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Journal articles on the topic 'Social movements – Colombia'
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1
Cortés Landázury, Raúl, and Mónica María Sinisterra Rodríguez. "Colombia: Social capital, social movements and sustainable development in Cauca." CEPAL Review 2009, no. 99 (December 29, 2009): 149–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.18356/72d76b09-en.
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Torres Carrillo, Alfonso. "Another social research is possible. From the collaboration between researchers and social movements." International Journal of Action Research 16, no. 1-2020 (April 20, 2020): 23–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/ijar.v16i1.03.
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The article presents an overview of the relationships between higher education institutions, researchers, and social movements in Colombia. Based on a periodisation of the different modes of alignments or gaps between these 3 social actors, the study focuses on two significant experiences of collaborative research between researchers and social movements. First, an experience with peasant movements from the Atlantic Coast led by Orlando Fals Borda from La Rosca Foundation in the 1970s, and which originated Participatory Action Research. Then, a project conducted by the Subjects and New Narratives in Research and Teaching of the Social Sciences research group at the Universidad Pedagógica Nacional focused on the systematisation of practices with popular organisations and their inputs to the field of critialc research. Finally, a balance of the current situation of joint research between social movements and collectives of researchers linked to higher education institutions is presented.
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Specht, Doug, and Mirjam AF Ros-Tonen. "Gold, power, protest: Digital and social media and protests against large-scale mining projects in Colombia." New Media & Society 19, no. 12 (May 2, 2016): 1907–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444816644567.
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Colombia’s Internet connectivity has increased immensely. Colombia has also ‘opened for business’, leading to an influx of extractive projects to which social movements object heavily. Studies on the role of digital media in political mobilisation in developing countries are still scarce. Using surveys, interviews, and reviews of literature, policy papers, website and social media content, this study examines the role of digital and social media in social movement organisations and asks how increased digital connectivity can help spread knowledge and mobilise mining protests. Results show that the use of new media in Colombia is hindered by socioeconomic constraints, fear of oppression, the constraints of keyboard activism and strong hierarchical power structures within social movements. Hence, effects on political mobilisation are still limited. Social media do not spontaneously produce non-hierarchical knowledge structures. Attention to both internal and external knowledge sharing is therefore conditional to optimising digital and social media use.
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Escobar, Arturo. "Whose Knowledge, Whose nature? Biodiversity, Conservation, and the Political Ecology of Social Movements." Journal of Political Ecology 5, no. 1 (December 1, 1998): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2458/v5i1.21397.
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This paper proposes a framework for rethinking the conservation and appropriation of biological diversity from the perspective of social movements. It argues that biodiversity, although with concrete biophysical referents, is a discourse of recent origin. This discourse fosters a complex network of diverse actors, from international organizations and NGOs to local communities and social movements. Four views of biodiversity produced by this network (centered on global resource management, national sovereignity, biodemocracy, and cultural autonomy, respectively) are discussed in the first part of the paper. The second part focuses on the cultural autonomy perspective developed by social movements. It examines in detail the rise and development of the social movement of black communities in the Pacific rainforest region of Colombia. This movement, it is argued, articulates through their practice an entire political ecology of sustainability and conservation. The main elements of this political ecology are discussed and presented as a viable alternative to dominant frameworks.Key words: political ecology, social movements, rainforest, biodiversity,afrocolombians, global networks.
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Levine, Daniel H. "Continuities in Colombia." Journal of Latin American Studies 17, no. 2 (November 1985): 295–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00007902.
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Lately we have become accustomed to look for change in Latin American Catholicism. Indeed, expectations of innovation and change have largely replaced the norms of continuity which once governed both scholarly and popular outlooks on the Catholic Church in the region. Constant change is now commonly anticipated in the ideas and structures of the churches, in their relation to social movements, and in the form and content of the churches' projections into society and politics as a whole.
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Katz-Rosene, Joshua. "Protest Song and Countercultural Discourses of Resistance in 1960s Colombia." Resonancias: Revista de investigación musical 24, no. 47 (December 2020): 13–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.7764/res.2020.47.3.
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In Colombia, the tumultuous second half of the twentieth century kicked off with a fierce conflict between the Liberal and Conservative parties known as La Violencia (The Violence, ca. 1948-1958). Following a brief period of military rule (1953-1957), a bipartisan system of shared governance, the National Front (1958-1974), brought about some respite to the sectarian bloodshed. However, the exclusionary two-party system precipitated new lines of conflict between the state and communist guerrillas. Along with the political turmoil, the nation was also undergoing an era of profound cultural change. This essay examines three countercultural-oppositional movements that captivated a wide swath of youth in Colombia’s biggest cities during the 1960s: the canción protesta (protest song) movement, the rock and roll subculture denominated as nueva ola (new wave), and nadaísmo, a rabblerousing avantgarde literary movement. I analyze the correspondences and discontinuities in the ways adherents of these movements conceived of the ideal means to carry out social, cultural, and political resistance. While there were fundamental tensions between the “discourses of resistance” linked to these three countercultural streams, I argue that their convergence in the late 1960s facilitated the emergence of a commercial form of canción protesta.
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Lamus, Doris. "Resistencia contra-hegemónica y polisemia: conformación actual del movimiento de mujeres/feministas en Colombia." La Manzana de la Discordia 3, no. 1 (March 14, 2016): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.25100/lamanzanadeladiscordia.v3i1.1484.
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Resumen: El presente artículo pretende demostrar que en Colombia y en América Latina en general, se ha construido históricamente, tanto desde el punto de vista empírico como desde el discurso instaurado, un movimiento social de mujeres. Para ello, la autora describe brevemente el sustento teórico del tema, con el ánimo de aportar elementos a su argumentación. Seguidamente realiza una reseña histórica de la conformación y evolución de los movimientos sociales, especialmente de mujeres, en esta región y plantea algunas consideraciones a modo de conclusión acerca de los avances y limitaciones de la movilización y resistencia de las mujeres en el siglo XXI, y sobre el rumbo que deberían tomar de aquí en adelante.Palabras clave: movimiento social de mujeres, feminismo, Colombia, América Latina, siglo XXIAbstract: The present article proposes to show that a women’s social movement has been built historically in Colombia and Latin America in general, both from the empirical viewpoint and from that of discourse. The author describes the theoretical underpinning of this subject, in order to contribute elements to its argumentation. Then a historical review is carried out about the formation and evolution of social movements in this region, especially those of women. By way of conclusion, some considerations are posed about the progress and limitations of women’s mobilization and resistance in the XXI century, and about the direction they should take in the future.Key words: women’s social movement, feminism, Colombia, Latin America, XXI century
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López, Claudia Maria. "Contesting double displacement: internally displaced <i>campesinos</i> and the social production of urban territory in Medellín, Colombia." Geographica Helvetica 74, no. 3 (July 18, 2019): 249–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/gh-74-249-2019.
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Abstract. This article offers an empirical account of the emotionally charged processes involved in the social production of territory. I draw from ethnographic interviews with displaced leaders of socio-territorial movements in Medellín, Colombia, who are resisting what I call double displacement. First, they were displaced from the Colombian countryside due to conflict and now, decades later, they are again being displaced, this time from their informal settlements due to urban development. Founders of settlements are now leaders of social movements, who reside on the periphery of the city and make claims to their neighborhoods using the slogan that they have a “right to the territory”. I examine this case of double displacement to demonstrate the emotional and political aspects of re-territorialization by non-state actors at the urban scale. I argue that by applying a socio-territorial approach to examining the impact of double displacement, we recognize non-state territorialization as a realization and expansion of social power.
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Páez, Angela M., and Catalina Vallejo Piedrahíta. "Channeling Water Conflicts through the Legislative Branch in Colombia." Water 13, no. 9 (April 28, 2021): 1214. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/w13091214.
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This paper answers the question: has the Colombian Congress been effective at addressing relevant water conflicts and making them visible? While courts and social movements have been key for the advancement of social rights in Latin America, the role of legislators remains unclear. We conduct content analysis of all water-related bills, proposed bills, and constitutional amendments filed in Colombia from 1991 to 2020; we also analyzed Congress hearings of political control related to water, and the statutes of political parties who hold majority of seats in Congress; we also conducted interviews with key actors on water governance in Colombia. We find that only three bills have passed in the 30-year time frame and that relevant water conflicts have not been addressed by Colombian legislators. We find that water conflicts are not reaching the political agenda of Congress, yet through political control hearings, it has given some late visibility to critical territorial conflicts in which water is a key element. We analyze our data in light of literature on legislative politics and legal mobilization in Latin America. This study adds to global research on the role of legislators in advancing the human right to water, particularly in Latin America.
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Quimbayo Ruiz, Germán A. "People and urban nature: the environmentalization of social movements in Bogotá." Journal of Political Ecology 25, no. 1 (November 3, 2018): 525. http://dx.doi.org/10.2458/v25i1.23096.
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Using research conducted in Bogotá, Colombia, I discuss in this article how urban nature has been used as a vehicle by social movements to contest urban commons. The article explores the "environmentalization" of strategies and repertoires of social movements in urban struggles dating back to the 1980s, which developed in parallel with public urban planning debates. In recent years these were nurtured in turn by environmental discourse in a quest to change the city's growth paradigm. I suggest that the legitimacy of knowledge and law about urban nature advocacy is co-created by communities confronting institutions that are supposed to represent state power. This case study analyses conceptualizations of urban nature in and from Latin America, and shows that urban politics and environmental issues are part of a process in which political mobilization is a key element to overcome socio-ecological inequalities.Key words: urban social movements; political ecology of urbanization; situated knowledge; socio-ecological inequalities; Latin America
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Sanders, James E. "Hemispheric Reconstructions: Post-Emancipation Social Movements and Capitalist Reaction in Colombia and the United States." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 22, no. 1 (January 2023): 41–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781422000433.
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AbstractAs historians have begun to conceptualize the U.S. Civil War as a global event, so too must they consider Reconstruction as a political process that transcended national boundaries. The United States and Colombia both abolished slavery during civil wars; ex-slaves in both societies struggled for full citizenship and landholding, partially succeeding for a time; in both societies, a harsh reaction ripped full citizenship from the freedpeople and denied their claims to the land. These events, usually studied only as part of a national story in either the United States or Colombia, can also be understood, and perhaps be better understood, as a history of hemispheric and transnational processes—of race, of republican politics, of contests over equality, of capitalism. This essay examines the words and actions of historical actors, especially U.S. African Americans and afrocolombianos, to note the impressive commonalities of discourse (which was almost exactly the same in many cases) and political repertoires. This article focuses first on the agency of African Americans in both societies to create post-emancipation social movements for citizenship and land and then on the, largely successful, reactions against these movements.
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Patiño C, Diógenes, and Martha C. Hernández. "The historical archaeology of black people and their descendants in cauca, Colombia." Journal of Historical Archaeology & Anthropological Sciences 4, no. 6 (December 12, 2019): 230–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.15406/jhaas.2019.04.00206.
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This historic-archaeological study examines the settlements of Africans and their descendants in Cauca during the Colonial and Republican periods. Given that this line of research has never really been pursued by archaeologists, we have tried to address Afro-Colombian issues by examining the abundant archival resources; Afro-Colombian archaeological sites in both urban and rural contexts; and oral tradition in territories occupied historically. This information has been used to analyse the slave trade, daily life, servitude, resistance, emancipation and ancestry, an approach suggesting great cultural affinity between these communities and their ethnic African roots. Studies of this kind in Colombia are scarce by comparison with Brazil, the United States, Argentina and the Caribbean region. We have focused on studies of African descendants connected with social movements for the restitution of rights, memories, traditions and cultural heritage within the African diaspora in the context of Colombian and Latin American society. Examples will be presented from Popayán, a colonial centre of slavery, as well as from the Afro-Colombian past in northern Cauca.
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Ángel-Osorio, Julialba, Libia Esperanza Nieto-Gómez, and Reinaldo Giraldo-Díaz. "Political participation of the opposition in Colombia after the 2016 Peace Agreement." Entramado 17, no. 2 (March 8, 2021): 12–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.18041/1900-3803/entramado.2.7484.
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One of the expectations generated by the Peace Agreement signed in November 2016 between the Colombian Government and the FARC-EP guerrillas was to create the conditions of democratic openness that would allow the conditions for political participation of the opposition. As a working hypothesis it is considered that the Colombian political regime has not provided enough guarantees for the participation and exercise of democracy and that the current government has allowed the conditions of political, social, and armed conflict to be sharpened. The method of analysis adopted is interpretative and inductive, with a focus on the political participation of the opposition in the broad sense. The information obtained was critically analyzed considering the guarantees for the exercise of the opposition, freedom of expression and association and social movements. It was found that social organizations and movements have not achieved significant participation as an opposition and that there is a greater commitment of the now FARC political party to what was agreed in 2016. It is concluded that the Peace Agreement failed to provide enough guarantees for the political participation of the opposition and the exercise of democracy.
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Goyes, David Rodríguez. "‘Tactics Rebounding’ in the Colombian Defence of Seed Freedom." International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 7, no. 1 (March 1, 2018): 91–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.v7i1.425.
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This article investigates the Red de Semillas Libres de Colombia [Colombian Network of Free Seeds] movement, since its inception to date (2013-2016). The study, developed within the framework of green criminology and with a focus on environmental justice, draws on ethnographic observations of Red de Semillas and semi-structured interviews with group members. I explore processes of repertoire appropriation developed by social movements. The main argument advanced is that the Red de Semillas experienced a case of ‘tactics rebound’, in which tactics deployed at the global level shaped local tactics, bringing a set of problematic consequences. The article starts by summarising key explorations of repertoires of contention and connecting them with framing theory propositions. My interest is to locate processes of tactic appropriation in the context of collective action frames. I situate this theory in a study of the organisation and the tactics it used to elucidate how the concept of ‘collective action frame hierarchies’ can be used to explain instances of ‘tactics rebounding’.
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Barón, Luis Fernando, and Scarlet Sotomayor Tacuri. "La Plata, resistencia etno-eco-social. Movilización, territorios y Estado en el Pacífico colombiano." REVISTA CONTROVERSIA, no. 213 (December 27, 2019): 147–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.54118/controver.vi213.1179.
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Este artículo presenta una trayectoria de los procesosorganizativos y de movilización social de La Plata, comunidad negra de Buenaventura, Colombia, que ha sobrevivido y resistido, gracias a la implementación de formas de organización y de interacción con instituciones locales, nacionales e internacionales. Más allá de crear órdenes sociales o políticos distintos, las movilizaciones sociales en La Plata evidencian una lucha por el reconocimiento y la articulación de sus diferencias territoriales y étnicas al proyecto de Estado-nación, al tiempo que contribuyen a la reconfiguración del mismo y a la reconstrucción de poderes locales. El trabajo es resultado de un proceso participativo de investigación y diálogo de saberes adelantado por más de tres años con el Consejo Comunitario de La Plata.
Abstract: This paper presents a journey through the organizational and mobilization stories of La Plata, a black community in the Colombian Pacific. This community has survived, has resisted, thanks to both forms of organization and interaction with institutions at local, national and international level. Social mobilizations in La Plata, reveal not a struggle for seeking or creating new orders, but a fight for their recognition and articulation to the nation-state, while these processes not only transform the same State, but also rebuild local powers. This work is the result of more than three years of a participatory research process and a dialogue of knowledge with the Communitarian Council of La Plata.
Keywords: Colombia, pacific region, social movements, territories, development.
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Velasco, Marcela. "Indigenous Social Movements and Institutional Reform: Mechanisms of Interest Representation in Three Colombian Municipalities." Latin American Perspectives 48, no. 6 (September 17, 2021): 85–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x211031559.
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In the 1990s, Colombia passed but unevenly enforced multicultural reforms to address indigenous rights. Parallel to this, decentralization laws delegated key aspects of interest intermediation to local governments. These reforms changed the political opportunity structure that framed the relationship between indigenous people and the state. Indigenous activists engaged nonindigenous authorities and institutions at the local level in contentious, cooperative, or competitive strategies of interest intermediation to redistribute assets, claim indigenous rights, and create coalitions committed to ethnic governance. These strategies involved various mechanisms including framing indigenous claims, mobilizing communities, and repurposing or revising existing institutions to help keep indigenous territories and communities together. The reforms opened new opportunities, and activists responded by sustaining contentious strategies of interest intermediation such as social protests and testing cooperative and competitive mechanisms to coordinate different jurisdictions, participate in local elections, build up broader constituencies, and increase coalitions to support indigenous rights. En la década de 1990, Colombia aprobó reformas multiculturales para abordar los derechos indígenas, pero procedió a ejercerlas de manera desigual. Paralelamente, las leyes de descentralización delegaron aspectos clave de la intermediación de intereses a los gobiernos locales. Estas reformas cambiaron la estructura de oportunidades políticas que enmarcaba la relación entre los pueblos indígenas y el Estado. Los activistas indígenas involucraron a autoridades e instituciones locales no indígenas en estrategias de intermediación de intereses contenciosas, cooperativas o competitivas para redistribuir activos, reclamar derechos indígenas y crear coaliciones comprometidas con la gobernanza étnica. Estas estrategias implicaron diversos mecanismos, entre ellos la formulación de reclamos indígenas, la movilización de las comunidades y la reutilización o revisión de las instituciones existentes para ayudar a mantener unidos los territorios y las comunidades indígenas. Las reformas dieron lugar a nuevas oportunidades, y los activistas respondieron sustentando estrategias contestatarias de intermediación de intereses, como protestas sociales, y probando mecanismos cooperativos y competitivos para coordinar distintas jurisdicciones, participar en elecciones locales, construir grupos más amplios y aumentar las coaliciones en apoyo a los derechos indígenas.
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Patiño, Jhoana, Sara Victoria Alvarado, and María Camila Ospina-Alvarado. "Expansion of senses about the political practices of young people involved with seven social movements in Colombia." Revista Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales, Niñez y Juventud 12, no. 1 (March 11, 2014): 257–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.11600/1692715x.12115101012.
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Cademartori, Daniela Mesquita Leutchuk de, and Marlise da Rosa Luz. "DIREITOS HUMANOS E MOVIMENTOS SOCIAIS QUILOMBOLAS NA PERSPECTIVA DE CASOS SUBMETIDOS À CORTE INTERAMERICANA." Revista Direito & Paz 1, no. 40 (July 19, 2019): 38–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.32713/rdp.v1i40.974.
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RESUMO: O trabalho faz reflexões a partir de uma abordagem histórica do movimento quilombola, suas conquistas e desafios na efetivação de seus direitos em um contexto das decisões da Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos. Apresentam-se cinco casos levados ao conhecimento e julgamento da Corte na expectativa de sua atuação protetiva, bem como de um espaço de visibilidade para estes movimentos sociais, envolvendo povos quilombolas do Suriname, Honduras e Colômbia.
PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Quilombolas; Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos; Movimentos sociais;
ABSTRACT: The work reflects on a historical approach to the quilombola movement its achievements and challenges in the realization of its rights in a contexto of the decisions of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights. Five cases are brought to the knowledge and judgment of the Court in the expectation of its protective action, as well as a spece of visibility of these movements, involving quilombola people from Suriname, Honduras and Colombia.
KEYWORDS: Quilombolas; Inter-American Court of Human Rights; Social Movements
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Ramos, André Dorcé, Enrique Uribe-Jongbloed, Jorge Antonio Saavedra Utman, and Toby Miller. "Cybertarianism further exposed: Chile, Colombia, Mexico and the COVID-19 conjuncture." Journal of Digital Media & Policy 12, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 97–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jdmp_00050_1.
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Chile, Colombia and Mexico have long been at the heart of neo-liberal experimentation and cybertarian fantasy. The former has denuded their ability to meet the needs of the citizenry in general, the latter to provide a democratic media. The contemporary pandemic has put these deregulated, privatized economies under particular strain – market solutions to social problems have proven dramatically, drastically, predictably inefficient. In the sphere of education, the isolation of school pupils and workers, mandated in the interest of public health, has driven a return to public broadcasting. Combined with mass public agitation and media-reform movements, that provides hope for a new landscape.
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Profumi, Emanuele. "The Political Imaginary, or the Democratic Transformation Domain." International Journal of Social Imaginaries 1, no. 2 (November 25, 2022): 174–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27727866-bja00013.
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Abstract Cornelius Castoriadis’ entire work is shot through with reflections on the political imaginary, but it is rarely named explicitly and is not considered as a central, stand-alone, privileged idea within the social imaginary. This is why it is important to develop this idea in the domain of philosophy of politics. Moreover, for each contemporary democratic movement it is crucial to understand what “Political Imaginary” exactly is, to develop an effective change in politics in itself, as some Latin American countries (Brazil, Colombia and Chile) show us. In these countries, there are contemporary socio-historical examples of what is an effective transformation in the political imaginary domain. They allow us to enrich the meta-theoretical reflection through the historical identification of the political imaginary carried out by peculiar instituting movements that generated important transformations in the social self-representation and in the practice of collective power in the countries where they took place.
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Clavijo-Olarte, Amparo. "Exploring oral discourse development in the efl classroom: perspectives from Ecuador, Honduras, Chile & Colombia." Colombian Applied Linguistics Journal 19, no. 2 (July 1, 2017): 161. http://dx.doi.org/10.14483/22487085.12415.
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Educating learners of English as a second/foreign/additional language to speak is a complex social practice. Speaking in another language involves a range of processes that go from successfully handling new muscular movements to developing and consolidating an individual, yet social, voice in that language. This voice deals with the projected identity the learner deploys when engaging in meaningful interactions, which is constantly being negotiated in every use of the language. For Ortiz-Medina in this issue, “the construction of identities and, particularly, the ways in which English language learners position themselves and others are determined by how they interact in the power networks of the classroom” (p.252). She investigated how young adult learners of English constructed their identities as speakers of English through their positioning in oral tasks in an English class.
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Celis, Leila. "Economic Extractivism and Agrarian Social Movements: Perspectives on Low-Intensity Democracy in the Face of the Colombian Conflict." Latin American Perspectives 44, no. 5 (July 5, 2017): 145–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x17719037.
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During the mid-1980s, Colombia joined the neoliberal global economy in two ways: (1) by implementing a “low-intensity democracy” made up of reforms intended to institutionalize the social protests as a response to the crisis of governance and to promote investor security and (2) by exchanging a protectionist industrialization economic model for an extractivist neoliberal one. The new progressive legislation created inclusive institutions and recognized multiculturalism and social and political rights, but these very rights are denied by the neoliberal economy, which favors big transnational capital and the physical and legal coercion that this model requires. These two pivotal elements of neoliberalism (governance and the economy) are pragmatically incompatible. The dominant class has favored the interests of powerful transnational elites and employed both legal and military avenues. Consequently, 30 years later, the social movements have been only partially and temporarily institutionalized. Active rejection of the economic model is growing. Social organizations have appropriated the concept of human rights and adapted it to their social project, the construction of a peasant economy that opposes the neoliberal one. A mediados de los ochenta, Colombia se unió a la economía neoliberal de dos maneras importantes: (1) implementando una “democracia de baja intensidad” compuesta por reformas que pretendían institucionalizar las protestas sociales como una respuesta a la crisis de gobernabilidad y promover la seguridad de las inversiones, y (2) intercambiando un modelo económico de proteccionismo industrial por uno neoliberal y extractivista. La nueva legislación progresista creó instituciones inclusivas y reconoció el multiculturalismo y los derechos políticos y sociales, pero estos mismos derechos son denegados por la economía neoliberal, que favorece al gran capital transnacional y ejerce la coerción legal y física que requiere dicho modelo. Estos dos elementos esenciales del neoliberalismo (la gobernabilidad y la economía) son incompatibles a nivel pragmático. La clase dominante ha favorecido los intereses de poderosas elites internacionales y empleado vías tanto legales como militares. Como consecuencia, 30 años después, los movimientos sociales sólo han sido parcial y temporalmente institucionalizados. Las organizaciones sociales se han apropiado el concepto de los derechos humanos y lo han adaptado a su proyecto social: la construcción de una economía campesina opuesta a la neoliberal.
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Kosevich, E. "Multiple Sources of Protest Movements in Latin America." International Trends / Mezhdunarodnye protsessy 18, no. 2 (2020): 92–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.17994/it.2020.18.2.61.5.
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Social outbreaks which have been characteristic of the political landscape of Latin America throughout the course of history of this region , reached their peak in the late 90s of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century. It can be argued without exaggeration that a special culture of mass protests has already formed in this part of the world. It functions as an independent “pressure mechanism” aimed at expanding rights and reducing historical injustice. In the fall of 2019 Latin America became the epicenter of social protests. Residents of the highest income inequality region of the world ceased restraining their discontent. It turned out to be impossible for the state authorities to react to such indignation by the usual repressive methods, thus they were forced to listen to society demands. In just a few months, Haiti, Ecuador, Chile, Bolivia were caught in a massive political crisis which was marked by massive street demonstrations. Gradually, a wave of public discontent swept over countries such as Colombia and Argentina. Although the root causes of these events in each country were different, several general trends stand out in all the chaos that is happening in Latin America. These trends can be traced in all foci of instability that broke out almost simultaneously in several countries of the region. This paper attempts to analyze the main factors that led to such widespread unrest. The goal of this analysis is to reveal the unresolved problems of the region. The author identifies the main reasons that together caused social explosions, and presents them in the form of a hierarchical pyramid: from the underlying economic instability, the crisis of the neoliberal development model, social inequality; the weakening of the political system and corruption, that are situated in the middle; until the very top of the pyramid – the “democracy deficit” and the influence of social networks. In this context, I divided the article into 4 thematic blocks, which will allow a systematic review of the most important causes that set a chain reaction in motion of protest activities, as well as an assessment of the further development of the socio-political situation in Latin America. A combination of regional and country approaches were applied in this paper to the phenomenon under study.
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Paiva, Raquel. "#MeToo, feminism and femicide in Brazil." Interactions: Studies in Communication & Culture 10, no. 3 (November 1, 2019): 241–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/iscc.10.3.241_1.
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In this article the international #MeToo movement is analysed from the perspective of Brazil: characteristics of the Brazilian feminist movement, historical paths and new approaches using social networks; #MeToo as one expression of new feminism; related movements and collectives and #EleNão (NotHim) as an offshoot of #MeToo and its failed attempt to avoid the 2018 election of a misogynist and chauvinist movement in Brazil. The campaign to denounce cases of assault neither prevent nor reduce the high femicide rates, with the country ranking fifth in the world and being qualified as one of the most dangerous places for women. Violence against women in Brazil continues to grow. The data from 2018 is alarming, and the country is losing only to El Salvador, Colombia, Guatemala and Russia. The trend will only increase given Brazil’s new political outlook. On the other hand, in the social networks Brazilian women have found the only possibility for being heard, and have slowly begun to make their voices heard by the judiciary system and traditional media. The return to feminist protest in the 2000s was marked by the rise of committees and marches with specifically feminist themes, such as the World Women’s March, the Marcha das Margaridas and SlutWalk.
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Kretov, S. M. "“Ethnic Revival” in Globalizing World: The Example of Indigenous Political Movements in Latin America." MGIMO Review of International Relations 12, no. 5 (November 18, 2019): 44–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2019-5-68-44-63.
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The article offers an inquiry into the problem of “ethnic revival” in politics against the background of the accelerated globalization processes through the example of the indigenous movements in Latin America. In particular, it explains how such global trends as the democratization and liberalization of social and political spheres, intensified activities of international institutions on the empowerment of disadvantaged social groups, the inclusion of ecological problems in national and international agendas, growing interest of international society to the social and political problems of developing countries have contributed to the intensification of political activities of the indigenous peoples in Latin America in the last 25 years.The indigenous political activism has taken radically different institutional forms and has led to diverse outcomes. For instance, in Mexico the indigenous peoples did not manage to create a viable sociopolitical force capable of advocating for their rights. In some other Latin America states, there are indigenous organizations that successfully promote the interests of native peoples. Moreover, in various countries the indigenous representatives are elected to national and local governments. In Colombia, Ecuador and Nicaragua the indigenous political parties were found, which, as long as other political forces, are participating in electoral processes and are delegating their representatives to public institutions. Whereas in case of Bolivia, the indigenous movement in alliance with left and progressive social organizations, has become the leading political force.The author gives an explanation why the political activism of the indigenous peoples in different Latin American countries has taken such forms and has contributed to such results. On the basis of the analysis of these political activities the conclusion is made about common features of political culture, self-identification and perception of social and political processes by the indigenous peoples of Latin America.
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Hernández Castaño, María José. "Asimetrías en la protección de la forma de vida campesina colombiana. Hacia una protección especial de la forma de vida campesina." REVISTA CONTROVERSIA, no. 205 (October 23, 2015): 303–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.54118/controver.vi205.398.
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En el presente artículo busca presentar un punto de inicio para la búsqueda de una protección constitucional y legal de la forma de vida campesina en Colombia.Pretende probar que el movimiento campesino surgió agrupando campesinos, indígenas y afrocolombianos debido a su común denominador: ser trabajadores del campo y luchar por la tierra. Sin embargo, este movimiento se divide como un efecto de la violencia contra el mismo. De esta división surgen los indígenas y afrocolombianos como movimientos sociales diferenciados étnicamente, obteniendo una protección constitucional especial, justificada en la discriminación histórica que estos grupos han sufrido. El trabajo intenta llamar la atención sobre la asimetría que estos reconocimientos generan sobre la forma de protección de los campesinos que no se han identificado étnicamente y proponer que, debido a su forma de vida diferenciada, los campesinos requieren así mismo una protección especial para garantizar sus derechos y su forma de vida tradicional.Palabras Clave: Movimiento campesino, Indígenas, Afrocolombianos, Vida campesina, Protección constitucional. ABSTRACTASYMMETRIES IN THE PROTECTION OF THE COLOMBIAN PEASANT LIFESTYLE. TOWARDS SPECIAL PROTECTION OF THE PEASANT LIFESTYLE This work aims to show a starting point for finding a special constitutional and legal protection of peasant way of life in Colombia. It aims to prove that the peasant movement emerged gathering peasants, indigenous and afro-Colombians because of their common denominator: being laborers and fighters for the land. However, this movement is divided because of violence against it. From this division, indigenous and afro-Colombian social movements ethnically differentiated arise, obtaining special constitutional protection, justified in the historical discrimination that these groups have suffered. The paper attempts to draw attention to the historical asymmetry suffered by the peasants that doesn’t have an ethnical identification and proposes that due to their special way of life peasants need a special way of protection so that their rights may be guaranteed.Key Words: Peasant movement, Indigenous, Afro Colombians, Farming life, Constitutional protection
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Martz, John D. "Party Elites and Leadership in Colombia and Venezuela." Journal of Latin American Studies 24, no. 1 (February 1992): 87–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00022963.
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‘By studying political parties we imply that the party is a meaningful unit of analysis. Yet we go above the party as a unit, for we also study the party system. By the same token we can go below the party as a unit and study, thereby, the party subunits.’1 This statement by Giovanni Sartori, while published in 1976, might well have been a beacon for budding stasiologists of the early 1960s — certainly for those with a particular interest in Latin America. Following upon such Western European—orientated classics as the works of Maurice Duverger, Sigmund Neumann and Alfred Diamant,2 there seemed genuine intellectual impetus to produce significant scholarship on the parties of what were then customarily termed either the developing or the ‘non—western’ polities. For Latin America, the time appeared ripe for conceptual progress. To be sure, there was justification in remarking that the study of parties in the region was relatively new, while ‘methodo—logical accomplishments have been primitive’.3 Yet this condition was presumably transitory.In the years to follow there were more serious exploratory efforts, and in time a modest number of case—studies began appearing.4 When the cyclical alternation of democratic and dictatorial regimes began to swing toward the latter by the early 1970s, however, scholarly interest dropped off. More generally, stasiological research went into decline.5 For students of Latin America, only the recent trend toward democratisation has stimulated a revival of interest in parties, campaigns and elections.6 Thus Lorenzo Meyer, for instance, described parties as institutions necessary ‘to channel the energies of social movements, labour unions, and other antiauthoritarian forces present at the beginning of the re—emergence of civil society’.7
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Laverde-Rojas, Henry, and Juan C. Correa. "Effects of the Geographical Distance on Economic Well-being: Evidence from Colombia with Emphasis on Displaced Population." Migration Letters 17, no. 2 (April 2, 2020): 309–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v17i2.633.
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Forced migration and displacement are two well-known results of internal armed conflicts of nations. A fundamental relationship associated with these humanitarian movements is the one entailing the link between the geographical distance travelled by migrants and their economic well-being. As such a link remains unstudied in previous works, its empirical scrutiny is timely for migration studies. In this paper, we take the Colombian conflict as a case study to analyze this relationship empirically. Using data from the Longitudinal Social Protection Survey (ELPS) - 2012, we estimated a regression model, in which we tested different welfare measures and blocks of control variables. Contrary to what we expected, the results show that the elasticity of distance is positive and that it does not determine welfare outcomes for the displaced population.
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Coryat, Diana. "Not just surviving but thriving: Practices that sustain a new generation of Latin American community media makers." Journal of Alternative & Community Media 4, no. 4 (December 1, 2019): 66–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/joacm_00067_1.
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Over ten years ago, two community media initiatives were founded by young people in their early twenties in Bogota, Colombia and Quito, Ecuador. While the Colombia-based collective, Ojo al Sancocho, has struggled to build bridges among urban and migratory communities uprooted by an entrenched, decades-old armed conflict, the Ecuadorian group, El Churo Comunicacin, has fostered audiovisual autonomy and resistance among indigenous, feminist and ecological social movements that have had to defend their rights even though they were supposedly guaranteed by a so-called progressive government. Despite formidable challenges, each has fulfilled a long-held dream - a community movie theater, and the expansion of a radio-based practice to a multiplicity of practices that include community filmmaking, cyberfeminism and capacity-building of communities across Ecuador and Latin America. Together with other collectives, Ojo al Sancocho and El Churo are building a network of community filmmakers across Latin America. Using each organizations 2017 annual gathering as a point of departure, and subsequent meetings in 2018-2019, this article analyzes the characteristics that have led to innovation and sustainability in diverse contexts. It also indicates key challenges they face. This is an engaged, ethnographically-based, scholarly work.
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Parada Bernal, Miguel Ángel. "Retos del acceso a los medios de comunicación en el proyecto de ley de participación ciudadana correspondiente a la implementación de los acuerdos de La Habana." REVISTA CONTROVERSIA, no. 210 (June 1, 2018): 15–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.54118/controver.vi210.1111.
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El artículo se refiere al acceso a los medios de comunicación como uno de los subtemas del Acuerdo Final para la Terminación del Conflicto y la Construcción de una Paz Estable y Duradera (2016), firmado entre el Gobierno Nacional de Colombia y la guerrilla de las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (farc-ep), que hace parte del segundo punto del acuerdo, titulado “Participación política: apertura democrática para construir la paz”. Al respecto, se identifican algunos de los principales retos y perspectivas de la implementación del acuerdo en relación con este subtema, específicamente, sobre aspectos como la participación de organizaciones y movimientos sociales en la formulación del proyecto de ley estatutaria de participación ciudadana y la garantía de su acceso a los medios de comunicación masiva.
Abstract:
The article refers to Access to the media, as one of the sub-themes of the Final Agreement for the completion of the conflict and the construction of a stable and lasting peace (2016), signed between the national government of Colombia and the guerrillas of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (farc-ep), which is part of the second point of the agreement, entitled “Political participation: Democratic opening to build peace”. In this regard, some of the main challenges and perspectives of the implementation of the agreement are identified in relation to this sub-theme, specifically on aspects such as the participation of organizations and social movements in the formulation of the project of statutory law of citizen participation, and the guarantee of their access to the mass media.
Keywords: peace agreement, post-conflict, mass media, community communication, communicationfor peace.
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Tibocha Avellaneda, Julie Paola. "La movilización social en Colombia, un freno a la locomotora minera: el caso del páramo de Santurbán." REVISTA CONTROVERSIA, no. 212 (December 14, 2019): 177–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.54118/controver.vi212.1173.
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Este trabajo reflexiona sobre el conflicto socioambiental sucedido en el 2011 en torno al proyecto de minería a cielo abierto Angostura, en Santander, con el objetivo de mostrar las dificultades y contradicciones que enfrentó el proceso de resistencia y organización social que logró que la empresa Greystar (hoy Eco Oro) retirara la solicitud de licencia ambiental y que se ordenara al Estado delimitar el Páramo de Santurbán. Para este fin se revisó la normatividad, así como textos académicos, entrevistas a los distintos actores y artículos periodísticos. Una de las principales conclusiones es que el ascenso de un Estado neoliberal que responsabiliza a la inversión extranjera del crecimiento económico y el progreso social, tiene como resultado el aumento de las desigualdades sociales y económicas, propicia el deterioro ambiental y produce fracturas en la sociedad civil, que al encontrar limitaciones para participar en los asuntos que la afectan, recurren a las movilizaciones masivas en las calles para presionar al Estado, frenar el mercado desregulado y visibilizar las demandas a toda la ciudadanía.
Abstract: This paper recovers the socio-environmental conflict happened in 2011 around the Project of opencast mining Angostura in Santander, with the object of show the obstacles, dificulties and contradictions that faced the process of resistance and social organization which managed that the Company Greystar (Today Eco Oro) retire the request of environmental license and that it be ordered to the State delimits the Saturban’s Paramo. For this end it was revised normativity, academic texts, interviews with the different actors and newspaper articles. One of the principals conclussions is that the ascent of a neoliberal State that blames to the foreign investment of the economic growth and social progress results in the increase in social and economics inequalities, propitiates environmental deterioration and produces fractures in civil society that when encountering limitatios for participate in matters that affect it, resort to the massive mobilizations in the streets as a way to put pression on the State, stop the deregulated market and visibilize the demands to the rest of citizens.
Keywords: Socio-environmental conflict, neoliberalism, social movements, mining, Foreign Investment.
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Usubillaga, Juan. "Change by Activism: Insurgency, Autonomy, and Political Activism in Potosí-Jerusalén, Bogotá, Colombia." Urban Planning 7, no. 1 (January 11, 2022): 72–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/up.v7i1.4431.
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Cities today face a context in which traditional politics and policies struggle to cope with increasing urbanisation rates and growing inequalities. Meanwhile, social movements and political activists are rising up and inhabiting urban spaces as sites of contestation. However, through their practices, urban activists do more than just occupy spaces; they are fundamental drivers of urban transformation as they constantly face—and contest—spatial manifestations of power. This article aims to contribute to ongoing discussions on the role of activism in the field of urban design, by engaging with two concepts coming from the Global South: <em>insurgency</em> and <em>autonomy</em>. Through a historical account of the building of the Potosí-Jerusalén neighbourhood in Bogotá in the 1980s, it illustrates how both concepts can provide new insight into urban change by activism. On the one hand, the concept of insurgency helps unpack a mode of bottom-up action that inaugurates political spaces of contestation with the state; autonomy, on the other hand, helps reveal the complex nature of political action and the visions of urban transformation it entails. Although they were developed at the margins of conventional design theory and practice, both concepts are instrumental in advancing our understanding of how cities are shaped by activist practices. Thus, this article is part of a broader effort to (re)locate political activism in discussions about urban transformation, and rethink activism as a form of urban design practice.
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Maldonado, Oscar Javier. "The decriminalisation of abortion in Colombia as cautionary tale. Social movements, numbers and socio-technical struggles in the promotion of health as a right." Global Public Health 14, no. 6-7 (August 2018): 1031–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17441692.2018.1504101.
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Vigoya, Mara Viveros. "Les études de genre et les mouvements ethnico-raciaux en Colombie." Regions and Cohesion 7, no. 3 (December 1, 2017): 93–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/reco.2017.070307.
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*Full forum is in FrenchEnglish abstract:This article presents the dilemmas faced in Colombian feminist and gender studies within the framework of the contemporary socio-political context in Colombia, which is characterized by the recognition of the multicultural nature of Latin American societies. The author first examines the process that Colombian feminism has gone through since the 1970s, developing its paradigms of action and refl ection, which have become increasingly diverse. Second, the author examines the current position of the social movements of autochthonous and Afro-descendant women in the Colombian feminist debates on the dilemmas and new perspectives that globalization has imposed on social movements.Spanish abstract:Este artículo se trata de una exposición de los dilemas que se enfrentan a los estudios femeninos colombianos y los que se centran en el género, en el contexto sociopolítico contemporáneo caracterizado por el reconocimiento de la multiculturalidad de las sociedades latinoamericanas. Para ello, primero examinaré el proceso que ha seguido el feminismo colombiano desde los años setenta, desarrollando sus paradigmas de acción y refl exión, cada vez más diversos. En segundo lugar, examinaré la posición actual de los movimientos sociales de mujeres indígenas y afrodescendientes en los debates feministas colombianos sobre los dilemas y las nuevas perspectivas que la globalización ha impuesto a los movimientos sociales.French abstract:Dans cet article, il s’agira d’exposer les dilemmes auxquels sont confrontées les études féministes colombiennes et celles portant sur le genre dans le contexte socio-politique contemporain caractérisé par la reconnaissance de la multiculturalité des sociétés latino-américaines. Pour ce faire, nous évoquerons d’abord les évolutions que le féminisme colombien a connues depuis les années 1970, en développant ses paradigmes d’action et de réflexion qui sont devenus de plus en plus diversifiés. Nous examinerons ensuite la position actuellement adoptée par les mouvements de femmes autochtones et afrodescendantes dans les débats féministes colombiens à propos des dilemmes et des nouvelles perspectives que la mondialisation a imposés aux mouvements sociaux.
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Pearce, Jenny, and Iván Garzón Vallejo. "The role of protests on the journey to a politics without violence." Deusto Journal of Human Rights, no. 10 (December 30, 2022): 77–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.18543/djhr.2623.
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This article explores the relationship between protest, violence and the possibility of a politics without violence. It argues that protest is not only a valid but also a necessary vehicle for the journey towards a politics without violence. Nevertheless, violence can emerge within protests as well as in response to them. The article will propose a thinking tool for understanding violence as a phenomenon with multiple expressions. It discusses movements to de-sanction violence and the research that has highlighted the role of non-violent protest, constructive nonviolent action and civil resistance in the history of social change. It will reflect on recent data bases which record the rise in protests in recent years and the role of violence within them. Finally, it will take the social protests in Chile and Colombia in 2019 and 2021, where although violence erupted mainly as vandalism and looting, with severe violent police responses, both protests, we argue, contributed to delineating a politics without violence through generating intermediation channels between the demands of the street and the institutional mechanisms for processing social change.
Received: 07 August 2022 Accepted: 28 November 2022
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Cruz-Velandia, Israel, Solangel García-Ruiz, Indira Rodríguez-Prieto, Andrés Rojas-Cárdenas, and Verónica Chaves-Ortiz. "Configuración política de la categoría discapacidad en Colombia: relación Estado y ciudadanía." Revista de la Facultad de Medicina 63, no. 3Sup (October 20, 2015): 25–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.15446/revfacmed.v63n3sup.49350.
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<p class="Cuerpo"><strong>Antecedentes.</strong></p><p class="Cuerpo">El Estado como institución de poder tiene la capacidad de reconocer y garantizar los derechos y deberes de los ciudadanos. La relación entre Estado y ciudadanía permite a la población con discapacidad legitimar sus derechos y ser partícipes de la elaboración, decisión y ejecución de los asuntos que le conciernen.</p><pre><strong>Objetivo.</strong> </pre><pre>En este documento se presentan los hallazgos de las categorías Estado y ciudadanía derivados del estudio Análisis histórico de la construcción política de la categoría discapacidad en Colombia con el objetivo de reconstruir la historia de los acontecimientos sociales que determinaron las transformaciones sociopolíticas de las personas con discapacidad entre los años 1986 y 2012. </pre><p class="Cuerpo"><strong>Materiales y métodos</strong>.</p><p class="Cuerpo">Seis categorías fueron analizadas en 283 fuentes primarias y secundarias; el análisis se realizó en tres niveles: macro (políticas y lineamientos de nivel mundial), meso (política y movimientos nacionales) y micro (sociedad civil organizada). Las orientaciones teóricas usadas fueron el concepto de campo social de Bourdieu y el concepto de biopoder de Foucault; las orientaciones metodológicas aquí empleadas están en la perspectiva de los estudios históricos críticos e históricos sociales de la discapacidad.</p><p class="Cuerpo"><strong>Resultados.</strong></p><p class="Cuerpo">Se exponen tres periodos históricos que representan los puntos de giro en el concepto sociopolítico de la discapacidad en Colombia.</p><p><strong>Conclusión.</strong></p><p>Existe una constante tensión entre el Estado y los ciudadanos en situación de discapacidad: las políticas públicas sobre discapacidad en Colombia han favorecido, y son el resultado de la emergencia y configuración de, sujetos políticos conscientes de sus capitales sociales, de manera que su ejercicio político trasforma la configuración del poder. Sin embargo, estas acciones no se extienden homogéneamente a todas las regiones del país, de manera que las acciones políticas y ciudadanas de la discapacidad, dada la estructura del Estado colombiano, son disímiles en las regiones.</p><p class="Cuerpo"><strong>Palabras Clave: </strong>Personas con discapacidad; Historia; Política; Estado; Colombia<strong> </strong>(DeCS).</p><p class="Cuerpo"><strong><br /></strong></p><h2>Summary</h2><p class="Cuerpo"><strong>Background.</strong> The State as an institution of power has the ability to recognize and guarantee the rights and duties of citizens. The relationship between State and citizens allows people with disabilities to legitimize their rights and become partners in the development, decision and execution of the issues that concern them.</p><p class="Cuerpo"><strong>Objective</strong>.</p><p class="Cuerpo">This document presents the findings of the categories State and Citizenship , derived from the study "Historical Analysis of the Political Construction of the Disability Category in Colombia ," in order to reconstruct the history of the social events that determined the political changes of disabled people between 1986 and 2012 .</p><p class="Cuerpo"><strong>Materials and methods.</strong> Six categories were analyzed in 283 primary and secondary sources. The analysis was performed at three levels: the macro one (politics and guidelines<ins cite="mailto:lina%20castañeda" datetime="2015-08-16T01:31"> </ins>worldwide); the meso one (politics and national movements), and the micro one (the organized civil society). The theoretical approaches used were the Bourdieu’s concept of social field and the Foucault's concept of biopower. On the other hand, the methodological approaches used here were based on a critical-historical and social-historical studies perspective.</p><p class="Cuerpo"><strong>Results.</strong> Three historical periods that represent turning points in the sociopolitical concept of disability in Colombia are exposed.</p><p class="Cuerpo"><strong>Conclusion</strong>. There is a constant tension between the State and citizens with disabilities. Public policies on disability in Colombia have favored, and they are the result of the emergence and configuration of political subjects aware of their social capitals. So his political exercise transforms the configuration of power. However, these actions do not extend in the same way to all regions of the country, thus political and civic actions on disability, given the structure of the Colombian State, differ from region to region.</p><p class="Cuerpo"><strong>Keywords: </strong>Persons with Disabilities; History; Policy; State; Colombia <strong>(MeSH).</strong></p>
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Vargas, Laura, and Léo Heller. "Determinants in implementing a public policy for an essential volume of free water in Bogotá and Medellín, Colombia." Ciência & Saúde Coletiva 21, no. 3 (March 2016): 719–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1413-81232015213.26992015.
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Abstract Within the framework for the realization of the human right to water and sanitation, States have the obligation to implement programs and public policies that satisfy the basic needs of their population, especially its most vulnerable demographics. In Colombia, this challenge has been addressed through policies that provide a determined essential amount of free water to people whose access to water and sanitation services are limited due to low income. Through a review of legal and technical documents as well as relevant literature, this article presents an analysis of the particular determinants involved in implementing this program in Bogotá and Medellín, as well as some related concerns. Among such factors, we discuss the evolution and changes of the tariff model used in service provision, estimates of basic consumption, the role of social movements and collective action, and user disconnection due to non-payment. The main particularities and differences of each case highlighted the inconveniences related to the method of identifying eligible users and applying assistance to beneficiary user groups, and the need for national guidelines in implementing this policy.
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Robayo Pedraza, Miryam Ibeth. "La canción social como expresión de inconformismo social y político en el siglo XX." CALLE14: revista de investigación en el campo del arte 10, no. 16 (November 6, 2015): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.14483/10.14483/udistrital.jour.c14.2015.2.a05.
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<p>Resumen</p><p>Este artículo, producto de la tesis de maestría “El imaginario social y político presente en la canción social o protesta en Colombia durante el periodo comprendido de 1960 – 1970”, muestra el papel preponderante que la canción protesta ha jugado en la historia de América Latina, al recoger las expresiones de inconformismo social que marcaron su época de apogeo entre los años 60 y 80 (cuando la izquierda ganaba terreno político como resultado del subdesarrollo, la creciente miseria, el descontento de la población y la falta de liderazgo de los mandatarios de la región, quienes fueron incapaces de plantear alternativas que permitieran superar estas problemáticas). La canción social se alimentó de la lírica universitaria, del sindicalismo, de las injusticias cotidianas, alentando la lucha por ideales, poderes y pertinencias, con un vocabulario y expresión acordes. El género decae hacia los años 80 como consecuencia de las crisis económicas y la llegada de las dictaduras, y su silenciamiento, así como el asesinato o exilio de sus intérpretes, acompaña la estrangulación de cualquier anhelo de cambio revolucionario en el continente.</p><p>Palabras claves</p><p>Canción protesta, descontento, sindicalismo, luchas sociales, música, movimientos sociales.</p><p> </p><p>Uirsiaikunawa iachari mana allilla kagta Politikapi XX watakunapi Sugllapi Kaipi maestría ima Niriagta 1960- 1970 imasa kagta Colombiapi watakunapi america Latinapi chi watakunapi 60- 80 vincikurka llukikunaa sugrigcha kawachingapa pueblokunata mana sumarkakunata chasakuna, religiónpi mana pudirkuna allilla tukungapa tukuikuna. Ima suti Rimai Simi: Virsiaikunawa, mana allilla, sindicalismo, lucha social, virsiakuna, gintikunapa iuiai.</p><p> </p><p>PROTEST SONG AS AN EXPRESSION OF SOCIAL AND POLITICAL DISSENT IN THE 20TH CENTURY .Abstract</p><p>This article, stemming from the master’s thesis “The Social and Political Imaginary in the Social or Protest Song in Colombia during the period of 1960 to 1970”, shows the important role that protest song has played in the history of Latin America in collecting the expressions of social dissent that marked its heyday from the 60s into the 80s (when the left won political ground as a result of underdevelopment, increasing poverty, the discontent of the population and the lack of leadership from the heads of state of the region, who were unable to propose solutions that would overcome these problems). The protest song fed from university poetry, from trade unionism and from daily injustices, encouraging the fight for ideals, empowerment and the urgent, with the vocabulary and expressions that best suited them. The genre decayed during the 80s as a result of the economic crises and the advent of dictatorships; its silencing, as well as the murder or exile of its performers, accompanied the death of every hope for revolutionary change on the continent.</p><p>Keywords</p><p>Protest song, discontent, unionism, social struggles, music, social movements.</p><p>LA CHANSON SOCIALE COMME EXPRESSION DE LA NON-CONFORMITE SOCIALE ET POLITIQUE AU XXE SIECLE. Résumé</p><p>Cet article, produit du mémoire de Master sur « L’imaginaire social et politique présent dans la chanson sociale ou de protestation en Colombie pendant la période 1960-1970 », montre le rôle prépondérant que la chanson engagée a joué dans l’histoire de l’Amérique latine, en rassemblant les expressions de non-conformisme social qui ont marqué à l’époque de leur apogée entre les années 60 et 80 (quand la gauche gagnait du terrain politique suite au sous-développement, à la misère croissante, au mécontentement de la population et au manque de leadership des mandataires de la région, ceux qui ont été incapables de poser des alternatives qui permettraient de dépasser ces problématiques). La chanson sociale s’est nourrie de la lyrique universitaire, du syndicalisme, des injustices quotidiennes, en encourageant la lutte pour des idéaux, des pouvoirs et des pertinences, avec un vocabulaire et une expression concordants. Le genre dépérit vers les années 80 suite aux crises économiques et à l’arrivée des dictatures, et son étouffement, ainsi que le meurtre ou l’exil de ses interprètes, accompagne l’étranglement de toute aspiration de changement révolutionnaire dans le continent.</p><p>Mots clés</p><p>Chanson engagée, mécontentement, syndicalisme, luttes sociales, musique, mouvements sociaux.</p><p>A CANÇÃO SOCIAL COMO UMA EXPRESSÃO DE INCONFORMISMO SOCIAL E POLÍTICA NO SÉCULO XX. Resumo</p><p>Este artigo, produto da tese de mestrado “El imaginario social y político presente en la canción social o protesta en Colombia durante el periodo comprendido de 1960 – 1970”, (O imaginário social e político presente na mùsica social ou de protesto na Colômbia durante o período compreendido de 1960 – 1970. Mostra o papel importante que a música de protesto tem desempenhado na história da América Latina, para recolher expressões de inconformismo social que marcou o seu auge na década de 60 e 80 anos ( quando a esquerda ganhou terreno político como resultado do subdesenvolvimento, crescimento da miséria, o descontentamento da população e a falta de liderança dos líderes da região que eram incapazes de propor alternativas que permitiam superar esses problemas) A mùsica social foi alimentada da lírica universitária, do sindicalismo, das injustiças diárias, encorajando a luta pelos ideais, poderes e relevância com um vocabulário e expressão acordes. O decaimento do gênero foi nos anos 80 como consequência das crises econômicas e a chegada das ditaduras, silenciamento, assim como o assassinato ou exílio dos intérpretes, acompanha estuangulamento de qualquer desejo de mudança revolucionária no continente.</p><p>Palavras chaves</p><p>Canção de Protesto , o descontentamento, o sindicalismo, lutas sociais, música, movimentos sociais.</p>
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Martínez Guaca, Wilson, and Dianny Guerrero Montilla. "Los caminos del buen vivir." Revista Lumen Gentium 3, no. 2 (October 20, 2020): 45–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.52525/lg.v3n2a4.
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El presente artículo sobre el buen vivir, que se ha convertido en un paradigma de los pueblos originarios que ofrece una salida al desarrollismo racional, hace un recorrido por la visión general del concepto, se detiene en las concepciones indígenas de Bolivia con énfasis en los aymara y los quechuas, de Ecuador con el pueblo kichwa y los pueblos amazónicos, de Paraguay con el pueblo guaraní y de Colombia con el pueblo nasa.
Abstract
The present article about Buen vivir (good living), which has become a paradigm of the original people as a way out of rational developmentalism, takes a tour through the general vision of the concept, stopping in the indigenous conceptions of Bolivia with the Aymara and the Quechuas, from Ecuador with the Kichwa and the Amazonian people, from Paraguay with the Guaraní people and from Colombia with the Nasa people. It afterwards extends in postures such as those of the pluriverse and the cosmo-community, and in general of the anti-systemic and ecological social movements, to arrive at an approach from political culture found in Ecuador and Bolivia constitutions to its maximum expression, and in several studies that propose it as the exit to visions of development, progress and the capitalist world system, as well as a different political option to capitalism and socialism.
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Cortés-Evans, Diana Patricia. "El martirio como forma narrativa, signo, y mito en Cóndores no entierran todos los días y Estaba la pájara pinta sentada en el verde limón." Catedral Tomada. Revista de crítica literaria latinoamericana 10, no. 18 (August 9, 2022): 117–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ct/2022.539.
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The genesis of the fictions of Gustavo Álvarez and Albalucía Ángel is demarcated in ‘el 9 de abril’, name given to the social outburst that occurs in Colombia after the magnicide of the politician Jorge Eliécer Gaitán (1948). The notion of martyrdom is assimilated in the literary works as a sign and a myth to depict the disproportion of violence under the frame of the bipartisan conflict. In the fictions martyrdom is implemented as a narrative device and an artefact to revisit the past and reflect on the nation. By adopting postmodernist readings in fields such as ‘biopolitics’, cultural sociology, and concepts like ‘culture hybridity’ proposed by Homi Bhabha, we find that disfigurations of original Christian myths take place in the fictions with a subversive purpose. Although modern martyrdom is rooted in Christianity, the phenomenon erases the borders between politics and religion, given that its secularization is manifested through social movements and the cultural construction that rises around the martyr. Nowadays, ‘el 9 de abril’ not only commemorates the magnicide, but it has established itself as a National Civic Day to pay homage to all the victims of the armed conflict.
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GUTIERREZ, ANDRES. "Activities of Colombian government during the COVID-19 pandemic." Public Administration 24, no. 2 (2022): 93–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2070-8378-2022-24-2-93-99.
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In March 2020, a new coronavirus pandemic have spread around the world, forcing nations to close their borders and paralyzing the global economy. According to health experts, the mortality rate is 2 %, but governments and international organizations have initiated quarantine measures and social distancing to prevent health systems from collapsing due to numerous cases. Against this background, the events in Colombia have attracted much attention. Although the national and local governments have taken all necessary measures to prevent the disease, the scandals surrounding these decrees and ordinances are of great interest. The distribution of resources and expenditures in other non-priority sectors is also questionable. According to statistics from Johns Hopkins University, the country was in the top 10 for the number of people infected and the number of deaths caused by COVID-19 in the world. The situation with a possible third wave of COVID-19 in Latin America is not promising. Governments in almost all countries in the region are taking insufficient steps to prevent the spread of the virus, the health care system is failing to function properly, and the vaccination rate as well as other shortcomings have angered many community members. This applies to Colombia under President Ivan Duque, who, although a member of the ruling party, raises serious doubts regarding his governing capacity. The authors believe that the blame for the current situation lies not only on the head of state but also on local authorities and the population itself, which practically does not comply with the medical and sanitary restrictions on movements and gatherings of people.
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Kreft, Anne-Kathrin. "Responding to sexual violence: Women’s mobilization in war." Journal of Peace Research 56, no. 2 (October 16, 2018): 220–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343318800361.
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Gender scholars show that women in situations of civil war have an impressive record of agency in the social and political spheres. Civilian women’s political mobilization during conflict includes active involvement in civil society organizations, such as nongovernmental organizations or social movements, and public articulation of grievances – in political protest, for example. Existing explanations of women’s political mobilization during conflict emphasize the role of demographic imbalances opening up spaces for women. This article proposes a complementary driving factor: women mobilize politically in response to the collective threat that conflict-related sexual violence constitutes to women as a group. Coming to understand sexual violence as a violent manifestation of a patriarchal culture and gender inequalities, women mobilize in response to this violence and around a broader range of women’s issues with the goal of transforming sociopolitical conditions. A case study of Colombia drawing on qualitative interviews illustrates the causal mechanism of collective threat framing in women’s collective mobilization around conflict-related sexual violence. Cross-national statistical analyses lend support to the macro-level implications of the theoretical framework and reveal a positive association between high prevalence of conflict-related rape on the one hand and women’s protest activity and linkages to international women’s nongovernmental organizations on the other.
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Mata, Leovardo, and José Antonio Núñez Mora. "Dependence between the Chinese and MILA stock markets." Journal of Chinese Economic and Foreign Trade Studies 9, no. 3 (October 3, 2016): 234–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jcefts-10-2016-034.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to analyze the dependence between the Chinese and Market Integrated Latin America (MILA) stock markets. Design/methodology/approach The authors adjust the multivariate probability distribution Variance Gamma (VG) on data yields from the Hang Seng Index (HSI) and MILA and they use the estimated parameters under VG to find a robust estimator of the correlation matrix yields. Findings The degree of dependence between stock indices from China, Peru, Mexico, Colombia and Chile. In addition, the impact of the change in the HSI affects mostly the movements of the selective stock price index (IPSA) and equally affects the index of the Mexican stock exchange (IPC) and Lima Stock Exchange (S&P/BVL). The effect on index of the Colombia Stock Exchange (COLCAP) is not significant. Research limitations/implications Over time there are different structural changes so the time has been restricted to the years 2000-2015, but could extend the analysis to other time periods and sectors of listed companies in the indices. Practical implications The results can guide policy makers to assess the effect of a random crash on stock markets and measure the level of risk from other markets. Social implications The results can generate a greater understanding of the relationship between the stock markets of China and the emerging countries of Latin America. Originality/value The value of this paper is to focus on alternative methodology to calculate the correlation matrix yields and measure the dependence between the Chinese and MILA stock markets.
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Perrotta, Daniela, Enrique Frias-Martinez, Ana Pastore y Piontti, Qian Zhang, Miguel Luengo-Oroz, Daniela Paolotti, Michele Tizzoni, and Alessandro Vespignani. "Comparing sources of mobility for modelling the epidemic spread of Zika virus in Colombia." PLOS Neglected Tropical Diseases 16, no. 7 (July 20, 2022): e0010565. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pntd.0010565.
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Timely, accurate, and comparative data on human mobility is of paramount importance for epidemic preparedness and response, but generally not available or easily accessible. Mobile phone metadata, typically in the form of Call Detail Records (CDRs), represents a powerful source of information on human movements at an unprecedented scale. In this work, we investigate the potential benefits of harnessing aggregated CDR-derived mobility to predict the 2015-2016 Zika virus (ZIKV) outbreak in Colombia, when compared to other traditional data sources. To simulate the spread of ZIKV at sub-national level in Colombia, we employ a stochastic metapopulation epidemic model for vector-borne diseases. Our model integrates detailed data on the key drivers of ZIKV spread, including the spatial heterogeneity of the mosquito abundance, and the exposure of the population to the virus due to environmental and socio-economic factors. Given the same modelling settings (i.e. initial conditions and epidemiological parameters), we perform in-silico simulations for each mobility network and assess their ability in reproducing the local outbreak as reported by the official surveillance data. We assess the performance of our epidemic modelling approach in capturing the ZIKV outbreak both nationally and sub-nationally. Our model estimates are strongly correlated with the surveillance data at the country level (Pearson’s r = 0.92 for the CDR-informed network). Moreover, we found strong performance of the model estimates generated by the CDR-informed mobility networks in reproducing the local outbreak observed at the sub-national level. Compared to the CDR-informed networks, the performance of the other mobility networks is either comparatively similar or substantially lower, with no added value in predicting the local epidemic. This suggests that mobile phone data captures a better picture of human mobility patterns. This work contributes to the ongoing discussion on the value of aggregated mobility estimates from CDRs data that, with appropriate data protection and privacy safeguards, can be used for social impact applications and humanitarian action.
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Arguello, Edilberto Vergara. "Impresiones y retos para la construcción de paz desde el Comité de Integración del Macizo Colombiano (cima): fragmento de entrevista con César William Díaz Morales, líder social del proceso campesino caucano." REVISTA CONTROVERSIA, no. 210 (June 1, 2018): 247–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.54118/controver.vi210.1118.
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El siguiente fragmento hace parte de la entrevista con un líder social campesino del departamento del Cauca, y pretende exponer algunas reflexiones frente al Acuerdos de Paz, firmado entre el Estado Colombiano y las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia FARC-EP. Se abordan temas sobre Derechos Humanos, retos y propuestas sobre construcción de paz desde la organización campesina, Comité de Integración del Macizo Colombiano CIMA, en el departamento del Cauca, Colombia, entre otros.
Perceptions and Challenges for Peace-building from the Perspective of the Integration Committee of the Colombian Massif (CIMA). Fragment of an Interview with a Social Leader of the Peasant Movement in Cauca (Colombia)
Abstract: The following fragment of an interview with a peasant social leader from the department of Cauca aims to present reflections on the process of implementation of the Peace Agreements signed between the Colombian State and the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia FARC-EP (Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia). Human Rights, challenges and proposals on peacebuilding are addressed from the perspective of the peasant organization Comité de Integración del Macizo Colombiano CIMA (Integration Committee of the Colombian Massif) in the department of Cauca, Colombia.
Keywords: Peace Agreements, Humans Rights, peacebuilding, peasants.
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Gupta, Ekta, Vartika Gupta, Mariya Naseem, Prem Prakash Singh, Sampurna Nand, Neha Jaiswal, Sunil Tripathi, Anju Patel, and Pankaj Kumar Srivastava. "Environmental Impacts of COVID-19 Lockdown: National and Global Scenario." INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF PLANT AND ENVIRONMENT 8, no. 01 (September 6, 2022): 01–09. http://dx.doi.org/10.18811/ijpen.v8i01.01.
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The unforeseen COVID-19 has spread over the world, affecting almost 5 million people in 213 countries. Lockdown measures havebeen implemented in several nations, limiting people to their homes and substantially curtailing economic and social activity. Theimplementation of lockdown halted all the industrial, social, and commercial activities, and had a positive impact on environmentalparameters viz., air, water, noise, biodiversity, and wildlife. The decrease in PM10, PM2.5, CO, NO2were recorded with an average value of43, 31, 10, and 18%, respectively because of the reduction in transportation and industrial emission in India. Considerable recovery ofwater quality in lotic ecosystems was observed at several places in the world. Due to the COVID-19 outbreak, the global lockdown hasalso dropped the noise level ranging from 2.1 dB to 6 dB at several places viz., Europe, Colombia and USA. Wildlife and biodiversity ofthe world had responded to the COVID-19 shutdown. Human movements in national parks and metropolitan cities through vehiclesand other transportation have decreased by 75% to 95%, due to which various wildlife and other creatures had faced fewer humaninterferences. During the pandemic, China and Lebanon had produced 240 metric tons and 1.3 tonnes of biomedical waste, respectivelyper day. India has generated around 28,747.91 tonnes of biological waste during the pandemic lockdown. The global pandemiclockdown has given Mother Nature a chance to replenish, but the policy and strategies are required immediately for the confinementof biomedical waste generation and further scientific management.
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DUGAS, JOHN C. "The Origin, Impact and Demise of the 1989–1990 Colombian Student Movement: Insights from Social Movement Theory." Journal of Latin American Studies 33, no. 4 (November 2001): 807–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x01006216.
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The 1989–1990 Colombian student movement played a key role in bringing about a constituent assembly to draft a new national constitution. This article utilises contemporary social movement theory, secondary sources and interviews with student activists to examine the trajectory of this movement. Key explanatory variables of social movement theory – political opportunity structure, organisational form, the framing process and the repertoire of collective action – provide useful insights into the origins, impact and ultimate demise of the Colombian student movement. Judicious use of such variables could benefit research on other social movements in Latin America.
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Campuzano-Hoyos, Jairo. "Disrupting narratives of isolation: the production and circulation of ideas in Colombia about Latin America’s progress, 1870–1900." Trashumante. Revista Americana de Historia Social, no. 17 (January 29, 2021): 126–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.17533/udea.trahs.n17a06.
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Colombians were not isolated during the last third of the nineteenth century. Transportation difficulties that slowed the movement of people and goods—a particularly challenging issue in the Andean region—proved less of a hindrance for the movement of ideas. Many intellectuals, seeking knowledge about Latin America’s latest progress, worked diligently to promote the spread and understanding of global ideas among fellow Colombians. They looked to learn from republics in the region, with whom they also developed mutually beneficial intellectual and material relationships. Colombian intellectuals, many of whom played a decisive role in diplomatic postings abroad, facilitated this circulation of ideas within Colombia.
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Sierra Franco, Angélica María. "El papel de la familia y la cultura en la transformación del hábitat: hábitat y familias en la ciudad de Sincelejo: 1950-2000." Procesos Urbanos 2 (January 1, 2015): 107–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.21892/2422085x.89.
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Resumen: La familia, constituye una suerte de sistema operativo (reproductivo, laboral, y cultural) de la sociedad. En virtud de esta condición, los modos de comportamiento de sus miembros articulan la familia al territorio, incidiendo en la formación, desarrollo o desintegración de los lugares y figuras espaciales del habitat, especialmente el hábitat residencial: la casa. Esas figuras están íntimamente ligadas y condicionadas por la evolución, las crisis y las tendencias de la sociedad, de manera que constituyen así la red social primaria para el ser humano en cualquier etapa de la vida. La importancia de este estudio radica en que la composición, organización y movimientos del núcleo familiar, ofrecen una gama muy diversa de variables de análisis e interpretaciones, para comprender su incidencia en la formación del hábitat, donde las agrupaciones familiares se asocian a otras modalidades de agrupación: vecinal, comunitaria, territorial, económica, social e institucional, y ya sea que se mantengan estables o que sufran cambios profundos, permanecen a lo largo del tiempo como factor que configura sus distintos modos de habitar el territorio.
___Palabras clave: comunidad familiar, hábitat residencial, vivienda, cultura, costa Caribe colombiana.
___Abstract: The family is a kind of (reproductive, labor and cultural) operating system of society. Under this condition, the modes of behavior of family members articulate the territory, focusing on the formation, development or disintegration of places and spatial figures habitat, especially the residential habitat: the house. These figures are closely linked and conditioned by evolution, crisis and trends in society, so that social network are so primary to humans at any stage of life. The importance of this study is that the composition, organization and movements of the family, offer a diverse range of variables for the analysis and interpretation to understand its impact on habitat formation, where family groups are associated with other forms of grouping: neighborhood, community, territorial, economic, social and institutional, and either remain stable or undergo profound changes, remain throughout time as a factor shaping their different ways of inhabiting the territory.
___Keywords: family community, residential housing, housing, culture, Caribbean coast of Colombia.
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BERMEO, Dana Milena Chávarro, and Wellington D. PINHEIRO. "Ações coletivas e suas configurações antiutilitaristas: O caso colombiano da Marcha Patriótica." INTERRITÓRIOS 5, no. 8 (June 22, 2019): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.33052/inter.v5i8.241598.
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O artigo discute a configuração solidária de prática social encontrada no Movimento político e social Marcha Patriótica (MARCHA)[1]. Sendo a Marcha um dos movimentos que obteve maior protagonismo no processo de negociação entre o governo Santos e as guerrilhas das FARC-EP ela nos possibilitou identificar a construção do projeto político colombiano de reivindicar a paz como um bem comum daquela nação. Neste sentido, mobilizamos a teoria da dádiva a fim de compreender como os conceitos de gratuidade e de obrigação do agir encontrados nas ações estratégicas do movimento metamorfoseou a ideia da paz entendendo-a como um bem de justiça social. Para tal fim analisamos o fenómeno da Ruana com intuito de demonstrar como a gênese do movimento e o projeto de articulação política caracterizaram a dimensão antiutilitarista e solidária desta ação coletiva.Ações coletivas. Anti-utilitarismo. Solidariedade moderna Collective actions and its anti-utilitarian configurations: The Colombian case of Marcha Patriótica ABSTRACTThe social base of the movement “Movimiento Social y Político Marcha Patriótica” (MARCHA) has a key role in the social practice. MARCHA has one of the most important roles in the Colombia peace process; this is between the Santos Government and the guerrilla (FARC-EP). This MARCHA movement allows to understand Peace, like a common wealth of the nation, in the current political project in Colombia. The way of recognize this common wealth is mainly with Dadiva theory. This theory appreciate how the combination of the two concepts, duty and free, transform the idea of Peace. The feature of the change is the Ruana (Typical Colombian cloth) symbol, that probes how the beginning of the movement and the political articulation summarize the anti-utilitarian and social dimension of this collective action. Collective action. Anti-utilitarianism. Modern solidarity[1] Esta discussão faz parte da nossa tese em andamento intitulada: Novas possibilidades de Interpretação das Mobilizações Sociais na América Latina: Comparando Brasil e Colômbia