Relevant bibliographies by topics / Social movements – Bosnia and Hercegovina

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  2. Dissertations / Theses
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Academic literature on the topic 'Social movements – Bosnia and Hercegovina'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Social movements – Bosnia and Hercegovina"

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Ahmetović, Amir. "Elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina for the Constitution assembly of the Kingdoms of Serb, Croats and Slovenes and the transformation of social splits into political divisions." Historijski pogledi 3, no. 4 (December 30, 2020): 66–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2020.3.4.66.

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Based on the available literature, social division is defined as a measure that separates community members into groups. When it comes to Bosnia and Herzegovina and its population who spoke the same language and shared the same territory, the confessional (millet) division from the time of Turkish rule, as a fundamental social fact on the basis of which the Serbian and Croatian national identity of the Bosnian Catholic and the Orthodox population remained in Bosnia and Herzegovina even after the departure of the Austro-Hungarian administration in 1918. Historical confessional and ethnic divisions that developed in the Ottoman and Austro-Hungarian periods became the key and only basis for political and party gatherings and are important for today's Bosnia and Herzegovina segmented society. The paper attempts to examine the applicability of the analytical framework (theory) of Lipset and Rokan (formulated in the 1960s) on social divisions in the case of the elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina for the Constituent Assembly of the Kingdom of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs in 1920? Elements for the answer can be offered by the analysis of the relationship between the ethno-confessional affiliation of citizens, on the one hand, party affiliation, on the other and their acceptance of certain political attitudes and values on the third side. If there is a significant interrelation, it could be concluded that at least indirectly the lines of social divisions condition the party-political division. The political system, of course, is not just a simple reflex of social divisions. One should first try to find the answer to the initial questions: what are the key lines of social divisions? How do they overlap and intersect? How and under what conditions does the transformation of social divisions into a party system take place? The previously stated social divisions passed through the filter of political entrepreneurs and returned as a political offer in which the specific interests and motives of (ethnic) political entrepreneurs were included and incorporated. After the end of the First World War, ethnic, confessional and cultural divisions were (and still are) very present in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The key lines of division in the ethnic, confessional and cultural spheres, their development and predominantly multipolar (four-polar) character through changes in the forms and breadth of interest and political organization have influenced political options (divisions) and further complicating and strengthening B&H political splits. The concept of cleavage is a mediating concept between the concept of social stratification and its impact on political grouping and political institutions and the political concept that emphasizes the reciprocal influence of political institutions and decisions on changes in social structure. Thanks to political mobilization in ethno-confessional, cultural and class divisions, then the "history of collective memory" and inherited ethno-confessional conflicts, mass political party movements were formed very quickly in Bosnia and Herzegovina as an integral part of the Kingdom of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs ( Yugoslav Muslim organization, Communist Party of Yugoslavia, Yugoslav Democratic Party, Croatian Farmers' Party, Croatian People's Party, Farmers' Union, People's Radical Party ...). The lines of social divisions overlap with ethnic divisions (Yugoslav Muslim Organization, Croatian Farmers' Party, Croatian People's Party, Farmers' Union, People's Radical Party ...) but also intersect them so that several ethnic groups can coexist within the same party-political framework (Communist Party of Yugoslavia). The significant, even crucial influence of party affiliation and identification on the adoption of certain attitudes speaks of the strong feedback of the parties and even of some kind of created party identity. The paper discusses the first elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina organized during the Kingdom of SCS and the formation of Bosnia and Herzegovina's political spectrum on the basic lines of social divisions.
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CURTIS, PATRICE. "Urban Household Coping Strategies During War: Bosnia-Hercegovina." Disasters 19, no. 1 (March 1995): 68–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-7717.1995.tb00335.x.

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Klempic-Bogadi, Sanja, Margareta Gregurovic, and Sonja Podgorelec. "Migration from Bosnia and Herzegovina to Croatia: Migration patterns of immigrants in Zagreb." Stanovnistvo 56, no. 2 (2018): 39–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/stnv1802039k.

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The 2011 population census recorded 4,290,612 residents of Croatia among which 584,947 or 13.7% were born abroad. Even though the most of them were born in Bosnia and Herzegovina (70% or 409,357) no research was conducted about this significant group of immigrants. This paper analyses the migration flows between Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia during the last 60 years, especially focusing on demographic data available from diverse secondary sources and data on migration history and transnational activities obtained through empirical study ?The Effects of Immigration from Bosnia and Herzegovina on the Sociodemographic Development of Croatian Urban Areas?. The survey was conducted in 2014 in Sesvete, district of City of Zagreb on a judgemental/purposive sample of 301 adult Croatian residents born in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Historical events (especially war) and economic developments had the influence on the number of immigrants as well as their motivation and decision to move from Bosnia and Hercegovina to Croatia. The data obtained through secondary sources and the results of conducted survey confirmed the shift in dominant migration patterns during three periods. First period, after the WWII until beginning of 1990s, indicated mostly labour migration where the migrations from Bosnia and Herzegovina to Croatia were mostly driven by economic underdevelopment of the country of origin and directed towards Croatian commercial and industrial centres. In the first half of 1990s the change of socio-political system (breakup of the former federal state) and the war in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina induced significant forced migrations directed towards Croatia. After the end of the war and due to the consequences of armed conflict effecting the contemporary socioeconomic and political development of Bosnia and Herzegovina, a part of its citizens who were temporary settled in Croatia (as labour migrants or refugees) or elsewhere abroad, decided not to move back to Bosnia and Herzegovina but permanently stay in or move to Croatia. This was followed by the new period of migration driven (again) mostly by economic reasons complemented by general social situation and advanced unfavourable demographic processes in Bosnia and Hercegovina. These conditions stimulated the citizens of Bosnia and Hercegovina to migrate more frequently to other, economically more developed countries (Germany, Austria) effecting significantly the number of immigrants from Bosnia and Herzegovina in Croatia. The respondents included in empirical research are mostly Croats by ethnic affiliation (93.4%) and 99% of them have Croatian citizenship. In the highest proportion they migrated to Croatia during the 1990s. The results showed statistically significant correlation between the area of Bosnia and Herzegovina from where they moved to Croatia and the period of migration (the most numerous migrations were recorded from the area of the contemporary Republika Srpska). Three most frequent reasons of migration were war destruction (41.5%), economic reasons (33.2%) and family reasons (13%). Almost two thirds of respondents (63.1%) had no prior migration experience and more than 90% plan to stay permanently in Croatia. The study also confirmed significant social and transnational activities of immigrants. However, these respondents cannot be considered as the ?typical migrants? since they largely share language, culture and tradition of receiving society which presents a favourable environment for their legal/political, socioeconomic and sociocultural integration.
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Mujan, Azem. "Psychological and social processes among refugees-the case of Bosnia and Hercegovina." Scandinavian Journal of Social Welfare 5, no. 4 (October 1996): 286–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2397.1996.tb00155.x.

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Sells, Michael. "Crosses of Blood: Sacred Space, Religion, and Violence in Bosnia-Hercegovina." Sociology of Religion 64, no. 3 (2003): 309. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3712487.

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Jajčević, Jasmin. "Informbiro crisis and Bosnia and Herzegovina (1948-1956) in historical sources and historiography." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 6 (November 15, 2021): 93–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.6.93.

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In terms of historiography, the history of Bosnia and Herzegovina after the Second World War has been dealt with by many historians and scholars, dealing with and researching topics related to the economy, culture, the issue of religious communities, political circumstances, etc. What is lacking in historiographical research in the period after the Second World War is certainly the question of education (educational opportunities), as well as the question of the repercussions and consequences of the Informbiro crisis in the period from 1948 to 1956 for Bosnia and Herzegovina. The period from 1948 to 1956 is one of the most dramatic and fateful phases in the recent history of the South Slavic countries, ie Bosnia and Herzegovina. It is a period of very contradictory and turbulent social processes, which have led to complex changes in all areas of socio-economic and political reality, both domestically (in Yugoslavia and Bosnia and Herzegovina) and internationally. Stalin's attempt to subjugate the Yugoslav party leadership to Soviet domination will lead to an open split between Tito and Stalin (Yugoslavia and the USSR), which will have major consequences for the development of the Yugoslav political system, will lead to universal persecution of all those who voted for politics. Informbiroa in Yugoslavia. The conflict will have a particular impact on the political, economic and social situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The aim of this paper is to point out the historical sources that are in the archives of Bosnia and Herzegovina, archives in Belgrade (Archives of Yugoslavia) and Zagreb on the basis of which the necessary data can be drawn to understand this issue, as well as to point to historiography (books, collections of papers and journals) that dealt with the issue of the Informbiro crisis in the period from 1948 to 1956 and its reflection on the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. This is due to the fact that very few scientists and historians have dealt with this issue, as well as that there is very little historical literature for this period, especially for the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. It should be noted that we have a historian who has dealt with this issue at the micro level, and as a result a book was published in 2005 entitled „Informbiro and Northeast Bosnia: Echoes and Consequences of the KPJ-Informbiro Conflict (1948-1953)", where the general public with this event, which has a great impact on the political and socio-economic situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. From the appearance of this book until today, there have been attempts to shed light on this issue through several scientific conferences and round tables, and the result has been published collections of papers, as well as articles published in some journals, both in Bosnia and Herzegovina and wider.
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Petrovic, Nebojsa. "Mutual stereotypes of Croats, Bosnjaks and Serbs in the light of two factors theory of prejudice." Sociologija 45, no. 1 (2003): 15–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc0301015p.

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Since a number of empirical research have not shown expected correlation between negative stereotypes and prejudices, modern researchers have proposed that stereotypes should not be treated as unidimensional construct. The two factors theory of stereotypes has been proposed. First dimension is competence (superior-inferior), and second is beneficence or morality (good-bad). Only second one has high correlation with prejudices. Our research, conducted on 617 subjects from Serbia, Croatia and Bosnia and Hercegovina, shows that mutual negative stereotypes among these three nations are still dominant, and that negativity has mainly been found on the second dimension, just as mentioned theory proposed.
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Bandžović, Sead. "The phenomenon of fragile states: Bosnia and Herzegovina." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 6 (November 15, 2021): 338–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.6.338.

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The three key conditions for the existence of a state, according to the theory of state and law, are geographical territory, population and organized political power in that area. However, during the twentieth century in some African and Asian countries, due to various political, economic and other factors, problems began to appear in performance of their basic functions: ensuring public order and peace, providing health services, education. Modern science has introduced the term failed states to describe such countries. This scientific phenomenon has been the subject of numerous researches, and international organizations have been publishing annual indices of fragile, failed or unsuccessful world states for years. The first index of its kind was created in 2005 by the American non-profit organization The Fund for Peace in cooperation with the magazine Foreign Policy, which initially included 76 countries. The original term failed state was considered politically extremely incorrect, even when it referred to countries like South Sudan or Somalia, noting that such a term originated in the political terminology of developed countries by which all other countries at a lower level of development were considered to be failed ones. Therefore, in 2014, a new notion of a fragile state was created, and accordingly the existing index was renamed the Fragile State Index (FSI). This parameter determines the degree of fragility for each country on an annual basis, assessing four basic indicators: cohesion (functionality of the state apparatus), economic (overall economic situation), political (legitimacy of the state, availability of public services, respect for human rights and freedoms) and social (demographic structure of the community, number of displaced persons and refugees, external interventions). Based on the values of these indicators, countries are positioned in four groups: sustainable, stable, endangered and alarming. The paper also discusses Bosnia and Herzegovina as a potentially fragile state. Although it enjoys sovereignty and political independence, the 1995 Dayton Peace Agreement still provides for the strong participation of the international community in the performance of its basic state functions. Examples include the presence of international military and police forces from the early post-war years to the present (EUFOR), with a special emphasis on the position of High Representative for Bosnia and Herzegovina. The peace agreement gave him the status of his supreme interpreter, as well as the well-known Bonn powers that he used on several occasions to remove Bosnian political officials and the imposition of laws (Criminal Code of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Law on the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Law on the Prosecutor's Office of Bosnia and Herzegovina) due to the inability of domestic parliamentary bodies to pass them independently. In addition to the extremely complicated constitutional structure, the functioning of Bosnia and Herzegovina is hampered by the inability to reach an agreement between political representatives on key issues in the country. In the first place, these are much-needed changes to the constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina that would in the future allow members of minorities (Jews and Roma) to elect their own representatives in the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In this regard, the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) in 2009 in the case of Sejdić-Finci assessed that the impossibility of minority participation in political decision-making is a gross violation of the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. Numerous international organizations, primarily Human Rights Watch, have been warning for years about other problems in the country: national segregation of children under two schools under one roof, numerous attacks on Bosniak returnees in Republic of Srpska without adequate sanctions and extreme slowness in war crimes proceedings and the administration of transitional justice with the emergence of increasingly frequent denials of war crimes and victims. Although more than 25 years have passed since the end of the war, the participation of the international factor is still noticeable, and in some cases necessary.
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Velagić, Adnan. "Bosnia and Herzegovina in political orbit of Karadjordjevo and Tikves." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 6 (November 15, 2021): 122–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.6.122.

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During the 1980s, socialist Yugoslavia was hit by various social problems, which disintegrated the fragile tissue of Tito's state-political legacy. In the early 1990s, when the unstoppable phase of dissolution of this country began, national-chauvinist pretensions resolved to realize their old great-power ambitions in a period of general disruption surfaced. Although in this whirlwind of social turmoil the method of military force was used as the dominant and indispensable factor, behind the scenes political arrangements were very often much more effective in realizing certain goals. Sometimes conducted in public, and sometimes secretly, such negotiations were most often a typical expression of grand national aspirations. In this context, one can certainly observe one of the most famous separate negotiations in the 1990s on the soil of the disintegrating Yugoslavia, conducted between Slobodan Milosevic and Franjo Tuđman. Although these talks have not been published to date, many close associates of the Serbian and Croatian presidents, as well as participants in various political sessions, clearly indicate the presence of a high degree of their mutual agreement on the division of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In this paper, the author tried to shed light on the separate Serbo-Croatian efforts to divide the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina through the statements of Tuđman and Milosevic, and the speeches of their close associates and participants in numerous political talks.
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Bećirović, Denis. "State policy of division of Catholic Church priests in Bosnia and Herzegovina into „positive“ and „reactionary“ (1945-1963)." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 6 (November 15, 2021): 71–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.6.71.

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The illumination of the state policy of separating „positive“ from „negative“ priests of the Catholic Church in Bosnia and Herzegovina is one of the most important issues in the scientific understanding of the position of this religious community during the first decades of existence of AVNOJ Yugoslavia. The post-war government in Bosnia and Herzegovina treated a large number of priests of the Catholic Church as real or potential enemies of the state. In addition to ideological reasons, which were more or less similar in all communist parties, the negative attitude of the CPY towards the Catholic Church was influenced by the fact that some priests supported the Ustasha movement during World War II. The justification for the negative attitude of party structures towards priests was argued most often in the documents of the Commission for Religious Affairs with the following reasons: that most priests supported the occupier and domestic traitors during the war; that they spread hostile propaganda against the national liberation movement; that they actively participated in the fight against the new social order; that they had committed war crimes and persecuted members of other faiths, and that they had been linked to criminal Ustasha emigration abroad. In addition to „negative“ priests, there were „positive“ priests that also acted in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as they were reported in the documents of the Commission for Religious Affairs. They did not agree to the policy of confrontation with the state and demanded the establishment of dialogue and co-operation between the Church and the state. Some of the most prominent representatives of this group of priests were: Fr Bono Ostojić, Ph.D. Karlo Karin, Fr Mile Leko, Fr Josip Markušić, Fr Serafin Dodig, Fr Kruno Misilo and others. Holders of „positive tendencies“ among the clergy, according to the Commission for Religious Affairs, understood the importance of establishing communication and contacts with state authorities and the harmfulness of the negative attitude of the Catholic Church towards the state. Their goal was to change the methods of solving problems between the Church and the state, and to build a path that would suit the interests of the priests of the Catholic Church and the interests of the state community, without interfering with the church's dogmatic canonical principles. The „differentiation“ of priests was treated as a positive result of the work of the new government, because, according to their assessments, in the first post-war years, representatives of religious communities had a hostile attitude towards the newly created socialist Yugoslav state. Therefore, the Commission for Religious Affairs (federal and republican) has continuously pointed out the importance of implementing a policy of „stratification and differentiation“ within religious communities. According to the observations of the Federal Commission for Religious Affairs, the post-war „differentiation“ among the priests happened primarily due to their attitudes regarding the relationship between the state and the Catholic Church. Some considered it desirable and useful to establish communication with the newly created authorities, while others maintained a negative attitude. In addition to these two groups, there was a third group that was undecided. When considering the biographical data of the priests of the Catholic Church proposed for state decorations, it can be stated that the authorities carefully took into account which priests would be on the list of candidates recommended for awards. A positive attitude towards the new socialist social order, active participation in the establishment of the Association of Catholic Priests in Bosnia and Herzegovina, loyalty, patriotism towards socialist Yugoslavia, and contribution to the development of the Association of Catholic Priests in Bosnia and Herzegovina, are some of the most important reasons for choosing candidates for awards. In the article, based on unpublished archival sources, the author contextualises the political circumstances and the circumstances in which the state policy of differentiation of „positive“ from „reactionary“ priests of the Catholic Church in Bosnia and Herzegovina took place, points out the reasons for and bearers of such policy, and analyses its expression and results. Also, the author presents the policy of awarding state recognitions and decorations to individual priests in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Social movements – Bosnia and Hercegovina"

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Zahar, Marie-Joëlle. "Fanatics, mercenaries, brigands ... and politicians : militia decision-making and civil conflict resolution." Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=36742.

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When do militias---whose power, riches, and legitimacy depend on the continuation of civil wars---accept negotiated settlements? An unexplored and crucial dimension of militia decision-making is the process of militia institutionalization. Militias create institutions to improve their odds of winning the war and project legitimacy internally as well as externally.
Militia institutions affect the strategic choice of decision-makers. They create financial and organizational interests that modify the preferences of the militia leadership. The modified preferences increase the win-set of militia leaders at the negotiating table. Militia institutions also change the decision-making context. Institutions unleash three dynamics that decrease a militia's ability to withstand fluctuations in the military balance of forces. Institutions can lead to factionalism, increased visibility (and hence vulnerability to attack), and strains in relations with patrons.
Using the logic of two-level games, I argue that leaders evaluate peace settlements with an eye on two boards. Externally, they evaluate their position vis-a-vis other protagonists in the conflict. Internally, leaders are concerned with their positions in power. Institutionalization results in a tension between "raison de la revolution" (ideological motivations) and "raison d'institution" (institutional preservation). Embattled leaders who increasingly find it difficult to withstand changes in the balance of forces find that their institutional interests are better preserved by peace. They agree to compromise on their ideological preferences thus opening a window of opportunity for the attainment of sustainable peace settlements.
Employing the comparative case-study method, the dissertation examines the attitudes of the Lebanese Forces and the Bosnian Serbs respectively toward conflict-resolution schemes that sought to bring the Lebanese and Bosnian civil wars to an end.
By focusing on leaders' incentives to settle, the research allows us to predict a priori which settlements are more sustainable. Theoretically, it refines the concept of "ripeness" for negotiations by specifying both its intra-communal and its extra-communal dimensions. In terms of practical policy implications, the research argues that militias are prime candidates for the role of spoilers. Thus, it is important not only to understand their incentives to settle but also to craft peace agreements that give even such radical factions a vested interest in peace.
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Vanja, Hamzic. "Människohandel : en modern form av slaveri - Exemplet Bosnien- och Hercegovina." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Thematic Studies, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-2962.

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This qualitative study focuses on the investigation of different actor’s ideas concerning gender and womanhood in a post-socialist nation Bosnia and Herzegovina. The aim of this study is to try to provide experiences and attitudes of one not a new, but definitely one constantly changing phenomenon, trafficking in women for sexual exploitation. The qualitative data is mainly collected through nine interviews with people from Bosnian Governments, International organizations and NGOs during my stay in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The causes to trafficking are complex and intertwined but it directly relates to gender discrimination and attitudes on sexual relationships between women and men. The study sheds light on how the global politics and economics development situation and theirs affectsprovide gender segregation through the traditionally structures where men are seen as normative.

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Basic, Hana. "Demokratiska begränsningar i Bosnien-Hercegovina år 2018 : En studie utifrån Polyarkins sju institutioner." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-76665.

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This study aims to investigate and identify the democratic restrictions in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 2018. The country is internationally known for its burdensome history of war in the 1990s, however, Bosnia and Herzegovina seems to be in the process of developing. In addition to having one of the world’s most complicated political systems, the country’s efforts to improve their democracy have not been recognized. Therefore, the question at issue will be operationalized by utilizing the theory of polyarchy composed by Robert Dahl. This theory establishes seven institutions; elected political officials, free and fair elections, inclusive suffrage, the right to run for public office, freedom of expression, alternative sources of information and associational autonomy. These institutions will be examined using empiricism that has been developed with textual analysis. Moreover, the institutions will be analyzed to ascertain if these rights can be found within the Bosnian society.                     The results revealed that only one of the institutions, namely, “inclusive suffrage” is maintained in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Four of the remaining institutions, which are; elected political officials, free and fair elections, the right to run for public office and associational autonomy, were recognized as partially maintained. The last two institutions; the right to run for public office and alternative sources of information did not meet the requirements. Due to these results, it can be established that Bosnia and Herzegovina does not maintain all seven requirements of Dahl’s theory. Despite the country’s efforts to improve their democracy, the democratic process of Bosnia and Herzegovina seems to have ceased.
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Lönnberg, Linnea. "At the Endpoint of Violence : A comparative study between the genocide in Bosnia Herzegovina and the conflict in Georgian Abkhazia." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-341433.

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In an attempt to bridge the gap between theories of violent escalation and those of genocide, this paper theorizes genocide to be a strategic choice by leaders in response to a situation which they perceive to lack alternatives. This situation is expected to evolve out of a violent escalation, more precisely civil war. The empirical test consists of a structured focused comparison of one positive and one negative case; namely the conflict in Bosnia-Herzegovina and the conflict in Georgia over the region Abkhazia. The finding gives some evidence to the theory, however a more adequate theory needs to also involve a theorization of the ability to perpetrate genocide and not only of a lack of other alternatives. The study builds on previous research on the relationship between violent escalation and genocide, and findings are in line with existing research.
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Witoft, Evelina. "UNPROFOR i Srebrenica : En fallstudie av FN-styrkans måluppfyllelse och bieffekter i fallet Srebrenica." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-79648.

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The situation in Bosnia and Hercegovina escalated in 1992 and resulted in a war which lasted until 1995, when the end of the war was marked by the signing of the Dayton agreement. The war consisted of conflict between the different groups within the country, with ethnic cleansing as one of the methods being used. In order to keep the peace in the region, the United Nations established the United Nations Protection Force in Yugoslavia. The UNPROFOR were at first meant to keep the peace within Croatia, but as the war broke out in 1992, parts of the force were repositioned to Bosnia. The purpose of this essay is to evaluate whether the UN and UNPROFOR managed to reach the goals set for the intervention in the town of Srebrenica, which was the first city in Bosnia to receive the status as a ”safe area”. In order to establish wheter the goals were met and the effects they had, the instrument of analysis consists of two evaluation models. The goal of the essay is to reach an understanding of the goals of the intervention and to provide with an analysis which can provide with an understanding for this, and perhaps also other interventions conducted by the UN.   In the final part of the essay, the presented material is discussed and analyzed in order to reach the purpose of the study. Concludingly the study finds that the goals for UNPROFOR in Srebrenica were not met.
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Stefanovski, Ivan. "Raised on streets? The influence of social movements over policy outcomes in South East Europe: the cases of Macedonia, Bulgaria and Bosnia and Herzegovina." Doctoral thesis, Scuola Normale Superiore, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11384/86225.

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Khan, Mahmood Nawaz. "Genocide, Territory, and the Geopolitics of International Adjudication: The Judgment of the International Court of Justice in Bosnia and Herzegovina v. Serbia and Montenegro." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/11991.

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xi, 189 p.
Human rights advocates have championed the establishment of a regime of international legal accountability for grave violations of human rights, including genocide. Despite recent advances in establishing a regime of responsibility for individuals, when the International Court of Justice pronounced its 2007 judgment on the first case of state responsibility for genocide, Bosnia and Herzegovina v. Serbia and Montenegro, it exonerated Serbia of the most serious charges. Key to the Court's judgment was its spatialized definition of genocide as 'destruction in part' and its acceptance of Serbia's calculated strategy of legal immunization of establishing the Bosnian territory it sought to annex as a formally separate political entity. Considering the Court's latitude of interpretation regarding these spatial and territorial factors in light of the law, this thesis argues that geopolitical considerations influenced a judgment that will greatly limit the future possibility of any state or individual being found responsible for genocide.
Committee in charge: Shaul Cohen, Co-Chair; Alexander B. Murphy, Co-Chair
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Pervan, Melissa. "Power-sharing, only for majorities? : A discourse analysis about the inclusion of minorities in power-sharing arrangements." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-412217.

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Power-sharing is introduced in ethnic-divided and ethnic-polarised countries with the aim to prevent and/or end conflicts. The purpose is to include different groups in power-sharing positions. This paper has focused on two of most used power-sharing theories, Centripetalism and Consociationalism, and conducted two case studies in Bosnia and Hercegovina and Nigeria who both have implemented one of these power-sharing arrangements. While previous research has focused on whether power-sharing institutions are effective when wanting to meddle peace, we found that there was absence of research and understanding in who is allowed in the power-sharing and which groups are excluded from power-sharing. From the previous research we found that there is an underlying idea that the people included in power-sharing are the majorities within the context, which we found problematic. We used data from the first and the latest election of each country, as well as political manifestos from the most popular political parties, and public documents to understand if there is a correlation between power-sharing arrangements and the inclusion or exclusion of minorities. The method used to analyse the empirics was the Critical Discourse Analysis which is used when wanting to analyse social power in terms of control. The result showed that there has been a positive change over the past years where the discourse of including minorities in power-sharing is more common today than during the first election. Although there were some positive results, we also found that this discussion is more theoretical than practical and if this was to become reality, there could be a backlash on the peace. Although these power-sharing arrangements have been used for over two decades in both of the countries, both of the studied countries have discriminatory constitutions, where some groups are favoured in the society.
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Borelli, Caterina. "La ciudad post-traumática. Marijin Dvor y el monte Trebević, dos espacios urbanos en transición en Sarajevo." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/96403.

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En este trabajo se analizan las transformaciones ocurridas en la ciudad de Sarajevo después de la guerra de 1992-95. En particular se investiga cómo los cambios ocurridos en los últimos 20 años en el nivel macro (eso es: la doble transición, post-socialista y post-bélica) quedan reflejados, por un lado, en la forma exterior que asume la ciudad (por lo tanto su modificación física, nuevos proyectos urbanos) y, por el otro, cómo dichos cambios afectan a las relaciones sociales, sobre todo las tradicionales relaciones entre vecinos. El céntrico barrio de Marijin Dvor, emblemático por la presencia de las principales instituciones políticas y económicas, es el terreno en el que se desarrolla este primer eje de la investigación. Ahí me he dedicado a desarrollar principalmente dos temas: antes que nada, reconstruir las modificaciones en el régimen de propiedad de la vivienda que ha supuesto la caída del socialismo y la instalación de mecanismos propios del capitalismo neoliberal; en segundo lugar, analizar la institución bosnia del komšiluk -las buenas relaciones entre vecinos pertenecientes a comunidades etnoreligiosas distintas- y las perturbaciones que ha sufrido por efecto de la guerra. El segundo eje, antitético pero especular al primero, tiene como campo de observación una montaña muy cercana a la ciudad, el monte Trebević, que encarna un poderoso conjunto de complejos que afectan hoy a la sociedad sarajevita y bosnia en general. Antaño el destino favorito de las excursiones de los ciudadanos de Sarajevo, en 1984 sede olímpica (con todo lo que esto supone en un nivel simbólico), en 1992 fue ocupado por las tropas serbio-bosnias que lo convirtieron en uno de los puntos más estratégicos para el asedio. La montaña, de ser uno de los símbolos de la ciudad, se ha convertido en un territorio maldito al que ya no sube casi nadie. En este sentido, el espacio del monte es interpretado como una suerte de subconsciente urbano, allá donde quedan escondidos los traumas de ayer y los problemas de hoy, mientras que más abajo, en el valle de la ciudad, el nuevo capitalismo rampante, en su intento de asentarse establemente en Bosnia Herzegovina, se apodera del paisaje urbano y lo convierte en un escenario para el desfile de su poder y sus expectativas de cara al futuro inmediato. El título de la tesis hace referencia al trastorno por estrés post-traumático (TEPT), del que se calcula que hasta un 60% de la población de Sarajevo ha mostrado síntomas. Aquí, el TEPT es de entenderse como una metáfora que describe el presente de la ciudad. En años recientes, la reconstrucción post-bélica y el crecimiento urbano, empujados por los nuevos agentes capitalistas, se dan como en un estado de excitación (rápidos, sin planificación, saltándose las leyes), como si semejante frenesí fuera una manera de dejar atrás el evento traumático y librarse de los fantasmas del pasado. Estos, sin embargo, precisamente porque el trauma no ha sido reelaborado del todo, vuelven en forma de –o son somatizados en- los lugares “malditos” de la ciudad, congelados en el tiempo como si la guerra acabara de terminar: un flashbacks constante de la tragedia para todos aquellos –la mayoría de la población- que no se atreven a frecuentarlos y hacen como si no existieran, cuando los tienen siempre ante sus ojos.
RESUME OF THE THESIS “POST-TRAUMATIC CITY. MARIJIN DVOR AND MOUNT TREBEVIĆ, TWO URBAN SPACES IN TRANSITION IN SARAJEVO” The main aim of this work has been to investigate transformations happened in the city of Sarajevo after the 1992-95 conflict. Particularly, I focused on how recent changes in the macro-level (the double transition: post-socialist and post-war), on the one hand, are reflected in the external form of the city (therefore its physical modifications, new urban projects) and, on the other, how they affect its social fabric, specially traditional relations between neighbours belonging to different ethno-religious communities, and the mental maps of its inhabitants. The title of this study comes from Posttraumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD): recent studies calculated that up to 60% of Sarajevo population has shown symptoms of this disease. Here, PTSD is to be understood as a metaphor which describes the present of the city, and also helps to better understand the relation between such different spaces, as the central district of Marijin Dvor and wild Mount Trebević, that constitute our observation fields. In recent years, post-war reconstruction and urban growth, boosted by new capitalist agents, were happening in a sort of frenzied state of excitement (quickly, without any planning, breaking or conveniently manipulating the existing rules, as it can be seen in Marijin Dvor, "Sarajevo's new financial and commercial quarter"), as if such acceleration was a way to leave the traumatic event behind, to get rid of the phantoms of the past. These, nonetheless, precisely because the trauma has not been fully reworked, come back in form of –or are somatized in the “damned” places of the city, frozen in time as if war just ended: Mount Trebević is one of them, the place for the hidden, the forgotten and the painful, a constant flashback of the tragedy for all those -the majority of population- who don’t dare to frequent them anymore and pretend not to see them when they’re always in front of their eyes.
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Resteigne, Delphine H. R. G. G. "Vers une analyse sociologique des opérations militaires multinationales: regards croisés en Afghanistan, en Bosnie et au Liban." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210260.

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Au cours de ces dernières années, les forces armées de différents pays ont de plus en plus été amenées à travailler sur les mêmes théâtres d’opérations. Cette collaboration militaire multinationale, même si elle n’est pas souhaitée par tous, s’est généralisée à l’ensemble des missions militaires. C’est ce cadre multinational et de spécialisation croissante, mais aussi le caractère interagence à travers les contacts entretenus avec les intervenants civils et les populations locales qui caractérisent les missions actuelles. Et, même si les décisions d’engagement restent fixées en dernier ressort par les gouvernements nationaux, la configuration multinationale et modulaire des forces armées est devenue inévitable. Aussi, en choisissant comme objet d’étude les militaires belges déployés dans des opérations militaires multinationales, on s’est attaché à analyser, d’une part, comment se passe le travail dans ces environnements à risques et fortement diversifiés et, d’autre part, le type de collaboration observée entre les contingents nationaux.

Tout comme les autres organisations, les armées de différents pays se regroupent au sein de task forces spécifiques et temporaires qui nécessitent une configuration organisationnelle plus flexible ainsi qu’une culture d’organisation davantage adaptée à ces nouveaux cadres de travail. Aussi, l’objectif de la première partie est, précisément, de se pencher sur ces deux dimensions, structurelle et culturelle, de l’organisation militaire belge pour comprendre ensuite les interactions sociales observées dans les milieux opérationnels étudiés. Dans un premier chapitre, on s’attache à montrer les changements rencontrés dans la plupart des organisations militaires des pays industrialisés mais aussi, plus spécifiquement, les réformes institutionnelles entreprises pour moderniser les forces armées belges. Le deuxième chapitre aborde ensuite les éléments culturels que l’on retrouve au cœur de l’organisation militaire. Traditionnellement considérée comme un ensemble homogénéisé par une culture organisationnelle forte et cohésive, dans une perspective de différenciation, on relèvera les éléments croissants de diversité culturelle interne qui rendent l’organisation plus diverse tout en rendant la coordination de l’ensemble plus délicate.

La deuxième partie- empirique- aborde trois études de cas qui ont été menées dans un contexte géographique et institutionnel particulier :en Afghanistan pour la mission ISAF, au Liban pour la mission UNIFIL et en Bosnie-Herzégovine pour la mission Althea. Au niveau de la récolte des données, l’approche méthodologique suivie est de nature essentiellement inductive et combine différentes méthodes de récolte de données (observation et entretiens sur le terrain, questionnaires quantitatifs, rapports de lessons learned, articles de presse, etc.). En procédant par analyses comparatives et en se basant sur les récits, les pratiques observées, les conversations informelles, ces approches permettent de mieux comprendre la perception subjective de la réalité sociale par les militaires ainsi que les interactions observées. Les données relatives à la mission menée par l’OTAN en Afghanistan ont été collectées à Kaboul où les militaires belges étaient déployés sur l’aéroport aux côtés d’une trentaine de nations. Ces données ont notamment servi de base pour appliquer le modèle des rôles managériaux de Mintzberg à des managers belges opérant dans des circonstances exceptionnelles. Dans un second temps, on s’est également penché sur l’étude des équipes de reconstruction provinciale qui ont été déployées dans la plupart des provinces afghanes et sur la délicate collaboration entre les acteurs civils et militaires à Kunduz. La deuxième étude de cas, relative à la mission de l’ONU au sud-Liban, s’intéresse d’une part à la cohabitation belgo-polonaise au camp de Tibnine et, d’autre part, au fonctionnement de l’état-major multinational de la force à Naqoura. Enfin, le séjour en Bosnie-Herzégovine a permis d’étudier le déploiement de militaires belges dans un cadre européen, sous l’égide de l’EUFOR. Le troisième et dernier chapitre de cette partie fait, en quelque sorte, la synthèse des différents éléments, théoriques et empiriques, relevé et les combine dans une tentative de modélisation théorique des principaux facteurs de coopération militaire multinationale.

Sur base de nombreux extraits des données recueillies in situ, ce travail s’attache à montrer que la multinationalisation des milieux militaires opérationnels présente non seulement des avantages mais aussi de nouveaux challenges. Elle est ainsi fortement appréciée par les ‘petits’ pays, comme la Belgique, qui peuvent ainsi prendre part simultanément à différentes missions en mettant à disposition des capacités limitées mais spécialisées dans certaines niches de compétences. A travers les synergies opérées, ces formes de collaboration permettent de limiter les coûts liés aux déploiements opérationnels tout en assurant une certaine crédibilité par rapport aux engagements internationaux. Toutefois, même si cette multinationalisation est plus fréquente que par le passé, en raison de difficultés diverses (linguistiques, logistiques, caveats, etc.), elle reste encore souvent marginale au niveau des plus petites unités organisationnelles. C’est généralement à partie d’un certain niveau hiérarchique ou de spécialisation que l’on retrouve des militaires étrangers travaillant dans des équipes multinationales. Le fait que la majorité des militaires belges continuent surtout à travailler avec des collègues nationaux n’implique pas pour autant qu’ils n’ont aucun contact avec les militaires étrangers. Vivant dans des espaces confinés et, à l’exception des contacts virtuels avec la famille et les proches, les relations avec les autres militaires représentent leur seule vie sociale pendant plusieurs mois et c’est donc aussi et surtout à ce niveau que l’influence du contexte multinational se fait sentir.

Dans la lignée de d’Iribarne qui parlait de logique de l’arrangement en faisant référence à la culture belge, les comportements des militaires semblent autant régulés par cette conception particulière de la coopération et cette recherche d’accords informels que par le respect des ordres. Mais c’est sans doute aussi le sentiment d’appartenir à une organisation militaire dont l’influence est plus limitée qui semble encourager ses membres à adopter des comportements propices au développement de relations inter-organisationnelles ou de ce que l’on a qualifié de logique de la débrouillardise.


Doctorat en sciences sociales, Orientation sociologie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Books on the topic "Social movements – Bosnia and Hercegovina"

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Paul, Harris. Cry Bosnia. New York: Interlink Books, 1996.

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Paul, Harris. Cry Bosnia. Edinburgh: Canongate, 1995.

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Europe, United States Congress Commission on Security and Cooperation in. The referendum on independence in Bosnia-Hercegovina: February 29-March 1, 1992. Washington, DC: The Commission, 1992.

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United States. Congress. Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe. Implementation of the Helsinki accords: Hearing before the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, One Hundred Second Congress, second session : the crisis in Bosnia-Hercegovina, May 12, 1992. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1992.

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The war is dead, long live the war: Bosnia : the reckoning. London: Bodley Head, 2012.

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The development of Austro-Hungarian Sarajevo, 1878-1918: An urban history. London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2014.

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Bosnia the good: Tolerance and tradition. Budapest: Central European University Press, 2000.

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1949-, Ramet Sabrina P., ed. The Bosnian diaspora: Integration in transnational communities. Farnham, Surrey, England: Ashgate Pub., 2011.

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Donais, Timothy. The political economy of peacebuilding in post-Dayton Bosnia. London: Routledge, 2005.

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Learning from Bosnia: Approaching tradition. New York: Fordham University Press, 2005.

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Book chapters on the topic "Social movements – Bosnia and Hercegovina"

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Kostić, Roland. "Education Movements, Power and Identity in Bosnia and Herzegovina." In Education as Social Action, 52–74. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230505605_3.

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Hoare, Marko Attila. "From Serb Rebellion to Bosnian Revolution, c. December 1941–March 1942." In Genocide and Resistance in Hitler’s Bosnia. British Academy, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197263808.003.0004.

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The irretrievable breakdown of Partisan–Chetnik relations in Bosnia-Hercegovina and the beginning of open enmity between the two movements had profound consequences for the practices of both, as each moved away from the centre ground towards their respective political extremes. For the Chetniks, the break with the Partisans involved the progressive abandonment of all pretence at resistance to the occupying powers, the shift to outright alliance with the quisling regime in Serbia on a Great Serb nationalist basis, and the adoption of a more systematically genocidal policy towards the non-Serb population. For the Communists, the break involved the adoption of a more radical left-wing outlook that would have negative short-term consequences for the movement. But it also involved a shift from an essentially military strategy based on leading a predominantly Serb armed struggle against the Ustashas, to a political struggle aimed at building a genuinely multinational movement of Croats, Muslims, and Serbs against the ‘reactionary bourgeoisie’ of all nationalities. This shift would transform the Partisan movement from a Serb rebellion into a Bosnian Revolution: in other words, into a movement for radical political and social change on an all-Bosnian basis. Yet it would be many months before this policy would bear fruit for the Communists.
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Hoare, Marko Attila. "The Great Serb Reaction, c. August–December 1941." In Genocide and Resistance in Hitler’s Bosnia. British Academy, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197263808.003.0003.

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The KPJ's careful organization and preparation made it the most important leader of the Serb rebellion in Bosnia-Hercegovina and Croatia in the summer of 1941. It was able to assume this position as a result of the social links that bound its members to the Serb peasants who comprised the overwhelming majority of the rebels. No other political group had prepared for participation in a guerrilla uprising and the KPJ therefore enjoyed a head start over all rivals in its quest for leadership over the latter. There was, however, a latent opposition among wide sections of the conservative, patriarchal, religious, and nationally homogenous Serb peasantry to the KPJ and the values it represented: urban civilization, cosmopolitanism, internationalism, republicanism, secularism, and equality of the sexes. The Chetnik movement in Bosnia-Hercegovina arose as a Serb-nationalist, conservative, anti-Croat, anti-Muslim, anti-Semitic, and anti-urban resistance to the KPJ's leadership of the uprising-in short, a ‘Great Serb’ reaction to the ‘multinational Bosnian’ resistance proclaimed by the Communist leaders. The first months of the Partisan movement saw the Communists attempting to reconcile the military necessity of an alliance with the Chetniks with the political necessity of opposing the divisive and destructive chauvinism that they stood for. As the impossibility of squaring this circle became increasingly apparent, the Partisans were gradually, reluctantly but inexorably pushed into war with the Chetniks.
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Hoare, Marko Attila. "The Communists and the Serb Rebellion, c. April–September 1941." In Genocide and Resistance in Hitler’s Bosnia. British Academy, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197263808.003.0002.

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The Partisan movement in Bosnia-Hercegovina was the product both of long-term socio-economic developments at home and of the short-term ‘accident’ of foreign invasion and occupation; it involved the merger of a traditional Serb-peasant uprising and a modern urban-revolutionary movement; and it represented both a characteristic chapter and a turning-point in modern Bosnian history. The Axis powers of Germany and Italy, by destroying the Yugoslav kingdom, changed the course of Bosnian history. Their installation in power of the Ustasha regime, and the latter's genocide of the Serb population of Croatia and Bosnia-Hercegovina, unleashed a resistance movement that would take shape as the Partisans. Yet the Partisans were not simply an armed response to the new order, but a revolutionary movement of a specifically Bosnian kind.
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Matić, Dejan. "DRUŠTVENI MEDIJI I POPULISTIČKE POLITIČKE PARTIJE U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI." In USKLAĐIVANjE pravnog sistema Srbije sa standardima Evropske unije. [Knj. 10], 151–59. University of Kragujevac, Faculty of Law, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/upssx.151m.

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The paper discusses the problem of social media and populist political parties in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The last couple of decades clearly indicate the undoubted growth of traditional and populist movements, both on the left and on the right side of the political spectrum, both in Europe and in the countries of the region. Bearing in mind the growing importance of social media in the communication of political actors with voters in Europe, as well as the considerable influence of populist political actors on political life in the region, the necessity of a valid critical analysis aimed at clarifying and explaining the transmission of populist views of voters in contemporary society becomes unquestionable. It is of particular importance to focus on the analysis of this issue in Bosnia and Herzegovina, since the challenges created by populism in this country are not only equally present as in the rest of the region, but also significantly less documented.
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Hoare, Marko Attila. "Bosnia-Hercegovina Defeats Great Serbia, c. June 1942–October 1943." In Genocide and Resistance in Hitler’s Bosnia. British Academy, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197263808.003.0007.

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Bosnia-Hercegovina was by mid-1942 effectively a patchwork of small fiefdoms. The Ustasha-held towns were islands in a hostile sea. Rebel Bosnia-Hercegovina was a world partitioned, militarily and geographically, between two antithetical movements: the Chetniks and the Partisans. Rural localities were held by Partisans, Chetniks or Muslim militias whose spheres of influence ebbed and flowed. In eastern Bosnia-Hercegovina, the Chetniks were triumphant, their Great Serb ‘state’ appearing to be born, based on their nationally and religiously exclusive, patriarchal and traditionalist rural values. In western Bosnia-Hercegovina, however, the cosmopolitan, internationalist, and modernist Communists, children of the towns, ruled a parallel ‘state’, the mass of whose peasant foot-soldiers were no different from those of its Chetnik counterpart, but whose governing ethos made it the polar opposite of the latter. As each movement consolidated its rule in its ‘own’ part of Bosnia-Hercegovina, the stage was set for a showdown between them that, at one level, represented the clash between modernist and traditionalist political values, and at another between the Bosnian and the Great Serb ideals.
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Macanović, Nebojša. "SOCIJALNO NEPRILAGOĐENO PONAŠANJE ADOLESCENATA ZA VRIJEME PANDEMIJE VIRUSA KORONE SA OSVRTOM NA VAKCINACIJU U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI." In PRAVNI I DRUŠTVENI ASPEKTI VAKCINACIJE TOKOM PANDEMIJE KOVIDA 19 = LEGAL AND SOCIAL ASPECTS OF VACCINATION DURING THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC, 103–16. Institute of Comparative Law, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.56461/zr_22.cov19vak.06.

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During the corona virus pandemic, the lives of citizens and their activities took place in complex conditions, and due to the state of emergency, children and adolescents found it difficult to endure social isolation. In such circumstances, where movement is restricted due to curfew, young people were forced to spend most of their time at home, isolated and deprived of their usual daily activities and contacts. In such circumstances, where they are limited with movement and communication only with close family members, certain frustrations often occur, which are the result of loneliness and isolation. Of course, all this leaves a mark on their behavior, which is often inappropriate and indicates some of the behavioral disorders such as aggression, withdrawal, timidity, depression, etc. This situ- ation in the society caused by the pandemic will certainly leave certain consequences on behavior, and in general on the development and formation of personality, children and adolescents, mostly due to a kind of social exclusion imposed on us and which we could not influence in time. The aim of this paper is to identify the most common forms of socially maladaptive behavior in adolescents, caused by the coronary virus pandemic, and to indi- cate the importance of an adequate pedagogical and psychological approach in this popu- lation in emergency circumstances.
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Williamson, George. "Aspects of Identity." In Coinage and Identity in the Roman Provinces. Oxford University Press, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199265268.003.0007.

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Amodern Example May Help to Clarify some of the issues to be discussed in this chapter. Formerly one of the six republics forming the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY), Bosnia- Hercegovina has since 1995’s Dayton Agreement been an uneasy international protectorate, divided into a Croat-Muslim Federation, and the Serbian ‘Republika Srpska’ (RS). Bosnia’s coinage speaks powerfully about the paradoxes of a state created through a bloody war of identity and ethnic cleansing. These two entities—the Federation and the RS— and three communities—Serbian, Croatian, and Bosnian Muslim—display strong and sometimes aggrieved senses of their own individual identities, and ethnic divisions can arise over the simplest of everyday differences. For example, car registration stickers until recently identified cars as registered either in the Federation or in the RS. The International Community felt compelled to design a coinage in which ethnic differences were avoided. The currency itself is a paradox—known as the ‘Convertible Mark’ (KM), it converts to another currency, the Deutschmark, which no longer exists. But it is in the choice of iconography that the Bosnian KM is most striking; these are some of the least attractive coins ever issued, more akin to subway tokens than to genuine coinage. One side of the 1 KM coin displays the stylized shield motif of Bosnia-Hercegovina, a device approved by the International Community. The other bears the denomination and the words ‘Bosne i Hercegovina’ twice, in one language, and two alphabets, though Serbs, Muslims, and Croats might deny that the Latin script of Catholic Croatia, and the Cyrillic of Orthodox Serbia represent the same language. Aside from this need for linguistic even-handedness, no other motifs are to be found. An iconographic void appears to be the only means of compromise. What does this tell us? First, any minting authority can use coins to send an ideological and iconographical message. Coinages represent both political and economic acts. Second, coinage is in no sense an unmediated or direct guide to the ethnic identities of communities; it represents deliberate political choices made by those in control and may therefore mirror social attitudes of those not in control, attempt to modify them, or ignore them outright.
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