Journal articles on the topic 'Social movement'
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Yadav, Ajay Kumar. "Social Movements, Social Problems and Social Change." Academic Voices: A Multidisciplinary Journal 5 (September 30, 2016): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/av.v5i0.15842.
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Social movement is an organized effort by a significant number of people to change (or resist change in) some major aspect or aspects of society. Sociologists have usually been concerned to study the origins of such movements, their sources of recruitment, organizational dynamics, and their impact upon society. Social movements must be distinguished from collective behavior. Social movements are purposeful and organized; collective behavior is random and chaotic. Social movements include those supporting civil rights, gay rights, trade unionism, environmentalism, and feminism. Collective behaviors include riots, fads and crazes, panics, cultic religions, rumors. This paper deals with formation of social movement, emergence of social movement, social problems and social change.Academic Voices Vol.5 2015: 1-4
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Karimova, Lola M. "SOCIAL PROCESSES SOCIAL MOBILLIKNING MOVEMENT QUALITATIVE STREET." American Journal Of Social Sciences And Humanity Research 3, no. 10 (October 1, 2023): 17–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/ajsshr/volume03issue10-04.
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This article provides information about the sources of social mobility, the motivation to achieve, the law of increasing needs, and the hierarchical system of distribution of social results. The presence of channels of social mobility in society, including various social institutions -the military, religion, education, political organizations, trade unions, family, marriage, art, sports, inheritance, elections, mass media, social networks, social networks of individuals and their groups. creates conditions for movement.
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Fairbrother, Peter. "Social Movement Unionism or Trade Unions as Social Movements." Employee Responsibilities and Rights Journal 20, no. 3 (June 28, 2008): 213–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10672-008-9080-4.
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Staggenborg, Suzanne, and Verta Taylor. "Whatever Happened to The Women's Movement?" Mobilization: An International Quarterly 10, no. 1 (February 1, 2005): 37–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.10.1.46245r7082613312.
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Analyses of the women's movement that focus on its "waves" and theories of social movements that focus on contentious politics have encouraged the view that the women's movement is in decline. Employing alternative perspectives on social movements, we show that the women's movement continues to thrive. This is evidenced by organizational maintenance and growth, including the international expansion of women's movement organizations; feminism within institutions and other social movements; the spread of feminist culture and collective identity; and the variety of the movement's tactical repertoires. Moreover, the movement remains capable of contentious collective action. We argue for research based on broader conceptions of social movements as well as the contentious politics approach.
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Kovasic, Nikolay. "Impact of Social Movements on Social Change." Journal of International Relations 3, no. 1 (March 22, 2023): 20–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.47604/jir.1866.
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Purpose: The study sought to investigate the impact of social movements on social change.
Methodology: The study adopted a desktop methodology. Desk research refers to secondary data or that which can be collected without fieldwork. Desk research is basically involved in collecting data from existing resources hence it is often considered a low cost technique as compared to field research, as the main cost is involved in executive’s time, telephone charges and directories. Thus, the study relied on already published studies, reports and statistics. This secondary data was easily accessed through the online journals and library.
Findings: The study concluded that the society is not a static element. It is a complex system of movements and counter movements pulling it in different directions. When this tussle is finally in favor of the movement, it becomes part of the social structure. A successful movement may become a part of the social order such as a trade union movement or save environment movement. The movement may disappear after achieving its goal.
Unique Contribution to Theory, Practice and Policy: The study was informed by relative deprivation theory, the strain theory and the theory of revitalization. The study recommended that, successful movements must define their goals clearly and target the institutions that have the power to make the changes they are demanding. Moreover successful movements should act in a political environment in which they have leverage to demand systemic change.
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Useem, Bert, and Jack A. Goldstone. "The paradox of victory: social movement fields, adverse outcomes, and social movement success." Theory and Society 51, no. 1 (October 2, 2021): 31–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11186-021-09460-2.
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AbstractRecent work on social movement fields has expanded our view of the dynamics of social movements; it should also expand our thinking about social movement success. Such a broader view reveals a paradox: social movements often snatch defeat from the jaws of victory by narrowly targeting authorities with their actions instead of targeting the broader social movement field. Negative impacts from the wider social movement field can then reverse or overshadow initial victories. We distinguish between a social movement’s victory over the immediate target, and more lasting success that arises from shifting alignments in the broader social movement field. To test the predictive value of the distinction, we compare two very similar student-led social movements, both of which targeted university policies regarding sensitivity to race issues and changes in university personnel. One built a broad coalition of support that extended across its social movement field and was thereby able to institute durable change. The other did not, and despite its clear initial success, this protest movement produced consequences mainly adverse to its preferred outcomes. We demonstrate how pervasive this paradox is with examples from other U.S. protest outcomes and studies of revolutions. The paradox is resolved by focusing on changes in the entire social movement field. We thus argue that achieving, and understanding, lasting social movement success requires attention to the entire social movement field.
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Ruggiero, Vincenzo. "New Social Movements and the ‘Centri Sociali’ in Milan." Sociological Review 48, no. 2 (May 2000): 167–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-954x.00210.
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This paper discusses the social movement known in Italy as the movement of the centri sociali. The empirical material presented relies heavily on the centri sociali operating in Milan. Such material offers the opportunity to revisit issues related to social movement theories. In part one, a brief overview of these theories is sketched, and concepts suggested by both resource mobilisation theorists and new social movements theorists are presented. Attempts to unify the two approaches are also briefly reviewed. In part two, the origin of the centri sociali is traced. Some of the motives and practices inspiring the movement are described as a legacy, though re-elaborated and re-contextualised, of the particularly troubled, if compelling, Italian 1970s. The methodology used for the empirical work undertaken is then presented. Finally, the discussion moves back to social movement theories, against which the movement of the centri sociali is analysed. Here, the utility of some aspects of both resource mobilisation and new social movement theories will be underlined, thus adding a modest, tentative, contribution to previous attempts to elaborate a synthesis between the two approaches.
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Broad, K. L. "Social Movement Selves." Sociological Perspectives 45, no. 3 (September 2002): 317–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sop.2002.45.3.317.
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This article discusses Holstein and Gubrium's (2000) analytic for understanding the production of postmodern selves and suggests that it is a means by which to further understandings about the construction of social movement selves. According to Holstein and Gubrium's perspective, the construction of postmodern subjectivity is an interplay between circumstantial resources and self-constituting work. As an example, I discuss research about a social movement organization in the GLBT (gay/lesbian/bisexual/transgender) movement, Parents, Families, and Friends of Lesbians and Gays (PFLAG). I begin by illustrating how PFLAG parents can be understood as drawing on the narrative resources of the GLBT movement, in particular the dominant narrative of coming out. Next I discuss how PFLAG parents also do selves (as heterosexual parents), through everyday interactional identity work to construct affiliation. In so doing, I illustrate a key process of Holstein and Gubrium's analytic—the interplay between cultural constraints and artful agency in the production of postmodern selves—and show how it can help to explain the production of subjectivity in today's social movements. I close with a discussion of the significance of understanding the production of social movement selves for social movement literature.
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Khan, Numan, Waqar Ali Khan, and Mian Sohail Ahmad. "Social Movements in Hybrid Regimes: The Rise of PTM in Pakistan." Global Sociological Review IX, no. I (March 30, 2024): 77–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gsr.2024(ix-i).07.
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Scholars have ignored regime type as a crucial element affecting social movement mobilization due to political opportunity structures. Even little is known about hybrid regimes and disputes. Understanding social movement's hidden or unintentional repercussions is another gap. This study uses the Pashtun Tahafuz (protection) Movement (PTM) of Pakistan to address this academic gap by studying social movements under hybrid regimes like Pakistan. The research finds that dual (emanating from both the military and political organs of the state) and haphazard repression by a hybrid regime, characterized by military dominance and limited political opportunity structure, can temporarily slow social movement mobilization but not stop it. In the long term, the movement becomes stronger and mobilizes against the state. As a result of its mobilization and advancement, a social movement under such a regime may also affect other social movements.
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Pourmokhtari, Navid. "Understanding Iran’s Green Movement as a ‘movement of movements’." Sociology of Islam 2, no. 3-4 (June 10, 2014): 144–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22131418-00204004.
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This paper examines how oppositional groups go about exploiting opportunities to mobilizeen massein settings that are less than auspicious. The Green Movement is used here as a case study, the aim of which is to show that understanding how a people go about mobilizing requires, first and foremost, examining the core beliefs that motivate them toseize opportunitieswhen conditions allow. To this end, a constructivist approach will be used to demonstrate that it was the oppositional forces that took a proactive role in constructing opportunities to mobilize becausethey perceivedthe circumstances to be favorable, which suggests that greater attention ought to be focused on the sociopolitical and historical context within which a given situation is viewed as conducive to mass mobilization. Citing the examples of the student and women’s groups involved in Iran’s Green Movement, and tracing their historical trajectories and particular experiences during Ahmadinejad’s first term (2004–2008), I argue that the Green Movement may be best described as a ‘movement of movements,’ the kind of mega social movement capable of harnessing the potential, not only of Iranians but of other Middle East peoples, to mobilize with a view to pursuing specific social and political goals. This approach has the virtue of offeringa way to understandspecific traits of social movements operating in repressive settings.
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Diani, Mario. "Social Movements and Social Capital: A Network Perspective on Movement Outcomes." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 2, no. 2 (September 1, 1997): 129–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.2.2.w6087622383h4341.
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This article presents an approach to the study of the consequences of social movements that focuses on their capacity to produce "social capital." By social capital I mean ties that are based on mutual trust and mutual recognition among the actors involved in the relationship, although they do not necessarily imply the presence of collective identity. The influence of social movements may be regarded as dependent on their structural position, i.e., on the solidity of the linkages within the movement sector as well as—more crucially—of the bonds among movement actors, the social milieu in which they operate, and cultural and political elites. Therefore, the impact of a given movement or movement sector will be assessed in the light of changes in its components' relative centrality in various social networks. The broader the range of social capital ties emerging from a period of sustained mobilization, the greater the impact.
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Gale, Richard P. "Social Movements and the State." Sociological Perspectives 29, no. 2 (April 1986): 202–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1388959.
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This article modifies resource mobilization theory to emphasize interaction among social movements, countermovements, and government agencies. The framework developed for tracing social movement-state relationships gives special attention to movement and countermovement agency alignments. There are six stages of movement-state relationships illustrated with an analysis of the contemporary environmental movement.
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Febrianto, Martinus, Dam. "SOCIAL MOVEMENT BASED ON SOCIAL MEDIA IN SOCIAL MORAL PERSPECTIVE." Jurnal Teologi 11, no. 1 (May 25, 2022): 33–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.24071/jt.v11i01.4397.
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Social media as the prominent phenomenon of digital culture has become the infrastructure for social and political movements. Digital media platforms such as Facebook and Twitter have become practical tools for social movements, especially for communicating, organizing, and gaining wider publicity. However, a more careful study shows that activism on social media can only become an impactful socio-political movement if it meets the requirements of contemporary culture. Social media apparently does not support the absorption and deepening of complex discourses or difficult issues. In addition, direct (offline) activities, namely traditional forms of organization, are absolutely necessary for resilient and impactful social movements. These findings are in line with the study of social movements in the Catholic Church. Only through direct action in the offline realm can social movements foster spirituality, empower people, manifest a sense of solidarity, and become deep collective movements that inspire continuous effort for the sake of the common good.
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Reisinezhad, Arash, and Parisa Farhadi. "Cultural Opportunity and Social Movements." Sociology of Islam 4, no. 3 (July 5, 2016): 236–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22131418-00403004.
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The emergence of the Arab Spring in 2010 heralded a deep transformation within Muslim societies as well as the geopolitical arrangement of the region. These movements emerged after a non-Arab movement, the Iranian Green Movement in 2009, with which they shared various characteristics, ranging from its broad use of virtual space to movement without a classic leadership. While a large body of movement literature links the formation of social movement to either the structural opportunities or rational choice theory, the present paper addresses the cultural opportunity as a main facilitator-constraint in the movement formation. Given this fact that mediating between opportunities and mobilization are the shared meanings, the article seeks to empirically investigate cultural factors that construct and drive protests. From this perspective, the present study argues that movements tend to cluster in time and space because they are not independent of one another. Thus, it goes deep down in the way that different movements have had tremendous impacts on each other through examining the presence of the Master of Protest Frame (mpf). Transgressing the geographical borders and chronological phases, this factor has shaped movements strategies. Finally and to place recent events in a generalizable analysis, the paper employs a cross-national analysis, with focusing on Iran in 2009 and Egypt in 2010.
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Bosi, Lorenzo. "Social Movements and Interrelated Effects: The Process of Social Change in the Post-Movement Lives of Provisional IRA Volunteers." Revista Internacional de Sociología 74, no. 4 (October 21, 2016): e047. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/ris.2016.74.4.047.
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Chesters, Graeme, and Ian Welsh. "Complexity and Social Movement(s)." Theory, Culture & Society 22, no. 5 (October 2005): 187–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263276405057047.
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The rise of networked social movements contesting neo-liberal globalization and protesting the summits of global finance and governance organizations has posed an analytical challenge to social movement theorists and called into question the applicability to this global milieu of the familiar concepts and heuristics utilized in social movement studies. In this article, we argue that the self-defining alter-globalization movement(s) might instead be engaged with as an expression and effect of global complexity, and we draw upon a ‘minor’ literature in social movement studies that includes Gregory Bateson, Gilles Deleuze and Alberto Melucci to illustrate our claims. This article uses a Deleuzian reading of complexity to describe the phase space of the ‘movement of movements’, and its perturbation of global civil society through the iteration of sense-making processes (reflexive framing) and the exploration of singularities inhering in social movement ‘plateaux’. Those transnational gatherings, protests and social forums facilitated by computer-mediated communications and the advent of unprecedented mobility which constitute a ‘shadow realm’ that remains largely invisible to political exchange theories operating within the conceptual confines of the nation-state.
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Diani, Mario. "The Concept of Social Movement." Sociological Review 40, no. 1 (February 1992): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-954x.1992.tb02943.x.
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Recent developments in social movement research have evidenced a greater underlying consensus in the field than one might have assumed. Efforts have been made to bridge different perspectives and merge them into a new synthesis. Yet, comparative discussion of the concept of ‘social movement’ has been largely neglected so far. This article reviews and contrasts systematically the definitions of ‘social movement’ formulated by some of the most influential authors in the field. A substantial convergence may be detected between otherwise very different approaches on three points at least. Social movements are defined as networks of informal interactions between a plurality of individuals, groups and/or organizations, engaged in political or cultural conflicts, on the basis of shared collective identities. It is argued that the concept is sharp enough a) to differentiate social movements from related concepts such as interest groups, political parties, protest events and coalitions; b) to identify a specific area of investigation and theorising for social movement research.
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Subedi, Tek Nath. "Review of Literature on Social Movement." Interdisciplinary Journal of Management and Social Sciences 2, no. 2 (December 31, 2021): 118–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/ijmss.v2i2.42608.
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Social movement is a broad alliance of people whereby different actors work together to bring change in the existing social order. Sociologist Mario Diani considers informal network, shared beliefs, and collective action as features of social movements. This paper reviews Diani’s concept of social movement along with that of other scholars. Social movements are analyzed from the perspectives of collective behavior, resource mobilization, political process, and new social movement. Scholars strive to differentiate it from sporadic collective human endeavors such as riots, protests, strikes, and shutdowns. Social movements target to overthrow regimes where people's requirements are not fulfilled, which signal vulnerability of the state to collective action. Also, from a structural perspective, social movements are facilitated by larger international contexts that affect developments at home. The state response leads to new opportunities, and state organizations of old regimes break down and new, revolutionary ones are built.
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Sutton, Philip, and Stephen Vertigans. "Islamic "New Social Movements"? Radical Islam, AL-QA'IDA and Social Movement Theory." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 11, no. 1 (February 1, 2006): 101–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.11.1.h072u0r458458426.
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European new social movement (NSM) theory was developed to describe and explain the apparently unique character of the wave of collective action that began in the 1960s and continues to this day. Key characteristics of NSM theory are a post-industrial orientation, middle-class activist core, loose organizational form, use of symbolic direct actions, creation of new identities, and a "self-limiting radicalism." The theory's claims to movement innovation were later criticized by many as exaggerated and ahistorical. However, the filtering down of key NSM elements into social movement studies has led to changing definitions of what social movements actually are and opened up new opportunities for the integration of religious movements into the social movements mainstream. Using the case of radical Islam, and with particular reference to the terrorist social movement organization al-Qa'ida, this article argues that drawing on key features of NSM theory should lead to a better understanding of radical Islam as well as a more realistic explanation of its continuing development and transformation.
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Ruiz-Junco, Natalia. "Feeling Social Movements: Theoretical Contributions to Social Movement Research on Emotions." Sociology Compass 7, no. 1 (December 12, 2012): 45–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/soc4.12006.
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Turner, Eric. "New Movements, Digital Revolution, and Social Movement Theory." Peace Review 25, no. 3 (July 2013): 376–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10402659.2013.816562.
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Gamson, William A., and Sidney Tarrow. "Power in Movement: Social Movements and Contentious Politics." Contemporary Sociology 28, no. 3 (May 1999): 337. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2654187.
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Turner, Terisa E., and Leigh Brownhill. "Ecofeminism and the Global Movement of Social Movements." Capitalism Nature Socialism 21, no. 2 (June 2010): 102–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10455752.2010.489681.
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Cammaerts, Bart. "THE NEW-NEW SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: ARE SOCIAL MEDIA CHANGING THE ONTOLOGY OF SOCIAL MOVEMENTS?" Mobilization: An International Quarterly 26, no. 3 (September 1, 2021): 343–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-26-3-343.
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Our hypermediated societies affect the very nature of what a social movement is. This article identifies five core nodal points of what constitutes a social movement: Program claims, Identity construction, Connections, Actions, and Resolve (PICAR). Primarily using France’s yellow vest movement case, I assess the impact of social media on these nodal points. I find that social media afford opportunities as well as present challenges for contemporary movements which taken together amounts to a newly emerging ontology. This new-new social movement ontology is characterized by processes of discontinuity (open ideological positioning, fluid collective identities, weak ties, an online repertoire of action, and relative ephemerality) co-existing with continuity (the return of a class politics of redistribution, the continued importance of collective identity, offline repertoires, and cycles of protest). This analysis demonstrates the dynamic interplay between political and mediation opportunity structures, producing new emancipatory potentials and challenging constraints.
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Suh, Doowon. "Intricacies of Social Movement Outcome Research and beyond: “How can you Tell” Social Movements Prompt Changes?" Sociological Research Online 17, no. 4 (November 2012): 92–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.2757.
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Most scholars of social movements have been drawn to research on the politically contentious behavior of collective actors because of the conviction that social movements sometimes generate significant historical progress and social change. Yet movement outcome research has been least developed in the literature. This irony emanates from methodological and causal intricacies that fail to clearly explicate how social movements create change. The challenges encompass the heaped typologies, mutual inconsistencies, causal heterogeneities, and conflictive evaluation criteria of movement outcomes. To overcome these quandaries, this paper proposes that (1) any attempt to find an invariant model or general theorization of a movement outcome is inevitably futile; (2) instead, attention to the specific context of time and place in which social movements produce outcomes is necessary; and (3) a comprehensive understanding of the origins of a movement outcome becomes possible when multiple variables are considered and their combined effects are analyzed.
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Takovski, Aleksandar. "Coloring social change: Humor, politics, and social movements." HUMOR 33, no. 4 (September 11, 2019): 485–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/humor-2019-0037.
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AbstractAs many social movements demonstrate, humor can serve as an important resource to resist oppression, fight social injustice and bring social change. Existing research has focused on humor’s role within social movements and its positive effects on the free expression of criticism, reduction of fear, communication, mobilization of participants and so on. However, the current literature on the activist use of humor also expresses some reservations about its political efficacy. While humor may steam off the energy necessary to counteract oppression and injustice, other tools of achieving the same political ends have been successfully deployed, primarily social media. Building upon this research, the present case study explores the 2016 Macedonian social movement called the Colorful Revolution. In particular, through the analysis of social media and activists’ reflection on the political use of humor, this case study examines how on-line humor contributed to the emergence and development of the movement. Factoring in activists’ opinions on the role of humor in society and especially in movements, while also paying attention to the role of social media, this case study tends to re-interpret the role of humor in the totality of the actions and circumstances underpinning the development of a social movement.
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Mann, Keith. "Social Movement Literature and U.S. Labour: A Reassessment." Studies in Social Justice 8, no. 2 (April 2, 2014): 165–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/ssj.v8i2.1032.
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Largely due to its conservative profile at the time, the U.S. labour movement was largely absent from modern social movement literature as it developed in response to the new social movements of the 1960s and 1970s. Recent labour mobilizations such as the Wisconsin uprising and the Chicago Teachers’ strike have been part of the current international cycle of protest that includes the Arab Spring, the antiausterity movements in Greece and Spain, and Occupy Wall Street. These struggles suggest that a new labour movement is emerging that shares many common features with new social movements. This article offers a general analysis of these and other contemporary labour struggles in light of contemporary modern social movement literature. It also critically reviews assumptions about the labour movement of the 1960s and 1970s and reexamines several social movement concepts.
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Kane, Melinda. "Social Movement Policy Success: Decriminalizing State Sodomy Laws, 1969–1998." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 8, no. 3 (October 1, 2003): 313–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.8.3.q66046w34wu58866.
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This study provides an event history analysis of the factors contributing to a social movement's ability to influence pubic policy. More specifically, the study presents a quantitative, historical examination of the influence of national, state, and local gay and lesbian movements on the decriminalization of state sodomy laws, an important goal of the movement, from 1969 to 1998. Drawing from political opportunity models, resource mobilization theory, and theories of cultural opportunity, the study explores the importance of political conditions, social movement characteristics, and the larger cultural context on the ability of the gay and lesbian movement to achieve its goals. The analyses demonstrate that all three factors have some influence on the likelihood of sodomy law decriminalization, but most importantly, political opportunity and movement characteristics work together to bring about success. During periods of political opportunity, the size and tactics of the lesbian and gay movement influenced the likelihood of success.
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Syed, Romilla, and Leiser Silva. "Social Movement Sustainability on Social Media: An Analysis of the Women’s March Movement on Twitter." Journal of the Association for Information Systems 24, no. 1 (2023): 249–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.17705/1jais.00776.
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Social media has emerged as a powerful medium to organize and mobilize social movements. In particular, the connective action of social media builds associations and allows for the continuity of social movements. Yet there is a lack of research on how connective action emergent from social media messages sustains long-term social movements. Accordingly, in this study, we concentrate on Twitter messages related to Women’s March protests held in 2017, 2018, and 2019. Using an interpretive analysis followed by the topic modeling approach, we analyzed the tweets to identify the different types of messages associated with the movement. These messages were classified using a set of categories and subcategories. Furthermore, we conducted a temporal analysis of the message (sub)categories to understand how distinct messages allow movement continuity beyond a specific protest march. Results suggest that while most of the messages are used to motivate and mobilize individuals, the connective action tactics employed through messages sent before, during, and after the marches allowed Women’s March to become a broader and more persistent movement. We advance theoretical propositions to explain the sustainability of a long-term social movement on social media, exemplified through large-scale connective action that persists over time. In doing so, this study contributes to connective action research by providing message categorization that synthesizes the meaning of message content. The findings could help social movement organizers learn different ways to frame messages that resonate with broader social media users. Moreover, our approach to analyzing a large set of tweets might interest other qualitative researchers.
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Meyer, David S., and Nancy Whittier. "Social Movement Spillover." Social Problems 41, no. 2 (May 1994): 277–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sp.1994.41.2.03x0438v.
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Blee, Kathleen, and Amy McDowell. "Social Movement Audiences1." Sociological Forum 27, no. 1 (February 6, 2012): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1573-7861.2011.01299.x.
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Edwards, Bob, and John D. McCarthy. "Social movement schools." Sociological Forum 7, no. 3 (September 1992): 541–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01117561.
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Meyer, David S., and Nancy Whittier. "Social Movement Spillover." Social Problems 41, no. 2 (May 1994): 277–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3096934.
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Hanna, Sabba. "Theories of Social Movements." International Journal of Engineering Research in Computer Science and Engineering 9, no. 7 (July 21, 2022): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.36647/ijercse/09.07.art001.
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Social movement is one of the important manifestation of collective behaviour .In the contemporary years the study of social movements has devoted the attraction of large number of sociologists not only in India but also in West. Every social movement whether new or old is launched for one or other reason .This paper reviewed the various theories which conceptualise the beginning of social movements .This paper also examined the historical and social context about the social movements .The researcher has used the secondary sources like- published books, journals ,internet ,etc. for data collection. The knowledge of literature on social movements can help the researchers to develop insights about new ideology, leadership, theoretical orientation and organisations of social movements.
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Calhoun, Craig. "“New Social Movements” of the Early Nineteenth Century." Social Science History 17, no. 3 (1993): 385–427. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200018642.
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Sometime After 1968, analysts and participants began to speak of “new social movements” that worked outside formal institutional channels and emphasized lifestyle, ethical, or “identity” concerns rather than narrowly economic goals. A variety of examples informed the conceptualization. Alberto Melucci (1988: 247), for instance, cited feminism, the ecology movement or “greens,” the peace movement, and the youth movement. Others added the gay movement, the animal rights movement, and the antiabortion and prochoice movements. These movements were allegedly new in issues, tactics, and constituencies. Above all, they were new by contrast to the labor movement, which was the paradigmatic “old” social movement, and to Marxism and socialism, which asserted that class was the central issue in politics and that a single political economic transformation would solve the whole range of social ills. They were new even by comparison with conventional liberalism with its assumption of fixed individual identities and interests. The new social movements thus challenged the conventional division of politics into left and right and broadened the definition of politics to include issues that had been considered outside the domain of political action (Scott 1990).
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Badrun, Ubedilah. "Social Movement based on Religiosity as a New Model of Social Movements in Jakarta (The 212 Social Movement in Jakarta 2016)." International Journal of Multicultural and Multireligious Understanding 6, no. 4 (August 25, 2019): 235. http://dx.doi.org/10.18415/ijmmu.v6i4.976.
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Social movements can be understood as a group of people organized in self-awareness that continuously challenges the existing system and values. This study aims to read the phenomenon of the 212 Movement (2016) in Jakarta, Indonesia using the perspective of the theory of social movements (1848-2013). This research used qualitative approach with descriptive methods. Data collected through observation, interviews and analysis of literatures and news media. This case study found the Movement 212 was able to mobilize millions of people including the category of the Social movement Based on Religiosity because militancy that mingled with voluntary attitudes that were seen in the behavior of the figures and the mass of the action. The religious basis is the main motive for the new social movement 212. The 295.8 km long march carried out by the Ciamis community led by K.H. Nonop Hanafi towards the Jakarta National Monument which later inspired the Bogor and Bekasi people to do the same is a fact of militancy and voluntary which is carried out with a high and sincere awareness on the basis of their religiosity. There are five main actors of this movement, K. H. Nonop Hanafi, Bachtiar Nasir, Muhammad Zaitun Rasmin, Muhammad Alkhathath, and Habieb Rizieq Shihab. This movement has a semi-moderate Islamic ideology with the Islamic model Ahlussunnah Waljama'ah. The implication of this research is the New social movement 212 can uphold Islamic values by upholding the law against what they call the Islamic oppressors. And the other side, the New social movement 212 can be strengthening ukhuwah Islamiyah (Islamic brotherhood), ukhuwah wathoniyah (nationalism), and demanding justice for all the people of Indonesia.
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Isa, Daud, and Itai Himelboim. "A Social Networks Approach to Online Social Movement: Social Mediators and Mediated Content in #FreeAJStaff Twitter Network." Social Media + Society 4, no. 1 (January 2018): 205630511876080. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2056305118760807.
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The movement to free Al Jazeera journalists (#FreeAJStaff), imprisoned by Egyptian authorities, utilized social media over almost 2 years, between 2013 and 2015. #FreeAJStaff movement emerged as a unique blend of social movement and news media, taking place primarily on Twitter. This study applied a social networks approach to examine patterns of information flow within the #FreeAJStaff movement on Twitter: the emergence of information siloes and social mediators, who bridge them. Twitter data of 22 months were collected, resulting in social networks created by 71,326 users who included the hashtag #FreeAJStaff in their tweets, and 149,650 social ties (mentions and replies) among them. Analysis found social mediators to be primarily core movement actors (e.g., Al Jazeera) or elites (e.g., politicians), rather than grassroots actors. Furthermore, core actors exhibited more reciprocal relationship with other users than elite actors. In contrast, elite actors evoked denser exchange of messages. Finally, this study identified the mechanism used to create a Spillover Effect between social movements (such as #FreeAJStaff and #FreeShawkan), finding that mediated content, which travels across clusters, was more likely to include non-FreeAJStaff movement hashtags, than siloed content, which remains within a cluster. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed.
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Kertzer, David I. "Social Anthropology and Social Science History." Social Science History 33, no. 1 (2009): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200010889.
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In the 1970s, when the social science history movement emerged in the United States, leading to the founding of the Social Science History Association, a simultaneous movement arose in which historians looked to cultural anthropology for inspiration. Although both movements involved historians turning to social sciences for theory and method, they reflected very different views of the nature of the historical enterprise. Cultural anthropology, most notably as preached by Clifford Geertz, became a means by which historians could find a theoretical basis in the social sciences for rejecting a scientific paradigm. This article examines this development while also exploring the complex ways cultural anthropology has embraced—and shunned—history in recent years.
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Sandell, Rickard. "Organizational Growth and Ecological Constraints: The Growth of Social Movements in Sweden, 1881 to 1940." American Sociological Review 66, no. 5 (October 2001): 672–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000312240106600503.
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Based on the theoretical framework of organizational ecology, it is suggested that social movement organizations are inert structures that rarely exceed their initial size. The ecological concept of organizational growth is tested using membership data for Sweden from 1881 to 1940 for virtually all local social movement organizations (29,193 organizations) in three major social movements: the temperance, free church, and trade union movements. Findings show that the organizations in two of the movements have average growth trajectories approximating zero. The ecological argument is then expanded to include information on the movements’ organizational niches and intra- and intermovement density development. After controlling for the local organization's initial size, findings reveal that the remaining variation in aggregate membership is more likely to depend on population and niche dynamics (which organizational ecologists focus on) than on the capacity of the movement's local organizations to expand. These findings are consistent for all three Swedish movements. The ecological argument and the findings presented here are contrary to almost all research on social movements, which takes for granted that social movement organizations are necessarily capable of individual growth.
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Luna, Zakiya. "WHO SPEAKS FOR WHOM? (MIS) REPRESENTATION AND AUTHENTICITY IN SOCIAL MOVEMENTS*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 22, no. 4 (December 1, 2017): 435–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-22-4-435.
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While many social movement studies mention the idea of authenticity, few consider the authentication processes in movements. This article examines how authenticity challenges manifest in different arenas of movement/countermovement struggles. Through a qualitative analysis of minority organizations engaged in an abortion debate, I focus on how racial minorities demonstrate authenticity to legitimate their ability to represent their community's views on abortion. I argue that both sides engage in proximity practices that emphasize their movement's congruence while pointing to perceived incongruence of the opposition. After demonstrating how these practices are used in three arenas, I suggest areas for researchers to examine in future studies on minorities in movements and beyond.
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YoonSoojong. "Social Center('centri sociali') Movement in Italy." Journal of Mediterranean Area Studies 10, no. 2 (June 2008): 53–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.18218/jmas.2008.10.2.53.
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Gaby, Sarah, and Neal Caren. "THE RISE OF INEQUALITY: HOW SOCIAL MOVEMENTS SHAPE DISCURSIVE FIELDS*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 21, no. 4 (December 1, 2016): 413–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-21-4-413.
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Social movement scholars have considered several political and cultural consequences of social movements, but have paid limited attention to whether and how social movements shape discourse. We develop a theory of discursive eruption, referring to the ability of radical movements to initially ignite media coverage but not control the content once other actors— particularly those that can take advantage of journalistic norms—enter the discourse. We hold that one long-term outcome of radical social movements is the ability to alter discursive fields through mechanisms such as increasing the salience and content of movement-based issues. We examine the way movements shape discourse by focusing on newspaper articles about inequality before, during, and after the Occupy Wall Street (OWS) movement. We analyze changes in the salience and content of coverage as well as shifts in actor standing and influence. Using 7,024 articles from eight newspapers, we find that the OWS movement increased media attention to inequality, shifting the focus of the discourse toward movement-based issue areas (e.g., the middle class and minimum wage). Further, we find that compared to the pre-OWS period, the influence of social movement organizations and think tanks rose in discourse on inequality. In addition, the discourse on inequality became more highly politicized as a result of the Occupy movement. These findings highlight the importance of social movements in shaping discourse and indicate that social movement scholars should further consider discursive changes as a consequence of social movements.
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Wang, Dan J., Hayagreeva Rao, and Sarah A. Soule. "Crossing Categorical Boundaries: A Study of Diversification by Social Movement Organizations." American Sociological Review 84, no. 3 (May 10, 2019): 420–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0003122419846111.
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When do protest organizations borrow issues or claims that are outside their traditional domains? Sociologists have examined the consequences of borrowing claims across movement boundaries, but not the antecedents of doing so. We argue that movement boundaries are strong when there is consensus about the core claims of a social movement, which we measure by cohesion and focus. Cohesion and focus enhance the legitimacy of a movement and impede member organizations from adopting claims associated with other movements. Analyzing movement organizational activity at U.S.-based protest events from 1960 to 1995, we find that a social movement organization is less likely to adopt claims from other movements when the social movement in which it is embedded exhibits high cohesion and focus. However, when movement organizations do borrow claims, they are more likely to do so by borrowing from movements that themselves exhibit high cohesion and focus. We describe the application of our findings to organization theory, social movements, and field theoretic approaches to understanding social action.
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Harutyunyan, Gayane. "On the Issue of Social Movement Definition." Journal of Sociology: Bulletin of Yerevan University 12, no. 2 (34) (December 28, 2021): 62–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.46991/bysu:f/2021.12.2.062.
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The paper is a theoretical review of “social movement” term definitions. Aiming to show differences among definitions within different paradigms and scientific evolution of the term the main approaches of defining social movements are discussed. Initially, social movements were studied by psychologists, who were examining different forms of collective behavior, such as mobs, crowds, protests and etc. Most of them considered social movements as an irrational and destructive form of collective action driven by the instincts of people. During the next decades, the theory of social movements was developed mostly by sociologists who, on the contrary, started to seek social reasons inducing this type of collective action. Different theoretical schools proposed various concepts of explaining the origin of social movements, but all of them agreed on the main characteristics: rational and organized collective action driven by unfulfilled social needs. Different authors linked social movement definitions with other important social phenomena such as norms and values, social conflict, social identity, and social network. Political scientists have also contributed to the study of social movements but in terms of power and state, terrorism and violence. Discussing psychological, sociological, and political science approaches to term definition we came to the conclusion that the most inclusive sociological definition is viewing social movement as a social network through which collective action is performed to achieve total or partial social change. Such kind of definition makes it possible to reveal the main criteria necessary to distinguish social movement as a separate social phenomenon from other types of collective action.
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Cummings, Scott L. "The Social Movement Turn in Law." Law & Social Inquiry 43, no. 02 (2018): 360–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lsi.12308.
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The rise of social movements in US legal scholarship is a current response to an age-old problem in progressive legal thought: harnessing law for social change while maintaining a distinction between law and politics. This problem erupted in controversy around the civil rights–era concept of legal liberalism defined by activist courts and lawyers pursuing political reform through law. Contemporary legal scholars have responded by building on social science to develop a new concept—movement liberalism—that assigns leadership of transformative change to social movements to preserve conventional roles for courts and lawyers. Movement liberalism aims to achieve the lost promise of progressive reform, while avoiding critiques of legal activism that have divided scholars for a half-century. Yet rather than resolving the law-politics problem, movement liberalism reproduces long-standing debates, carrying forward critical visions of law that it seeks to transcend.
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Davis-Delano, Laurel R., and Todd Crosset. "Using Social Movement Theory To Study Outcomes in Sport-Related Social Movements." International Review for the Sociology of Sport 43, no. 2 (June 2008): 115–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1012690208095375.
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Polanska, Dominika V. "Organizing Social and Spatial Boundaries: Squatting's Material Practices and Social Relationships." Human Geography 9, no. 1 (March 2016): 30–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/194277861600900103.
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The prerequisites for squatting are somewhat different from other social movements. Most squatters tend to live (literally reside) in their movement and risk being overwhelmed and burnt-out by the intensity and emotional involvement of this kind of activism. The fact that squatters’ struggles revolve around a physical place, which in itself is a form of protest, and that the most involved activists are expected to locate their everyday lives to this place, puts a lot of pressure on the squatters and the way they handle their social relationships or more material practices and needs. The aim of this article is to examine how social and spatial boundaries are regulated and organized by squatters and to discuss how the spaces within squats are regulated and how the boundaries are negotiated by the squatting activists in light of these spaces being the ‘embodiment’ of the squatting movement requiring some special organizational measures to create order and avoid conflicts that could lead to the movement's decline. The squatting movement in Warsaw will serve as an example, and its recent development and internal diversification will be used to illustrate the importance of organization of social and spatial boundaries. I will also discuss the reverse effects of the refinement of the boundaries resulting in the creation of hierarchies and processes of exclusion, seclusion, inflexibility and impenetrability faced by squatters in the studied case. The material for this study is based on 20 semi-structured interviews with squatters’ activists conducted in 2013. The theoretical framework of the study is combining a social movement approach with organizational theory. I argue that squatting, as any social movement, should be analysed as intersecting social orders of networks, institutions and organizations, as it needs to create organizational measures, use dominant institutional order(s) and/or create new shared norms and beliefs, alongside founding its activity on networks of trust, horizontality and reciprocity, in order to function smoothly and not exhaust its current resources (social, symbolic, material).
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Shiobara, Tsutomu, Shinji Katagiri, and Lee A. Thompson. "The Sociology of Social Movement in Japan." International Journal of Mass Emergencies & Disasters 4, no. 2 (August 1986): 39–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/028072708600400204.
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The sociology of social movement in Japan has recently been expanding. The field has been revitalized by the introduction, mostly by the younger generation, of the resource mobilization model. The situation is parallel to that in the United States. However, Japan and the United States have differences in their respective histories of social movement and in the research done on the phenomenon. A proper understanding of the current state of the sociology of social movement in Japan, and its prospects for the future, is impossible if these differences are ignored. This paper attempts to describe the actual changes in the conditions of society affecting movements, and to place the study of movements within that perspective. In other words, the analysis of the study of social movements in Japan undertaken here is also a kind of exercise in the sociology of knowledge.
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Pereira, Shane. "A New Religious Movement in Singapore: Syncretism and Variation in the Sathya Sai Baba Movement." Asian Journal of Social Science 36, no. 2 (2008): 250–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853108x298699.
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AbstractThis ethnographic study of the Sathya Sai Baba Movement in Singapore situates itself within the sociological study of New Religious Movements (NRMs). Studies on the expansion of “cults” and NRMs are well documented, but little has been done to explore how such movements proceed after the initial foothold has been established in the host country. Patterns of interaction with the highly plural socio-ethnic and religious elements that exist in multicultural nations, as in Singapore, and the attendant social implications have not been sufficiently addressed. The Sai Baba movement preaches and practises ethno-religious ecumenism and allow adherents to maintain the religious affiliations and practices of their parent or current religion. This paper explores the nature of the Sathya Sai Baba Movement's religious framework and its apparent success in pluralistic Singapore by studying the impact of syncretism and ritual variations on the identity of the movement.
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Adeniran, A. S. "Campaign for development, social movement and revolution." Journal of Agriculture, Forestry and the Social Sciences 17, no. 1 (April 19, 2021): 57–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/joafss.v17i1.7.
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Social movement and revolution are tools used to shape social changes. Social movement aims to advance a group’s agenda either by rectifying cultural drifts, social disorganizations and social injustice but revolution aims to unseat the government or to transform the entire political order. Based on archival evidence, this article examines the impact of social movement on the manifestations and modifications of specific socio-cultural policies of democratic governments in Nigeria. Though there are commonalities and differentials between social movements and revolutions, there is a strong linkage between the two concepts. Social movement is largely an event on a micro-level while revolution is on a macro-level. Social movement engages limited violence and often resorts to thoughtful persuasion, but revolution enlists unlimited violence that manifests in gritty coercion. However, recently in Nigeria, a number of online social movements have developed and they strive to give voice to the voiceless in the socio-political structure, as well as gaining recognition online and offline, so as to promote social development within the polity. Karl Marx upholds that conflict is inevitable in the social structure yet it can be concluded that most of the fundamental developments in human history, such as national independence, democracy, social justice, social inclusion and civil/human rights have been won on the platform of social movement. There are hierarchical or stratified social relations in the society which breeds social struggle within the class systems. Unequivocally, social movements are bound to arise wherever social conditions are unfavorable.
Key words: socio-cultural, social movement, revolution, development