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1
Ahmetović, Amir. "Elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina for the Constitution assembly of the Kingdoms of Serb, Croats and Slovenes and the transformation of social splits into political divisions." Historijski pogledi 3, no. 4 (December 30, 2020): 66–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2020.3.4.66.
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Based on the available literature, social division is defined as a measure that separates community members into groups. When it comes to Bosnia and Herzegovina and its population who spoke the same language and shared the same territory, the confessional (millet) division from the time of Turkish rule, as a fundamental social fact on the basis of which the Serbian and Croatian national identity of the Bosnian Catholic and the Orthodox population remained in Bosnia and Herzegovina even after the departure of the Austro-Hungarian administration in 1918. Historical confessional and ethnic divisions that developed in the Ottoman and Austro-Hungarian periods became the key and only basis for political and party gatherings and are important for today's Bosnia and Herzegovina segmented society. The paper attempts to examine the applicability of the analytical framework (theory) of Lipset and Rokan (formulated in the 1960s) on social divisions in the case of the elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina for the Constituent Assembly of the Kingdom of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs in 1920? Elements for the answer can be offered by the analysis of the relationship between the ethno-confessional affiliation of citizens, on the one hand, party affiliation, on the other and their acceptance of certain political attitudes and values on the third side. If there is a significant interrelation, it could be concluded that at least indirectly the lines of social divisions condition the party-political division. The political system, of course, is not just a simple reflex of social divisions. One should first try to find the answer to the initial questions: what are the key lines of social divisions? How do they overlap and intersect? How and under what conditions does the transformation of social divisions into a party system take place? The previously stated social divisions passed through the filter of political entrepreneurs and returned as a political offer in which the specific interests and motives of (ethnic) political entrepreneurs were included and incorporated. After the end of the First World War, ethnic, confessional and cultural divisions were (and still are) very present in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The key lines of division in the ethnic, confessional and cultural spheres, their development and predominantly multipolar (four-polar) character through changes in the forms and breadth of interest and political organization have influenced political options (divisions) and further complicating and strengthening B&H political splits. The concept of cleavage is a mediating concept between the concept of social stratification and its impact on political grouping and political institutions and the political concept that emphasizes the reciprocal influence of political institutions and decisions on changes in social structure. Thanks to political mobilization in ethno-confessional, cultural and class divisions, then the "history of collective memory" and inherited ethno-confessional conflicts, mass political party movements were formed very quickly in Bosnia and Herzegovina as an integral part of the Kingdom of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs ( Yugoslav Muslim organization, Communist Party of Yugoslavia, Yugoslav Democratic Party, Croatian Farmers' Party, Croatian People's Party, Farmers' Union, People's Radical Party ...). The lines of social divisions overlap with ethnic divisions (Yugoslav Muslim Organization, Croatian Farmers' Party, Croatian People's Party, Farmers' Union, People's Radical Party ...) but also intersect them so that several ethnic groups can coexist within the same party-political framework (Communist Party of Yugoslavia). The significant, even crucial influence of party affiliation and identification on the adoption of certain attitudes speaks of the strong feedback of the parties and even of some kind of created party identity. The paper discusses the first elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina organized during the Kingdom of SCS and the formation of Bosnia and Herzegovina's political spectrum on the basic lines of social divisions.
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CURTIS, PATRICE. "Urban Household Coping Strategies During War: Bosnia-Hercegovina." Disasters 19, no. 1 (March 1995): 68–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-7717.1995.tb00335.x.
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Klempic-Bogadi, Sanja, Margareta Gregurovic, and Sonja Podgorelec. "Migration from Bosnia and Herzegovina to Croatia: Migration patterns of immigrants in Zagreb." Stanovnistvo 56, no. 2 (2018): 39–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/stnv1802039k.
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The 2011 population census recorded 4,290,612 residents of Croatia among which 584,947 or 13.7% were born abroad. Even though the most of them were born in Bosnia and Herzegovina (70% or 409,357) no research was conducted about this significant group of immigrants. This paper analyses the migration flows between Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia during the last 60 years, especially focusing on demographic data available from diverse secondary sources and data on migration history and transnational activities obtained through empirical study ?The Effects of Immigration from Bosnia and Herzegovina on the Sociodemographic Development of Croatian Urban Areas?. The survey was conducted in 2014 in Sesvete, district of City of Zagreb on a judgemental/purposive sample of 301 adult Croatian residents born in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Historical events (especially war) and economic developments had the influence on the number of immigrants as well as their motivation and decision to move from Bosnia and Hercegovina to Croatia. The data obtained through secondary sources and the results of conducted survey confirmed the shift in dominant migration patterns during three periods. First period, after the WWII until beginning of 1990s, indicated mostly labour migration where the migrations from Bosnia and Herzegovina to Croatia were mostly driven by economic underdevelopment of the country of origin and directed towards Croatian commercial and industrial centres. In the first half of 1990s the change of socio-political system (breakup of the former federal state) and the war in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina induced significant forced migrations directed towards Croatia. After the end of the war and due to the consequences of armed conflict effecting the contemporary socioeconomic and political development of Bosnia and Herzegovina, a part of its citizens who were temporary settled in Croatia (as labour migrants or refugees) or elsewhere abroad, decided not to move back to Bosnia and Herzegovina but permanently stay in or move to Croatia. This was followed by the new period of migration driven (again) mostly by economic reasons complemented by general social situation and advanced unfavourable demographic processes in Bosnia and Hercegovina. These conditions stimulated the citizens of Bosnia and Hercegovina to migrate more frequently to other, economically more developed countries (Germany, Austria) effecting significantly the number of immigrants from Bosnia and Herzegovina in Croatia. The respondents included in empirical research are mostly Croats by ethnic affiliation (93.4%) and 99% of them have Croatian citizenship. In the highest proportion they migrated to Croatia during the 1990s. The results showed statistically significant correlation between the area of Bosnia and Herzegovina from where they moved to Croatia and the period of migration (the most numerous migrations were recorded from the area of the contemporary Republika Srpska). Three most frequent reasons of migration were war destruction (41.5%), economic reasons (33.2%) and family reasons (13%). Almost two thirds of respondents (63.1%) had no prior migration experience and more than 90% plan to stay permanently in Croatia. The study also confirmed significant social and transnational activities of immigrants. However, these respondents cannot be considered as the ?typical migrants? since they largely share language, culture and tradition of receiving society which presents a favourable environment for their legal/political, socioeconomic and sociocultural integration.
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Mujan, Azem. "Psychological and social processes among refugees-the case of Bosnia and Hercegovina." Scandinavian Journal of Social Welfare 5, no. 4 (October 1996): 286–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2397.1996.tb00155.x.
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Sells, Michael. "Crosses of Blood: Sacred Space, Religion, and Violence in Bosnia-Hercegovina." Sociology of Religion 64, no. 3 (2003): 309. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3712487.
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Jajčević, Jasmin. "Informbiro crisis and Bosnia and Herzegovina (1948-1956) in historical sources and historiography." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 6 (November 15, 2021): 93–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.6.93.
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In terms of historiography, the history of Bosnia and Herzegovina after the Second World War has been dealt with by many historians and scholars, dealing with and researching topics related to the economy, culture, the issue of religious communities, political circumstances, etc. What is lacking in historiographical research in the period after the Second World War is certainly the question of education (educational opportunities), as well as the question of the repercussions and consequences of the Informbiro crisis in the period from 1948 to 1956 for Bosnia and Herzegovina. The period from 1948 to 1956 is one of the most dramatic and fateful phases in the recent history of the South Slavic countries, ie Bosnia and Herzegovina. It is a period of very contradictory and turbulent social processes, which have led to complex changes in all areas of socio-economic and political reality, both domestically (in Yugoslavia and Bosnia and Herzegovina) and internationally. Stalin's attempt to subjugate the Yugoslav party leadership to Soviet domination will lead to an open split between Tito and Stalin (Yugoslavia and the USSR), which will have major consequences for the development of the Yugoslav political system, will lead to universal persecution of all those who voted for politics. Informbiroa in Yugoslavia. The conflict will have a particular impact on the political, economic and social situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The aim of this paper is to point out the historical sources that are in the archives of Bosnia and Herzegovina, archives in Belgrade (Archives of Yugoslavia) and Zagreb on the basis of which the necessary data can be drawn to understand this issue, as well as to point to historiography (books, collections of papers and journals) that dealt with the issue of the Informbiro crisis in the period from 1948 to 1956 and its reflection on the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. This is due to the fact that very few scientists and historians have dealt with this issue, as well as that there is very little historical literature for this period, especially for the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. It should be noted that we have a historian who has dealt with this issue at the micro level, and as a result a book was published in 2005 entitled „Informbiro and Northeast Bosnia: Echoes and Consequences of the KPJ-Informbiro Conflict (1948-1953)", where the general public with this event, which has a great impact on the political and socio-economic situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. From the appearance of this book until today, there have been attempts to shed light on this issue through several scientific conferences and round tables, and the result has been published collections of papers, as well as articles published in some journals, both in Bosnia and Herzegovina and wider.
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Petrovic, Nebojsa. "Mutual stereotypes of Croats, Bosnjaks and Serbs in the light of two factors theory of prejudice." Sociologija 45, no. 1 (2003): 15–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc0301015p.
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Since a number of empirical research have not shown expected correlation between negative stereotypes and prejudices, modern researchers have proposed that stereotypes should not be treated as unidimensional construct. The two factors theory of stereotypes has been proposed. First dimension is competence (superior-inferior), and second is beneficence or morality (good-bad). Only second one has high correlation with prejudices. Our research, conducted on 617 subjects from Serbia, Croatia and Bosnia and Hercegovina, shows that mutual negative stereotypes among these three nations are still dominant, and that negativity has mainly been found on the second dimension, just as mentioned theory proposed.
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Bandžović, Sead. "The phenomenon of fragile states: Bosnia and Herzegovina." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 6 (November 15, 2021): 338–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.6.338.
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The three key conditions for the existence of a state, according to the theory of state and law, are geographical territory, population and organized political power in that area. However, during the twentieth century in some African and Asian countries, due to various political, economic and other factors, problems began to appear in performance of their basic functions: ensuring public order and peace, providing health services, education. Modern science has introduced the term failed states to describe such countries. This scientific phenomenon has been the subject of numerous researches, and international organizations have been publishing annual indices of fragile, failed or unsuccessful world states for years. The first index of its kind was created in 2005 by the American non-profit organization The Fund for Peace in cooperation with the magazine Foreign Policy, which initially included 76 countries. The original term failed state was considered politically extremely incorrect, even when it referred to countries like South Sudan or Somalia, noting that such a term originated in the political terminology of developed countries by which all other countries at a lower level of development were considered to be failed ones. Therefore, in 2014, a new notion of a fragile state was created, and accordingly the existing index was renamed the Fragile State Index (FSI). This parameter determines the degree of fragility for each country on an annual basis, assessing four basic indicators: cohesion (functionality of the state apparatus), economic (overall economic situation), political (legitimacy of the state, availability of public services, respect for human rights and freedoms) and social (demographic structure of the community, number of displaced persons and refugees, external interventions). Based on the values of these indicators, countries are positioned in four groups: sustainable, stable, endangered and alarming. The paper also discusses Bosnia and Herzegovina as a potentially fragile state. Although it enjoys sovereignty and political independence, the 1995 Dayton Peace Agreement still provides for the strong participation of the international community in the performance of its basic state functions. Examples include the presence of international military and police forces from the early post-war years to the present (EUFOR), with a special emphasis on the position of High Representative for Bosnia and Herzegovina. The peace agreement gave him the status of his supreme interpreter, as well as the well-known Bonn powers that he used on several occasions to remove Bosnian political officials and the imposition of laws (Criminal Code of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Law on the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Law on the Prosecutor's Office of Bosnia and Herzegovina) due to the inability of domestic parliamentary bodies to pass them independently. In addition to the extremely complicated constitutional structure, the functioning of Bosnia and Herzegovina is hampered by the inability to reach an agreement between political representatives on key issues in the country. In the first place, these are much-needed changes to the constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina that would in the future allow members of minorities (Jews and Roma) to elect their own representatives in the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In this regard, the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) in 2009 in the case of Sejdić-Finci assessed that the impossibility of minority participation in political decision-making is a gross violation of the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. Numerous international organizations, primarily Human Rights Watch, have been warning for years about other problems in the country: national segregation of children under two schools under one roof, numerous attacks on Bosniak returnees in Republic of Srpska without adequate sanctions and extreme slowness in war crimes proceedings and the administration of transitional justice with the emergence of increasingly frequent denials of war crimes and victims. Although more than 25 years have passed since the end of the war, the participation of the international factor is still noticeable, and in some cases necessary.
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Velagić, Adnan. "Bosnia and Herzegovina in political orbit of Karadjordjevo and Tikves." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 6 (November 15, 2021): 122–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.6.122.
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During the 1980s, socialist Yugoslavia was hit by various social problems, which disintegrated the fragile tissue of Tito's state-political legacy. In the early 1990s, when the unstoppable phase of dissolution of this country began, national-chauvinist pretensions resolved to realize their old great-power ambitions in a period of general disruption surfaced. Although in this whirlwind of social turmoil the method of military force was used as the dominant and indispensable factor, behind the scenes political arrangements were very often much more effective in realizing certain goals. Sometimes conducted in public, and sometimes secretly, such negotiations were most often a typical expression of grand national aspirations. In this context, one can certainly observe one of the most famous separate negotiations in the 1990s on the soil of the disintegrating Yugoslavia, conducted between Slobodan Milosevic and Franjo Tuđman. Although these talks have not been published to date, many close associates of the Serbian and Croatian presidents, as well as participants in various political sessions, clearly indicate the presence of a high degree of their mutual agreement on the division of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In this paper, the author tried to shed light on the separate Serbo-Croatian efforts to divide the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina through the statements of Tuđman and Milosevic, and the speeches of their close associates and participants in numerous political talks.
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Bećirović, Denis. "State policy of division of Catholic Church priests in Bosnia and Herzegovina into „positive“ and „reactionary“ (1945-1963)." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 6 (November 15, 2021): 71–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.6.71.
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The illumination of the state policy of separating „positive“ from „negative“ priests of the Catholic Church in Bosnia and Herzegovina is one of the most important issues in the scientific understanding of the position of this religious community during the first decades of existence of AVNOJ Yugoslavia. The post-war government in Bosnia and Herzegovina treated a large number of priests of the Catholic Church as real or potential enemies of the state. In addition to ideological reasons, which were more or less similar in all communist parties, the negative attitude of the CPY towards the Catholic Church was influenced by the fact that some priests supported the Ustasha movement during World War II. The justification for the negative attitude of party structures towards priests was argued most often in the documents of the Commission for Religious Affairs with the following reasons: that most priests supported the occupier and domestic traitors during the war; that they spread hostile propaganda against the national liberation movement; that they actively participated in the fight against the new social order; that they had committed war crimes and persecuted members of other faiths, and that they had been linked to criminal Ustasha emigration abroad. In addition to „negative“ priests, there were „positive“ priests that also acted in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as they were reported in the documents of the Commission for Religious Affairs. They did not agree to the policy of confrontation with the state and demanded the establishment of dialogue and co-operation between the Church and the state. Some of the most prominent representatives of this group of priests were: Fr Bono Ostojić, Ph.D. Karlo Karin, Fr Mile Leko, Fr Josip Markušić, Fr Serafin Dodig, Fr Kruno Misilo and others. Holders of „positive tendencies“ among the clergy, according to the Commission for Religious Affairs, understood the importance of establishing communication and contacts with state authorities and the harmfulness of the negative attitude of the Catholic Church towards the state. Their goal was to change the methods of solving problems between the Church and the state, and to build a path that would suit the interests of the priests of the Catholic Church and the interests of the state community, without interfering with the church's dogmatic canonical principles. The „differentiation“ of priests was treated as a positive result of the work of the new government, because, according to their assessments, in the first post-war years, representatives of religious communities had a hostile attitude towards the newly created socialist Yugoslav state. Therefore, the Commission for Religious Affairs (federal and republican) has continuously pointed out the importance of implementing a policy of „stratification and differentiation“ within religious communities. According to the observations of the Federal Commission for Religious Affairs, the post-war „differentiation“ among the priests happened primarily due to their attitudes regarding the relationship between the state and the Catholic Church. Some considered it desirable and useful to establish communication with the newly created authorities, while others maintained a negative attitude. In addition to these two groups, there was a third group that was undecided. When considering the biographical data of the priests of the Catholic Church proposed for state decorations, it can be stated that the authorities carefully took into account which priests would be on the list of candidates recommended for awards. A positive attitude towards the new socialist social order, active participation in the establishment of the Association of Catholic Priests in Bosnia and Herzegovina, loyalty, patriotism towards socialist Yugoslavia, and contribution to the development of the Association of Catholic Priests in Bosnia and Herzegovina, are some of the most important reasons for choosing candidates for awards. In the article, based on unpublished archival sources, the author contextualises the political circumstances and the circumstances in which the state policy of differentiation of „positive“ from „reactionary“ priests of the Catholic Church in Bosnia and Herzegovina took place, points out the reasons for and bearers of such policy, and analyses its expression and results. Also, the author presents the policy of awarding state recognitions and decorations to individual priests in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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Wojnicz, Luiza. "Indicators for measuring Europeanisation ad extra in the EU civilian mission in Bosnia and Hercegovina from 2003-2012." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 19, no. 4 (December 2021): 87–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2021.4.5.
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This paper presents a quantitative and qualitative measurement of the components of Europeanisation ad extra in the EU civilian mission in Bosnia and Hercegovina from 2003-2012. The study aims to show that Europeanisation ad extra affects third countries to a certain extent and it is thus a form of exporting the European organisational, normative, and axiological model. The exploration relates to a completed civil mission. For the needs of this study, the Author generated two basic indicators; one quantitative and one qualitative, and used them as tools for synthesising and categorising the studied area, based on the assumption that, in this way, it will be possible to measure the intensity of the Europeanisation process in the external trajectory (ad extra). The analysis of the quantitative and qualitative indices shows the number of activities in the area of security carried out in the framework of the civilian missions in question. As evidenced by these indicators, the export of European norms, values, solutions, and practices is more likely to succeed for the Balkans than for other continents where EU civilian missions are deployed. Measurement of the Europeanisation ad extra, taking the example of Bosnia and Hercegovina, proves that in its expeditionary policy, the European Union has a significant impact on third countries through transferring European standards in various areas of security such as social or axiological.
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Hanić, Azra, and Dragana Jevtić. "Human Resource Management Between Economy and Ethics – Research of Serbia and Bosnia and Hercegovina." Business Ethics and Leadership 4, no. 3 (2020): 127–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/bel.4(3).127-136.2020.
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This paper discusses economic and ethical issues that bring about certain limitations in human resource management as one of the basic organizational functions, through which the organization’s relationship with employees is expressed. The aim of this paper is to point out the ethical dimension of human resource management as a key organizational function, which has economic, but at the same time ethical responsibilities. In elaborating this problem, we started from the basic assumption that human resource management as an organizational function and theoretical concept should balance between economic and ethical requirements, which depends on the attitudes of managers as decision makers. In addition to the analysis of the existing literature in this field, an empirical research was conducted to verify the stated assumptions on the basis of a survey questionnaire, which explored the attitudes of managers. The results were processed by statistical methods in the SPSS program. The significance of this paper derives from the importance of employees for the organization and the sensitivity of the human dimension of the organization in relation to the economic one. Bad condition in human resources management in BiH and Serbia, as the countries on which our research is focused, with unfavorable situation on the labor market, low level of perception of needs by managers and knowledge (professionalism) required for experts in this field to achieve necessary influence and affirm an effective concept and practice, opens opportunities for unethical actions of organizations. Unethical practices can be generated by ignorance, employers ’greed for quick profits, and weak institutional influence. High distance of power is an unfavorable cultural factor that encourages the arbitrariness of individuals and prevents social control of the behavior of organizations. In these wanderings and undefined directions of institutional development, in these countries there is room for corruption, poor law enforcement (incomplete reform of the judicial system), insufficiently defined protection of private property, strong influence of political parties in all spheres of life, political and economic connection, significant share of state property, etc. On the ground of egalitarian culture, high social inequality and impoverishment of the majority of the population is created, which negatively affects education, health and distracts attention from the civic control of the government. Therefore, in the research we started from the assumption that the primary evaluation of the human and social function of business and employees as a purpose, not a means, positively affects the ethical practice of human resource management, which we tested over the average response of respondents employed in different positions in the organization. The results obtained are presented in the paper. Keywords: Business Ethics, Ethics, Employees, Economics, HRM, Organization.
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Clark, Janine Natalya. "Working with survivors of war rape and sexual violence: fieldwork reflections from Bosnia-Hercegovina." Qualitative Research 17, no. 4 (October 17, 2016): 424–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468794116671987.
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Researchers rarely write about the challenges that they confront and navigate while undertaking fieldwork. This is a missed opportunity for us to learn from each other. This is an article about some of the problems and hurdles that the author faced during her recent year in Bosnia-Hercegovina working with survivors of war rape and sexual violence. It discusses some of the main practical, ethical and personal challenges that arose. It is hoped that this article will benefit other researchers, and that it will make university ethics committees more aware of the fact that preparation for fieldwork needs to involve more than just the completion of an ethics form. Undertaking difficult and sensitive work in the field not only impacts on the individuals that we are interviewing, but also on us as researchers. This fact should be better recognized.
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Družić, Sena, and Smaila Balić-Rahmanović. "Social causes of violence against the elderly in Bosnia and Herzegovina." Zbornik radova 19, no. 19 (December 15, 2021): 209–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.51728/issn.2637-1480.2021.19.209.
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The paper discussed a complex and insufficiently researched social phenomenon, namely violence against the elderly. The aim of the research was to describe, investigate and explain the social causes of violence against the elderly, and to offer proposals for solving the phenomenon of violence against the elderly in Bosnia and Hercegovina. The following methods were used in the research process: a descriptive method, a content analysis method, general scientific methods (statistical, comparative) and a survey research method. In terms of research instruments, a survey questionnaire for the elderly population, a survey questionnaire for professionals, a structured and unstructured interview were used. The sample of respondents consisted of 500 elderly people and 50 professionals employed in the judiciary, prosecutor's office, ministry, police, social work centers, nursing homes, health centers and NGOs, from Bosnia and Herzegovina. The research results show that there are risk causes that contribute to violence against the elderly, visible in the increased cultural differences between generations in one family, and if they live in families with a history of violent behavior and a history of intragenerational and intergenerational conflicts. The social status of families, in which the elderly live, is extremely bad and does not give the possibility of a quality life to the elderly in the third age. The research results indicate that we should work on the adoption of normative legal solutions in the field of protection from violence against the elderly and their application. In order to make this happen, comprehensive education of professionals through multisectoral cooperation is necessary. Keywords: abuse, the elderly, social causes.
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WATSON, FIONA, and JOSEPHINE VESPA. "The Impact of a Reduced and Uncertain Food Supply in Three Besieged Cities of Bosnia-Hercegovina." Disasters 19, no. 3 (September 1995): 216–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-7717.1995.tb00341.x.
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Maley, William. "The United Nations and Ethnic Conflict Management: Lessons from the Disintegration of Yugoslavia." Nationalities Papers 25, no. 3 (September 1997): 559–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999708408524.
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On 14 December 1995, an agreement as the Elysée Treaty (earlier initialled in Dayton after weeks of difficult negotiation) was signed in Paris by the Heads of State of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Republic of Croatia, and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. One of the witnesses at the ceremony was the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Dr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, and, in a real sense, it marked the nadir of his term of office. In June 1992, amidst the euphoria of U.S. President George Bush's articulation of hopes for a new world order, Boutros-Ghali had presented a report to U.N. members entitled An Agenda for Peace which painted an ambitious picture of the opportunities for constructive involvement of the U.N. in conflict resolution. Yet ironically, this was almost the moment at which the intensification of intergroup conflict precipitated Bosnia-Hercegovina's slide into social and political disarray. The ultimate humiliation for the U.N. came in July 1995 when the massacre of Bosnian Muslims by Bosnian Serb forces in the U.N.-declared “safe area” of Srebrenica triggered the chain of events which saw responsibility for Bosnia-Hercegovina decisively removed from the U.N.'s grasp, and assumed by the United States and its NATO allies. The U.N. may recover from the shame of its Balkan entanglement, but the scars are likely to prove permanent.
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Kurtanović, Hamza. "Muhamed Efendi Zahirović and his Idžazetnama (Authorization)." Anali Gazi Husrev-Begove biblioteke 27, no. 41 (February 19, 2021): 203–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.51719/25663267.2020.27.41.203.
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This paper sets forth a biography of Muhamed efendi Zahirović and it gives a review of his social activism as well as a translation of the idžazetnama (authorization) he got from Hafiz Sulayman efendi Fazlić. He was born on the 14th of December in 1886 in Modriča. He spent his entire working life as a high school religion teacher. This paper is primarily based on the idžazetnama manuscript which is kept in Gazi Husrev-beg’s Library in Sarajevo (R-10790). Setting the sanad (a list of authorities who have transmitted a report (ḥadīth) of a statement, action, or approbation of the messenger Muhammad, peace be upon him) as a guarantee of the authenticity and a critical review of every person who transmitted a ḥadīth has provided a foundation for the tradition of issuing idžazetnamas. This common practice of seeking and issuing an authorization to transmit a particular ḥadīth or work carried on in Bosnia and Herzegovina until the beginning of the 20th century. The contents of the idžazetnama portrays Muhamed efendi Zahirović as one of the more learned people in Bosnia and Hercegovina at the beginning of the 20th century.
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Balunovic, Filip. "Social movements and critical discourses in former Yugoslavia: Structural approach." Filozofija i drustvo 32, no. 2 (2021): 296–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid2102296b.
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Until a decade ago, a comprehensive contestation of the so-called ?transitional? paradigm was largely missing in the post-socialist era. This reality changed in the last ten years, especially in the region of former Yugoslavia. Some social movements in this region have started questioning the very essence of the economic and social misconceptions of the post-socialist condition. This paper first provides an elaboration of the very conceptual edifice of the ruling paradigm (hence the object of the critique of the three social movements in question), as well as a theoretical and methodological framework. It goes on to map out the epistemic discursive content of the respective social movements in Belgrade, Zagreb and Sarajevo, thereby assessing the conceptual content of their critique of the post-socialist transitional paradigm. Finally, given the similarities between Serbia, Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, the paper seeks to explain variations in the critique by how the structural and contextual features impact the perspective from which it is constructed.
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Boni, Stefano. "Assemblies and the struggle to diffuse power." Focaal 2015, no. 72 (June 1, 2015): 9–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2015.720102.
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The article is focused on the practical mechanisms of assembly management in egalitarian settings in a comparative perspective: on the one hand, I examine assemblies in what may be termed classic ethnographic settings (principally East African pastoralists); on the other hand, I turn to meetings in recent social movements (the Occupy movement in the United States and Slovenia; the 15M in Spain; Greece and Bosnia). I have two principal aims. First, I wish to identify and evaluate similarities and differences in the running of meetings with regard to processes of consensus building; the coordination of assemblies through the creation of roles and the menace of leadership; and the management of place, time, and speech. Second, I aim to evaluate current social movements' use of alterpolitics, intended as the practical and imaginary reference to group meetings of the historical, sectarian, or ethnic other.
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Repovac-Niksic, Valida, Jasmin Hasanovic, Emina Adilovic, and Damir Kapidzic. "The social movement for truth and justice - pragmatic alliance-building with political parties in Bosnia and Herzegovina." Filozofija i drustvo 33, no. 1 (2022): 143–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid2201143r.
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Protests among citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina are becoming more frequent. Most often, their aim is to decry the dysfunctionality and opacity of the government, which are the result of the ethno-political structure created by the Dayton Agreement, but also a trend towards democratic regression and autocracy. A number of authors have tackled the ?JMBG? protests of 2013 and the Plenums that emerged from the February 2014 protests, from their particular disciplines. The focus of this paper is the social movement ?Justice for Dzenan,? organized by the Memic family upon the tragic death of Dzenan Memic in Sarajevo in February 2016. An in-depth study was conducted with key actors of the movement, as well as those who follow or in some way support the protests. Particular emphasis in the research was paid to the pragmatic symbiosis of the social movement and one political party. We argue that it is possible to identify a pragmatic symbiosis as a novel form (democratic innovation) of socio-political cooperation that can impede rising autocratization. Through the quest for accountability, social movements are introducing new strategic practices of mobilization and a novel type of alliance-building with external factors (new political parties as well as other social movements). The goal of the paper is to explore how the social movement ?Justice for Dzenan? interacts with political parties and approach the political sphere in BiH. Also, the idea is to examine the possibilities and functionality of this kind of cooperation with the framework of contentious politics.
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Gekić, Haris, and Aida Bidžan-Gekić. "Traditional agricultural landscapes in Uskopaljska valley (Bosnia and Herzegovina)." Open Geosciences 12, no. 1 (December 8, 2020): 1573–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/geo-2020-0024.
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AbstractThis article discusses changing trends in agricultural land use in Uskopaljska valley. Quite a large number of agricultural land exploitation orientations indicate that the geographical benefits for the development of certain types of agricultural production are very different. Detailed analysis of the exploitation orientations of land use leads to the opinion that they are determined mainly by social movements. The depopulation areas are numerous in the periphery of Uskopaljska valley, resulting in abandonment of agricultural land and an increase in unused areas. Large extensive production areas were abandoned after 1991, leaving uncultivated ploughlands and grass cover to be used occasionally by herders. In 2018, there were only 7.4 acres of ploughlands, I–IV class quality, per person that were mainly being cultivated, which was not enough to ensure sufficient food production. According to the analysis of available data and based on the practices, and among others a survey among the farmers, the general perception of basic conditions and main problems of agricultural land use and agricultural development is revealed.
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Biela, Adam. "The Natural Experiment Approach in Analysis of War Crowds vs. Agoral Gathering Impact on Macroeconomic Changes." Journal for Perspectives of Economic Political and Social Integration 27, no. 1 (March 21, 2022): 7–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/pepsi-2021-0001.
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In this study natural experiment approach will be employed in an analysis of two social forces: war crowds vs. agoral gatherings and their impact on macroeconomic changes. The paper presents empirical and historical evidence that the European countries which reached their state independence as a result of agoral gatherings (Poland, Hungary, Czech Republic, Slovakia, Bulgaria, East Germany, Romania, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, and Albania) obtained much higher indicators both in GDP and in GDP per capita in the decade 2009–2018 than the countries involved in the Yugoslavian war crowds (Croatia, Bosnia & Hercegovina, Serbia, North Macedonia, Kosovo, and Slovenia). For the purposes of our analysis, EUROSTAT data was used as containing macroeconomic indicators of the entire populations of the European countries, which are of interest to us in a distant perspective, at least eight years from the events that are the subject of our comparative analyses, as the primary independent variable. The results of a comparative analysis of these two indicators are presented and an attempt to interpret them is made from the point of view of behavioral economics. This interpretation takes into account the theories of crowd psychology and the theory of agoral gathering processes, as well as the psychosocial and economic importance of coupon privatization in the economic activation of citizens in the countries undergoing systemic transformation after the collapse of their totalitarian systems.
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Kovinić, Nikola. "The influence of the pandemic of covid 19 on the index values in the selected countries." Ekonomski izazovi 11, no. 22 (2022): 106–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/ekoizazov2221106k.
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The pandemic of Covid 19 may have started in 2019, but in 2021, the world faced health crises that will have lasting and immeasurable after effects across the health care, social and economic spectrum. The pandemic of Covid 19 has changed the world and brought many socio-economic changes on the global level, endangering the economies of the world, as well the economy of our country and nearby countries. The Republic of Serbia, as well as the nearby countries, tries to employ all the possible solutions and measures to lessen the economic aftereffects of the pandemic of the virus. The countries have started using a wide variety of restrictive measures, so they can control, prevent and end the pandemic and the measures have been different: sometimes the country borders have been closed, the interstate traffic was limited, there was a quarantine in some of the countries and even a curfew. The measures that Serbia has taken and is still taking - as well as nearby countries - (Croatia, Bosnia and Hercegovina, Northern Macedonia and Montenegro), will have lasting results because they have prevented the drastic economic downfall. How will the downfall be described and whether or not it was the real feel of the individual, we will find out in this research and the comparison of the stock indexes in our country and the nearby countries.
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Ciavolella, Riccardo, and Stefano Boni. "Aspiring to alterpolitics." Focaal 2015, no. 72 (June 1, 2015): 3–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2015.720101.
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This theme section inquires into the contribution of political anthropology to radical theories, social imagination, and practices underlying political “alternatives”, which we propose to call “alterpolitics”. The issue of an alternative to contemporary powers in globalization is a central topic in social movements and radical debates. This sense of possibility for political alternatives is associated with the desertion of the belief in “the end of history”: the current economic crisis and the decline of Western hegemony presumably announce a radical transformation of the neoliberal world, opening space to alternatives. Actually, the reconfiguration of twentieth-century capitalism is associated with a growing mistrust of political institutions, the crisis being “organic”, in the Gramscian sense (Gramsci 1975). Recent social movements and insurrections around the world—from the “colored revolutions” in Central Asia to the Spanish indignados, the US Occupy movement, the Arab Spring, uprisings in Bosnia—have raised the issue of alternatives as a reaction to the incapacity of capitalist political institutions—from electoral democracy to dictatorships—to deal with people’s problems and meet their aspirations for emancipation and a better future.
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Stefanovski, Ivan. "Tracing Causal Mechanisms in Social Movement Research in Southeast Europe: The Cases of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia – Evidence from the “Bosnian Spring” and the “Citizens for Macedonia” Movements." SEEU Review 12, no. 1 (June 1, 2017): 27–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/seeur-2017-0003.
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AbstractRecent anti-governmental social movements in countries of former Yugoslavia have awakened the spirit of contention which had been dormant for almost two decades. The overwhelming economic deprivation, accompanied by the massive violation of basic human rights of the citizens, urged the challengers to take the streets.This paper is focused on comparison of two movements, the “Citizens for Macedonia” movement in the Republic of Macedonia and the “Bosnian Spring” in Bosnia and Herzegovina, highlighting the role and influence of movements on the (non)occurrence of policy outputs which articulated claims put forward by social movement organizations (SMOs) as well as other movement actors in the two respective countries. The analysis will be conducted taking into consideration specific social movement related variables like forms/types of claims-making and repertoires of action, as well as wider political process factors such as repression by state actors, and the attitude of allies and opponents of the movements (political parties, mainstream media, general political system characteristics, international community etc.).Regarding the methodological approach, we will apply a mixed comparative research design, with variation both on side of the independent and the dependent variables. Since the outcomes of the movements are already tangible, we will also apply elements of process tracing methodology (PTM), reconstructing the events as much as possible. My primary data collection tools encompass in-depth interviews (approximately 10 per country) with four specific categories of interviewees (SMO representatives, activists, policymakers and key informants) as well as thorough document analysis referring to the policy outputs.
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Ahić, Jasmin. "Radicalism and Violent Extremism in Bosnia – „Circle of Lack of Knowledge and Islamofobia“." Kriminalističke teme 22, no. 3-4 (December 20, 2022): 13–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.51235/kt.2022.22.3-4.13.
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The concept of radicalization is very actual and presents an attempt to gain a deeper understanding of the contemporary terrorism. Our knowledge of the factors that lead to radicalization and shape the mind of the prospective terrorists is an important analytical tool for practical policy in terms of proactive work and development of strategies for terrorism prevention. The problem arises in the attempt of its conceptual determination of the radicalization and violent extremism. The concept of radicalization is focused on the individual and, to a certain extent, on ideology and the group, while structural factors and efforts to address the causes of the phenomenon remain outside the epistemological range. In this paper author(s) use case study method as an empirical study of the social phenomenon of radicalism, extremism and violent extremism leading to terrorism and its impact on the subcultural behaviors of radical communities, the security situation where the boundary between the real phenomenon and the real life context are explored. In this paper, case study resewargh method will brighten radical and extremist movements that are deeply rooted in Bosnian society, their connection with the countries of the region and the processing of empirical data on various forms of discrimination and Islamophobia will be discussed. The problem of this research is the impact of radicalism and extremism on the security situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the current security position of Bosnia and Herzegovina vis-à-vis its neighbors with social focus and the importance of the restructuring a conceptualization of radicalism, extremism and violent extremism leading to terrorism, destruction, human casualties and high media coverage of such acts. Period of terrosim implicatication on Bosnia covering 2010-2020. Results will precise essential weakness of the concept(s) of prevention in fight against violent etremism in addition to other methodological uncertainties addressed in this paper. The paper seeks to examine the leading positions in scientifc literature and critically review the epistemological and practical value of the concept of radicalization that leads to terrorism. From theoretical perspective this concept lacks solid grounding base and should be subject of critical rethinking. The establishment of effective mechanisms for deradicalization is one of the vital programs that Bosnia and Herzegovina will have to recognize and implement, especially through work with young people, which will involve various social actors, all in order to spread tolerance and equality in order to achieve greater degree in the creation of a free democratic society.
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Hemmer, Bruce, John Graham, Paula Garb, and Marlett Phillips. "Putting the "Up" in Bottom-up Peacebuilding: Broadening the Concept of Peace Negotiations." International Negotiation 11, no. 1 (2006): 129–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157180606777835739.
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AbstractA new theory of how nations negotiate is described wherein peoples negotiate, not just political leaders, and the negotiations of the latter are affected by the former. We draw on theories and concepts from Track Two diplomacy, citizen peacebuilding, civic democratization, and social movements to develop an integrated theory of how peoples negotiate. That is, we demonstrate how citizen peacebuilders create the democratic, social, cultural and human capital necessary to effectively engage national level politics by first building peace and democracy at the grassroots and in local politics. Further, we describe the development of a "peacebuilding organism" involving specialized citizen peacebuilding organizations that coordinate to produce mutually reinforcing growth toward peace and democracy at all levels of society. This gives peace a deep-rooted momentum that transforms political resistance. This theory is applied to explain peace movement development in Bosnia-Herzegovina. We close by considering implications of this theory for optimizing international assistance.
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Alic, Dijana. "The Landscape of War and the Transformations of the Public Sphere." Open House International 44, no. 2 (June 1, 2019): 62–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ohi-02-2019-b0008.
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On 6 april 1992, the european union (eu) recognised bosnia and hercegovina as a new independent state, no longer a part of the socialist federal republic of Yugoslavia. The event marked the start of the siege of sarajevo, which lasted nearly four years, until late february 1996. It became the longest siege in the history of modern warfare, outlasting the leningrad enclosure by a year. During its 1425 days, more than 11,500 people were killed. The attacks left a trail of destruction across the city, which began to transform it in ways not experienced before. This paper explores how the physical transformation of sarajevo affected the ways in which meaning and significance were assigned to its built fabric. I argue that the changes imposed by war and the daily destruction of the city challenged long-established relationships between the built fabric and those who inhabited the city, introducing new modes of thinking and interpreting the city. Loosely placing the discussion within the framework of ‘Thirdspace', established by urban theorist and cultural geographer edward soja, i discuss the relationship that emerged between the historicality, sociality and spatiality of war-torn sarajevo. Whether responding to the impacts of physical destruction or dramatic social change, the nexus of time, space and being shows that the concept of spatiality is essential to comprehending the world and to adjusting to and resisting the impact of extraordinary circumstances. Recognising the continuation of daily life as essential to survival sheds light on processes of renewal and change in a war-affected landscape. These shattered urban spaces also show the ways in which people make a sense of place in relation to specific socio-historical environments and political contexts.
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Stefanovski, Ivan. "What do we want and how do we do it? Movement Claims and Repertoires in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia." Tiempo devorado 4, no. 2 (July 19, 2017): 297–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/tdevorado.114.
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The paper aims to cover the claims-making process and the repertoires of action in two recent anti-governmental social movements: the citizens’ mobilization in Bosnia and Herzegovina (B&H) from the beginning of 2014 and the “Citizens for Macedonia” (CfM) movement in Macedonia from mid-2015. Lasse Lindekilde reflects on movement claims describing them as “the conscious articulation of political demands in the public sphere, thus leaving aside more private or hidden forms of political claims-making such as voting and lobbyism.” On the other hand, Della Porta highlights that “a repertoire of contention comprises what people know they can do when they want to oppose a public decision they consider unjust or threatening.” The goal of this analysis is to shed light on the main reasons lying behind the two mobilizations in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia, as well as to unveil the main mechanisms through which the central grievances of the government challengers were channeled towards the targeted governments. Regarding the methodological approach, I apply a political claim analysis (PCA), focusing dominantly on the claims coming from the side of the social movement actors. The PCA is defined as a quantitative method which treats political claims as units of analysis, taking newspapers as sources for the publically visible part of the claims-making process. In accordance with the methodological approach, the primary data collection tool envisages daily newspapers from the two countries: Dnevni Avaz, from B&H, and Sloboden Pechat and Dnevnik, from Macedonia.
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Podstawski, Robert, Marta Żurawik, Krzysztof Borysławski, Aneta Anna Omelan, and Anatolii Tsos. "Working conditions of physical education teachers in European higher education institutions." Physical Activity Review 10, no. 2 (2022): 111–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.16926/par.2022.10.26.
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Aim: One of the problems of modern higher education is the so-called "New core curricula", which oblige PE teachers to make many changes in the way they work. PE teachers face several restrictions to provide PE programs that improve students' physical fitness, cognitive development, and overall health. The research aimed to investigate the working conditions of university PE teachers in selected European tertiary institutions. Materials and Methods: The quantitative research employed purposive sampling. Five academics volunteered to collect information on 66 European tertiary institutions located in Poland, Slovakia, Serbia, Hungary, Czech Republic, Slovenia, Turkey, Spain, Montenegro, Croatia, Bosnia & Hercegovina, Finland and Kosovo. Quantitative data were collected using questionnaires with a set of questions concerning characteristics of tertiary institutions and various aspects of working conditions of university PE teachers. Results: Two thirds of the university PE teachers held master's degree in PE since in over 42% of surveyed institutions, a master's degree in physical education was required to conduct PE classes. The majority of PE teachers (84.4%) were employed full-time, and on average worked 38.6 days in an academic year. Significantly more PE teachers with masters and doctoral degrees (p = 0.012) were employed full-time, or fixed term in public, middle size HEIs (p <0.001). In HEIs in cities with less than 500,000 residents, PE teachers were more often encouraged for participation in CPD (p = 0.049). Significantly more public HEIs fully or partially covered the costs of CPD or conferences (p <0.001), whereas in non-public or small HEIs significantly more PE teachers had to finance the costs of CPD. Moreover, significantly more (p =0.037) universities implemented specific PE teachers’ evaluation criteria with a personal record of their achievements. Conclusion: There is a pressing need to improve qualifications of university PE teachers, as many European HEIs do not support PE teachers in CPD. Furthermore, lack of CPD opportunities, low salaries and lack of career promotion perspectives combined with lower psychological resilience, may result in professional burnout syndrome.
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Stojanović, Aleksandar. "REFORMS OF FINANCING PENSION INSURANCE SYSTEM IN CONDITIONS OF TRANSITION." ЗБОРНИК РАДОВА ЕКОНОМСКОГ ФАКУЛТЕТА У ИСТОЧНОМ САРАЈЕВУ 1, no. 12 (May 3, 2017): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.7251/zrefis1612051s.
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A serious crisis of the pension system has been present in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as in many other countries for many years. The current system, which functions on the concept of intergenerational solidarity is financially unsustainable, due to negative demographic and economic movements, as well as reduced number of the employed, and an increase in the number of pensioners. As the main objective of the pension system (the social security of citizens, ie protection against the risk of old age, disability and death) is not fulfilled, it seems that the reform of the pension system is necessary. It is necessary to answer the question: how to transform the pension system of intergenerational solidarity in a system of individual capitalized savings in a socially painless and affordable way?! The implementation of the pension reform aims to establish a long-term sustainable pension system that will provide quality protection from risk, old age, death, disability, and at the same time be consentaneous with economic and demographic movements andensure an adequate level of benefit to citizens in the later age.The aim of the paper is to define the wider, objective picture of the current state of the position of the pension system, as well as providing basic guidelines for the reform and development courses in the future.
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Gajić, S., and E. G. Ponomareva. "Accelerated expansion of NATO into the Balkans as a consequence of Euro-Atlantic Discord." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 2 (April 28, 2020): 70–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-2-71-70-93.
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The Balkans in general and post-Yugoslav countries in particular have been under significant geopolitical pressure of the political West since the end of the bipolar global order. From the beginning of the Yugoslav Civil War in 1991, followed by Western recognition of secessionist republics in 1992 and NATO attacks on Serbs in Bosnia-Herzegovina in 1994-1995 and on the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in 1999, the US, NATO and EU have been actively involved in the Balkan crisis. It was in concordance with the logic of unipolarity, or the New World Order, proclaimed by George W.H. Bush, in which there is “no substitute for American leadership”.The year of 2008 marked the start of profound changes. The changes we are witnessing today are of the magnitude described by Paul Kennedy’s classic The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers. Georgia’s attack on South Ossetia crossed Russia’s red lines and exposed the latter’s ambitions to regain the superpower status; China symbolically showed the same ambition with the Olympics in Beijing; the crash of the US real-estate market triggered the global economic crisis; and the NATO-sponsored unilateral declaration of secession by Kosovo Albanians set a precedent and introduced uncertainty in international law and the entire system of United Nations. By the beginning of 2020, many problems had accumulated in the EU – against the background of the ongoing migration crisis, right-wing and nationalist movements became more active, and differences between members increased. Long before COVID-19, Brexit became a serious stress test for the economy and social structure of the European Union. Dramatic changes took place on the other side of the Atlantic too, resulting in the shocking victory of staunch anti-globalist Donald Trump. The rules established during the 1991-2008 unipolarity have thus been challenged. Subsequently, post-Cold War ideological consensus in the West has also been challenged even further by the growth of non-systemic political movements – many of them directed not only against the EU expansion, but also against the EU itself.The significance of all these events for the Balkans is somewhat surprising and paradoxical, as the mainstream forces that have been weakened in the West forcefully push for a stronger Atlantic integration of the remaining Balkan countries. At the height of the pandemic, on 27 March 2020 Northern Macedonia became the 30th member of the Alliance, having previously undergone a humiliating procedure of changing its own name for this purpose. Three years earlier, Montenegro was admitted to NATO, but its population did not have the opportunity to vote on this in a referendum. The negotiations between Belgrade and Pristina on ‘normalisation of relations’, continued pressures on the prerogatives of Republic Srpska, Croatian initiative for a new Intermarium and many other similar efforts are stages in the process of NATOisation of former Yugoslavia. Based on the analysis of a large body of narrative sources and recent literature, the article presents the main trends and possible prospects for developments in the Balkans, depending on the outcome of the ongoing ideological and political struggle within the West.
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Saljic, Jovana. "Literature, religion and the birth of a nation: The creation of the “literary Bosnianhood”." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 164 (2017): 665–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1764665s.
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The question of national identity and nationality of the group of people inhabited in a particular geographical area, despite numerous theories which over the last nearly two and a half centuries have been giving the variety of answers, most frequently is related to a common ethnical background, culture, history, tradition, and as it was considered for a longer period of time, a common language. Although it is not uncommon for members of one ethnic group to profess the same religion in the vast majority, the religion, at least according to the theories of the nation, has never been an essential definition of the national identity. It should not be surprising if we take into account the circumstances that led to the awakening of nations and national movements in the 19th century of the European Enlightenment period, when the other form of togetherness started to replace a religion dominant for centuries. Thus, in forming national consciousness, religion found itself in the last place. On the other hand, if nationality formed by a religion was unacceptable for the theories of the nation, forming a national literature by the religious affiliation would have been unthinkable. By the simple analogy, the first was excluding the other which means that if it was not possible for the religion to form a nation, it was also not possible to form a national literature. At least, it was common opinion. However, right in the European region where those theories had been developed, we can also find the first case to refute them. And we can do that with the so-called Bosnian- Muslim literature that have made its first steps during the second half of the 19th century as ? mean in the creation of the new Bosnian nation. It was not the religious literature with religious themes and motifs, but the literature of the religion, of the members of a religion in an effort to create their own national identity based on a religious one. In that sense, there were three most important literary events that made the foundations for the creating the so called ?literary Bosnianhood? in the last decades of the 19th century: a collection of proverbs and lessons called ?National Treasure? by Mehmed-beg Kapetanovic Ljubusak, a collection of epic poems called ?Folk Songs of the Mohammedans in Bosnia and Herzegovina? by Kosta H?rmann and the launch of the literary magazine called ?Bosniak?. The paper presents historical, political and social circumstances that had led to those literary events, the birth of the new type of literature as well as the new Bosnian nation and national identity.
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Spona, Uzeir. "SEISMIC ACTIVITIES AND SEISMOTECTONIC FAULTS IN BOSNIA AND HERCEGOVINA." Archives for Technical Sciences 1, no. 8 (November 15, 2012). http://dx.doi.org/10.7251/afts.2013.0508.017s.
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Earthquakes are one of the biggest hazards of humanity. Even today it is not possible to predict the exact magnitude, location and time of an earthquake, but, nevertheless, modern seismology and science are able to point to the potential danger and risk of earthquake-like movements in an area, at one time. Some of the signs that announce the earthquake are the changes in magnetic and electric field of the Earth, changes in groundwater levels, radon, ground deformation, tremors, changes in animal behavior, etc. ... In order to make any measurements in this direction, the location of seismic cracks in a particular area must be known. Here are given the locations of seismic cracks in the area of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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Wästerfors, David. "Sad and Absurd Representations of War in Gameplay and Interviews." Cultural Sociology, September 9, 2022, 174997552211082. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/17499755221108243.
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There is a vivid interest in so-called epimilitary narratives of war that depart from heroic themes and zoom out from the armed forces. This article joins this direction by analyzing two variants of cultural narratives of the war in Bosnia-Hercegovina during the 1990s and the siege of Sarajevo: the videogame This War of Mine and Bosnian citizens’ personal stories told in qualitative interviews. Both variants portray war as an uncontrollable condition devoid of grand meanings, as an arena for survival skills and moral work rather than heroic deeds or moral tests, and as an object for detailed analysis rather than categorical positioning. To highlight this type of narrative across diverse manifestations may sensitize researchers to capture how the mundane and emotional content of war is articulated outside political scripts.
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Kulanić, Ahmed. "Survey of Religious Movements, Communities and Churches in Bosnia and Herzegovina." Fieldwork in Religion, May 27, 2021, 102–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/firn.19673.
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Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) is an heterogeneous country wherein ethnicity and religious adherence overlap. The scope of this work is based on the study of religious communities of various religious and cultural backgrounds that exist and function in post-war BiH. As there are insufficient comprehensive studies on this complex subject, this article examines the role religion plays in social and political life in post-war BiH by focusing on the way it is employed by the religious communities that have been working actively in this field. A diversification of BiH’s religious scene emerged with the collapse of Communism and dissolution of Yugoslavia, especially during the 1992–1995 war and in the first couple of years after signing the Dayton Peace Agreement in 1995. Hence, this research primarily addresses the questions regarding the formation of new religious communities, their roles within society, the overall impact on the religious market as well as the citizens’ and experts’ perceptions of this. This article is based on analysis of the data collected using both qualitative and quantitative techniques. Quantitative data was collected using a close-ended questionnaire that consisted of 38 questions based on dichotomous scales (e.g., yes/no) and Likert five-point scales, conducted with experts in the field and religious officials (clerks, priests and imams) from the different religious communities that exist in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The qualitative research approach is based on grounded theory using secondary and primary data collection tools.
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Milan, Chiara. "The Mobilization for Spatial Justice in Divided Societies: Urban Commons, Trust Reconstruction, and Socialist Memory in Bosnia and Herzegovina." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures, May 26, 2021, 088832542110051. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/08883254211005173.
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The article contributes to the urban studies literature and the study of social movements in divided societies by disclosing the distinctive features and mobilizing potential that the notion of urban commons retains in a war-torn society with a socialist legacy. Specifically, it investigates how urban space and urban commons are reclaimed in a post-conflict and post-socialist country such as Bosnia and Herzegovina. By using Sarajevo as a case study, the article explores several grassroots initiatives undertaken by local urban activists to reappropriate cultural buildings and public space in the city. The study discloses that in a post-conflict and post-socialist society urban commons can bear a unifying potential as acts of commoning favor trust reconstruction processes and strengthen community ties. While the erosion of social ties and the legacy of the war might not encourage mobilization for the commons, the reference to socialist-era practices and language can represent a vantage point to advocate in favor of collective governance. Throughout their actions, urban activists instrumentally referred to the historical experience of socialism to develop a discourse that resonates with the domestic cultural environment. The article points also to a generational difference amongst activists in their references to Yugoslav state socialism. While long-time activists strove to critically reappraise it, the younger ones born in the immediate post-war period appear to hold a more superficial and ambivalent historical knowledge of the socialist heritage, to which they had only partial access and no lived experience.
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"Regional-geographic concept of the development of tourism in the Una-Sana Mesoregion." Geografski pregled 46 (2022): 87–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.35666/23038950.2022.46.87.
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The Una-Sana mesoregion is part of the Peripannon macroregion of Bosnia and Herzegovina and as such is characterised by specific geographical characteristics. It is precisely from the geographical characteristics of the analysed area that the tourist motives arose, as a result of mutual natural-geographical and social-geographical characteristics of the area. The subject of the research is the identification of lesser-known tourist motives of the Una-Sana mesoregion. Tourist motives are actually the most important drivers of tourism and tourist movements in general. The goal of the research is to show the real picture of tourist motives by analysing all elements of tourist valorisation (location, compatibility, construction). Also, a special goal is to determine the courses of action that can be taken in order to increase their overall tourist value. The identification and valorisation of tourist motives of the Una-Sana mesoregion is based on field research and the application of modern geo-information technologies. The implemented methodological procedure will give an insight into the real picture of the tourist development of the Una-Sana mesoregion.
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Lleshi, MA Astrit. "How States Carry Out Acts of Terror: Wars, Strategies and Tactics in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo." ILIRIA International Review 6, no. 2 (January 5, 2017). http://dx.doi.org/10.21113/iir.v6i2.261.
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Terrorism is a notoriously difficult concept that defies single universal definition. Terrorists intentionally employ violence in order to instill fear in their victims and the wider public. Terrorist movements aim to achieve their political, social and/or religious goals through use of violent acts. (Hoffman, 1998: 43) In most cases terrorism is perpetrated by non-state actors and is "bottom up" challenge to the existing political order. However this article argues that the nature of the crime and not the perpetrator should determine whether some criminal act constitutes terrorism and acts of terror can also be committed by states and/or state actors. In this article, the author will examine the overall strategy and tactics used by the Milosevic and Karadzic regimes in BiH and Kosovo to fulfil their wartime ambitions of maintaining and consolidating control over Serb and Serb-occupied territory, relying primarily upon the indictments and judgments of the ICTY in which they and members of their armed forces acting under their authority have been charged and/or convicted of war crimes and terror, along with reports from international organizations such as the United Nations and other sources. Through an analysis of these tactics against leading definitions of terrorism, it will be demonstrated that rather than fighting against terrorists and insurgents, the Milosevic and Karadzic regimes carried out acts of terror during the wars in Kosovo and BiH, respectively, and furthermore Milosevic was sponsoring state-terrorism in BiH (Blakely, 2012: 3-4).
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Dzankic, Jelena. "Social Mobilization Beyond Ethnicity: Civic Activism and Grassroots Movements in Bosnia and Herzegovina, by Chiara Milan, London, Routledge, 2020, 176 pp., $160 (hardcover), ISBN 978-0815387022." Nationalities Papers, July 21, 2021, 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2021.45.
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