merit further work, e.g. the use of the landscape for deposition of objects or people, and what this tells us of contemporary perceptions and beliefs. Concepts of inherited landscapes (how Iron Age communities saw and used this longlived land) and socal resilience to issues such as climate change should be explored more fully. Reconstructing Iron Age societies. The changing structure of society over space and time in this period remains poorly understood. Researchers should interrogate the data for better and more explicitly-expressed understandings of social structures and relations between people. The wider context: Researchers need to engage with the big questions of change on a European level (and beyond). Relationships with neighbouring areas (e.g. England, Ireland) and analogies from other areas (e.g. Scandinavia and the Low Countries) can help inform Scottish studies. Key big topics are: o The nature and effect of the introduction of iron. o The social processes lying behind evidence for movement and contact. o Parallels and differences in social processes and developments. o The changing nature of houses and households over this period, including the role of ‘substantial houses’, from crannogs to brochs, the development and role of complex architecture, and the shift away from roundhouses. o The chronology, nature and meaning of hillforts and other enclosed settlements. o Relationships with the Roman world
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Milek, Karen, and Richard Jones, eds. Science in Scottish Archaeology: ScARF Panel Report. Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, September 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.9750/scarf.06.2012.193.
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The main recommendations of the panel report can be summarised under four key headings: High quality, high impact research: the importance of archaeological science is reflected in work that explores issues connected to important contemporary topics, including: the demography of, the nature of movement of, and contact between peoples; societal resilience; living on the Atlantic edge of Europe; and coping with environmental and climatic change. A series of large-scale and integrated archaeological science projects are required to stimulate research into these important topics. To engage fully with Science in Scottish Archaeology iv these questions data of sufficient richness is required that is accessible, both within Scotland and internationally. The RCAHMS’ database Canmore provides a model for digital dissemination that should be built on. Integration: Archaeological science should be involved early in the process of archaeological investigation and as a matter of routine. Resultant data needs to be securely stored, made accessible and the research results widely disseminated. Sources of advice and its communication must be developed and promoted to support work in the commercial, academic, research, governmental and 3rd sectors. Knowledge exchange and transfer: knowledge, data and skills need to be routinely transferred and embedded across the archaeological sector. This will enable the archaeological science community to better work together, establishing routes of communication and improving infrastructure. Improvements should be made to communication between different groups including peers, press and the wider public. Mechanisms exist to enable the wider community to engage with, and to feed into, the development of the archaeological and scientific database and to engage with current debates. Projects involving the wider community in data generation should be encouraged and opportunities for public engagement should be pursued through, for example, National Science Week and Scottish Archaeology Month. Networks and forums: A network of specialists should be promoted to aid collaboration, provide access to the best advice, and raise awareness of current work. This would be complemented by creating a series inter-disciplinary working groups, to discuss and articulate archaeological science issues. An online service to match people (i.e. specialist or student) to material (whether e.g. environmental sample, artefactual assemblage, or skeletal assemblage) is also recommended. An annual meeting should also be held at which researchers would be able to promote current and future work, and draw attention to materials available for analysis, and to specialists/students looking to work on particular assemblages or projects. Such meetings could be rolled into a suitable public outreach event.
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The Competitive Advantage of Nations: A Successful Experience, Realigning the Strategy to Transform the Economic and Social Development of the Basque Country. Universidad de Deusto, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.18543/xiqr3861.
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Why do the new economy and welfare societies recommend a new station on the long journey towards competitiveness initiated within the framework of “The Competitive Advantage of Nations”, published as long as 25 years ago? A little more than twenty-five years ago, the Basque Country decided to equip itself with its own development strategy, undertaking to meet the challenge of designing its own future. The Basque Country aspired to give itself the maximum degree of self-government as a nation without a State, following its release from a long dictatorship which had plunged it into autarchy and isolation from the Western democracies around it, limiting its ability and responsibility to shape its own destiny and to offer its Society the highest standards of welfare, facing one of the greatest economic, political and social crises of its history and suffering from the ravages of terrorism within an economy castigated by soaring unemployment above 25%, a drop in its GDP, the fall, like dominoes, of its key industrial sectors, locked into the monoculture of the steel and metal working industry, outside the Europe which was being constructed by the then Economic Community of the Six, marginalized as a peripheral area from the future axis and development of the so-called “blue banana” of the London-Milan backbone and with an incipient and inexperienced administration, full of youth and enthusiasm, and a business world undergoing conversion, learning to live with a trade union phenomenon that the former dictatorship had bypassed. Faced with this complex and exciting challenge, those of us who had the privilege of addressing the aforementioned proposal, interpreting (by means of our analyses, as well as the wish to make our desires and dreams come true) the main keys to explain the state of the world economy, the main trends of change and their foreseeable impact on the Basque economy (“What the world economy taught us”), began the task of defining what we call “A strategy for the modernization and internationalization of our economy and our Country” trying to give some meaning to the role expected of the new players (States, city-regions, provinces, etc.), a role in which our small Country, with features of a City-Region, a sub-national entity, an invertebrate area on the two sides of the Pyrenees, could assume the figure of co-protagonist and provide society with a prosperous future. We also needed the framework and tools desirable for tackling the success strategy. We identified the gap between the needs that would be generated by the new paradigms and the tools offered by the existing political-economic framework (contents, skills, potential developments), accompanied by our own Country-strategy, with special emphasis on the initiatives, factors and critical vectors our society would demand and its aspirations for well-being and development. Within this context, the Basque Government approached Michael E. Porter, his ideas and concepts of the moment, and we began a collaborative process (which lasts until this day), constructing much more than our “Competitive Advantage of the Basque Country” in a thrilling and unfinished “Journey towards Competitiveness and Prosperity”. The Basque Country enjoys the privilege of having been the first nation to apply, in a strategic and comprehensive manner, the concepts which, a few years later, came to light in the prestigious publication we celebrate today, titled “The Competitive Advantage of Nations”, which has inspired the design of numerous policies and strategies throughout the world, which has brought about a proliferation of followers, which has trained instructors and which has generated a large number of new researchers and academics, new policy makers, new instruments for competitiveness and extraordinary levels of prosperity throughout the world. Since then, we have shared our own particular project which, alive and changing, responds to the new economic and social challenges and conflicts by constructing and applying a Country strategy with distinctive achievements and results beyond our economic environment. It lies within the conceptual framework inspired by the complementary tripod of Michael E. Porter's conceptual movement in his Competitive Advantage (Competitiveness, Shared Value Initiative and Social Progress) and our contributions learned from day to day in keeping with our vocation, identity, will and commitment. It is a never-ending process based on a model and a way of understanding the former pledge to give ourselves a single strategy designed by and for people.