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LaFreniere, Peter McNeel. "Social Movement Unionism: Through Teachers Unions' Mobilization in Opposition to Corporate Education Reform." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1496425457204444.
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Ptashnick, Melita Blanche. "Vancouver's living wage campaign : social movement unionism and identity construction." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/27837.
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This thesis presents the findings of research on a living wage campaign conducted by low-wage hospital support workers. First, I conducted an analysis with a mobilization theory framework to assess whether a campaign strategy that utilizes the extended set of collective action frames associated with social movement unionism can compensate for the effects of severe economic environmental conditions on labour bargaining power. Second, as identity narratives have important consequences for social movement mobilization, I assessed how story modes shape identity assertion and alliance building within a social movement unionism organizing model.
Based on findings from interviews with the outsourced workers, I recommend modifications to mobilization theory because within a social movement unionism model, campaign success depends, in part, on workers actively shaping the interpretive framework, and on social cohesion within the union’s horizontal network. While a depressed economic environment may dampen the power of interpretive framework resonance and social cohesion to achieve economic success from a campaign, successes in worker empowerment and skills can still be achieved. It is worthwhile to continue social movement strategies through a poor economic period to maximize the economic gains that are possible under the conditions as well as to empower and train workers into activists, and to organize horizontal networks, thus laying the groundwork for social movement expansion and success, when economic conditions improve. In addition, the findings reveal that the worker activists presented associational declarations of their alliances and atrocity tales of their hardships as their favoured motivational tools for mobilization. In their atrocity tales of hardship, activists asserted value-based identities to encourage mobilization, while associational declarations indicated that in order to build alliances activists selected an identity to emphasize their similarity to a given potential ally. These findings indicate that the basis for identity construction and assertion to encourage micromobilization is contingent on the type of social movement organizing model, alignment of activist and public values, and the nature of the ally audience.
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Fink, Elisabeth [Verfasser]. "Transnationaler Aktivismus und Frauenarbeit : Social Movement Unionism in Bangladesch / Elisabeth Fink." Frankfurt am Main : Campus Verlag, 2018. http://www.campus.de/home/.
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Rubushe, Melikaya. "Trade union investment schemes: a blemish on the social movement unionism outlook of South African unions?" Thesis, Rhodes University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003119.
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South African trade unions affiliated to Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) have taken advantage of the arrival of democracy and newly found opportunities available through Black Economic Empowerment to venture into the world of business by setting up their own investment companies. The declared desire behind these ventures was to break the stranglehold of white capital on the economy and to extend participation in the economic activities of the country to previously disadvantaged communities. Using the National Union of Mineworkers and the Mineworkers’ Investment Company as case studies, this dissertation seeks to determine whether unions affiliated to the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) are advancing the struggle for socialism through their investment schemes. Secondly, the dissertation determines whether, in the activities of the schemes, internal democracy is preserved and strengthened. The theoretical framework of this dissertation emerges from arguments advanced by Lenin and Gramsci on the limitations of trade unions in terms of their role in the struggle against capitalism. In addition, the argument draws on the assertions by Michels regarding the proneness of trade union leadership to adopt oligarchic tendencies in their approach to leadership. Of interest is how, according to Gramsci, trade unions are prone to accepting concessions from the capitalist system that renders them ameliorative rather than transformative. Drawing from Michels’ ‘iron law of oligarchy’, the thesis examines whether there is space for ordinary members of the unions to express views on the working of the union investment companies. By looking at the extent to which the investment initiatives of the companies mirror the preferences of the ordinary members of the unions, one can determine the level of disjuncture between the two. The study relies on data collected through interviews and documentary material. Interviews provide first-hand knowledge of how respondents experience the impact of the investment schemes. This provides a balanced analysis given that documents reflect policy stances whereas interviews provide data on whether these have the stated impact. What the study shows is a clear absence of space for ordinary members to directly influence the workings of union investment companies. It is also established that, in their current form, the schemes operate more as a perpetuation of the capitalist logic than offering an alternative system.
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Corrêa, Bernardo Alves. "Revitalização sindical : resgate da experiência do Sindicato dos Municipários de Porto Alegre 1988-2013." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/116503.
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Este projeto insere-se no campo da sociologia do trabalho, procurando contribuir com a discussão acerca do presente e do futuro do sindicalismo, conectado aos estudos de revitalização sindical. O sindicalismo no setor público, particularmente após o final da década de 1980, desenvolve-se através da assunção de caráter sindical das associações de servidores públicos, da influência do novo sindicalismo sobre as classes médias e do ambiente político das lutas pela democratização do Brasil pós-ditadura. Assim formou-se Sindicato dos Municipários de Porto Alegre (SIMPA), objeto empírico do presente trabalho, o primeiro sindicato de municipários legalizado no Brasil. As temáticas em torno das reformas e da persistência da estrutura sindical, em um contexto de terceirizações na administração pública, assim como a consideração por boa parte da literatura de que o movimento sindical passa por uma crise instiga à investigação das ações sindicais confrontadas à discussão da suposta crise ou declínio. Através de um estudo de caso estendido, analisamos a emergência de novas práticas sindicais, buscando, no resgate das experiências do SIMPA, conexões com o que alguns autores têm chamado de ―sindicalismo de movimento social‖, no que tange à relação do sindicalismo clássico com os novos protestos e movimentos que tem surgido em nossos tempos.<br>This project, developed in the field of Sociology of Work, aims to cooperate with the discussion about the current and future unionism, connected to the Labour Revitalization Studies. Syndicalism in public sector, especially in the end of 1980‘s, was developed with the assumption of the union character of the civil servants trade unions, also with the influence of the new unionism over middle classes and the policy environment of the struggles for democratization in Brazil after dictatorship. That‘s how it was formed SIMPA, a union trade of civil servants of Porto Alegre City, Rio Grande do Sul State, Brazil. SIMPA was the first union trade of municipal workers legalized in the country, and it is the empirical object of this research. Themes such as reforms and the persistence of the union structure, in a context of outsourcing in public administration, as well as the assumption for a large part of literature that union movement was passing through a crisis, are some elements that instigate the investigation of union actions face to the discussion of a supposed crisis or decline. With an Extended Case Method, we analyze the emergence of new unionism practices. Rescuing the experiences of SIMPA, we search for connections to with some authors have called ―Social Movement Unionism‖, about the relations between classical unionism and new demonstrations and movements that have been arising in our times.
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Dodd, John Alan. "Social movement unionism? : an analysis of labour organisations strategies in the global political economy." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10443/1664.
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This thesis examines the extent to which the modern labour movement is utilising social movement unionism as a form of organisation in the modern political economy. A multi-level analytical approach utilises a Gramscian inspired theoretical framework to look at developments at the national, regional, and global levels of the labour movement in the modern global political economy. Issues at stake are i) understanding the issues affecting the labour movement in the age of globalisation; ii) the degree to which social movement unionism presents the labour movement a framework for renewal; iii) the extent to which key themes of social movement unionism are being implemented by those within the labour movement at all levels; and iv) whether there exists at present a form of labour organisation that presents a true test for social movement unionism. This thesis adds to contemporary literature by combining analysis of existing academic debates with original primary material (a series of interviews with several key figures within the labour movement), in order that the relevancy of contemporary academic arguments for tangible developments surrounding the labour movement is determined. The insights gained from these interviews are incorporated into the body of this thesis. After an outline of initial points of contextualisation in chapter one, chapter two moves to provide the theoretical framework for this research. Chapter three discusses issues of globalisation that affect the labour movement. The thesis then moves to analyse tangible issues surrounding the labour movement, with chapter four outlining the British labour movement's experiences and responses to challenges faced. Chapter five analyses the degree to which the European level presents a viable framework for the internationalisation of the labour movement, whilst chapter six shifts focus to the global level. At this point it will be argued that non-traditional labour organisations and social forums provide potential catalysts for the widespread adoption of social movement unionism. The final chapter provides concluding arguments and a revisiting of the researches main points.
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Harrison, Jill Ann. "Obstacles to Social Movement Unionism: A Case Study of the United Steel Workers of America." The Ohio State University, 2004. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1396276428.
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Masiya, Tynai. "Social movement trade unionism: an investigation of workers' perceptions of the South African Congress of Trade Unions and the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions practices on election and living wage issues." University of the Western Cape, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/4127.
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Philosophiae Doctor - PhD<br>This study investigates workers’ perceptions of the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) and the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) practices on elections and living wage issues from a social movement perspective from the Apartheid (South Africa) and Unilateral Declaration of Independence (Zimbabwe) eras to 2009. The trade union social movement perspective refers to labour movements that develop a socio-political character, and concern themselves not only with workplace issues but with broad social and political issues. A study of COSATU and ZCTU practices in South Africa and Zimbabwe at this time in the field of social movements is consistent with current calls for a conceptual shift, away from looking for invariant causes and effects to looking for mechanisms and processes that occur in many different kinds of movements and that lead to different outcomes depending on the specific contexts within which they occur. The study draws insights from social movement unionsm theory to understand mechanisms and processes pursued by COSATU and ZCTU in seeking to influence policy outcomes. This study used a qualitative approach and a case study strategy. In the study, questionnaire and in-depth interview responses were drawn from COSATU secretariat, two affiliates, the South African Democratic Teachers Union (SADTU) and National Union of Mine Workers (NUM). Questionnaire and in-depth responses were also drawn from the ZCTU secretariat, two affiliates, the General Agriculture and Plantation Workers Union of Zimbabwe (GPWUZ) and the Zimbabwe Urban Municipal Workers Union (ZUMWU). The objective was to gain insights from a broad cross-section of union members – blue-collar workers, professionals, state or semi state institution workers and ordinarily low income farm workers. The study concludes that workers’ perceptions of the two labour social movements is that they can influence changes in the political system (through elections) as a means to securing living wages by engaging in five practices, namely, disruption mechanisms, public preference mechanisms, political access mechanisms, judicial mechanisms and international access mechanisms. However, while the study noted that workers perceive COSATU and ZCTU practices as essential in influencing elections and living wage issues, the popularity of the mechanisms was lower in Zimbabwe where workers often face persecution. In South Africa, utilisation of these practices is also affected by the less militant public sector affiliates and non- standard forms of work such as subcontracting, casualisation, informalisation, externalisation and the ballooning informal sector. Given these problems, social movement trade unionism remains a viable means of representing the interests of the working poor. Establishment of these challenges leads to areas of possible further research such as how the unions can effectively represent the unorganised workers of the informal sector. A broader research on the impact of the exponential growth of non-standard forms of work is also relevant at this time in the two countries.
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Biyanwila, Janaka. "Trade unions in Sri Lanka under globalisation : reinventing worker solidarity." University of Western Australia. Faculty of Economics and Commerce, 2004. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2004.0045.
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This study examines trade union resistance to the post 1977 Export Oriented Industrialisation (EOI) strategies in Sri Lanka, and the possibilities of developing new strategic options. In contrast to perspectives that narrow unions to political economic dimensions, this study emphasises the cultural and the movement dimensions of unions. The purpose of the study is to understand the ways unions can regain their role as civil society actors on the basis of building worker solidarity. The study is divided into two main parts. The first part focuses on the features and tendencies of social movement unionism as advancing new possibilities towards revitalising unions. Under globalisation, unions are faced with an increasingly casualised labour force with more women absorbed as wage workers. The promotion of labour market deregulation and privatisation, endorsed by neo-liberal ideologies of competitive individualism, illustrates the narrowing of unions to the workplace while undermining worker solidarity. The first part of this research describes the impact of :neo-liberal globalisation on trade unions; conceptualisation of and resistance to globalisation; the essence of trade unions; social movement unionism and labour internationalism. According to social movement unionism perspectives, party independent union strategies, based on elements of internal democracy and structured alliances open the possibility of emphasising the movement dimension of unions. The second part explains the context of unions in Sri Lanka, focusing on three unions - the Nurses, Tea Plantation workers, and Free Trade Zone workers. In terms of the structural context, Sri Lankan unions faced a multi-faceted weakening under the post-1977 EOI policies. The assertion of an authoritarian state, promoting interests of capital, enhanced the fragmentation of unions along party differences that were further compounded by divisions along ethnic identity politics. Moreover, the increasing militarisation of the state, which maintains a protracted ethnic war, reinforced coercive state strategies restraining union resistance and shrinking the realm of civil society. In confronting state strategies of labour market deregulation and privatisation, the enduring party subordinated unions are increasingly inadequate. In contrast, the three unions in this study express forms of party-independent union strategies. By analysing their modes of resistance related to the articulation of worker interests, their organisational modes, and their engagement in representative and movement politics the study explores the possibility of developing a social movement unionism orientation in order to regain their role as civil society actors
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Ferreira, Fernando Sarti. "Triênio trágico: flutuações econômicas e conflito social em Buenos Aires, 1919-1921." Universidade de São Paulo, 2014. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8137/tde-21102014-152646/.
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A história do século XX teve como grande divisor de águas a Primeira Guerra Mundial. Por mais que o conflito tenha devastado apenas partes do Velho Mundo, este foi seguido do que Eric Hobsbawm chamou de um tipo de colapso verdadeiramente mundial, sentido pelo menos em todos os lugares em que homens e mulheres se envolviam ou faziam uso de transações impessoais de mercado. A militarização da economia e a crise do fim da guerra foram fenômenos mundiais, assim como o acirramento das lutas sociais. A Argentina, como uma das principais economias da América do Sul, não ficou imune à estas perturbações, transformando a cidade de Buenos Aires durante este período em um importante palco de mobilizações operárias. Este trabalho, que tem como principal objeto de investigação a trajetória da Federación Obrera Regional Argentina IXª e sua interação com o Estado, patronais e outras agrupações operárias e de esquerda, pretende realizar uma análise desse período, relacionando os efeitos das flutuações econômicas desencadeadas pela guerra com a ascensão e o refluxo das mobilizações operárias naquela cidade<br>The history of the twentieth century had as its great watershed the First World War. As the conflict had devastated only some parts of the Old World, it was followed by what Eric Hobsbawm has called \"a kind of truly global collapse, felt at least everywhere where men and women were involved or were using the impersonal transactions of market\". The militarization of the economy and the war crisis were a global phenomenon, as well as the intensification of social struggles. Argentina, as one of the leading economies in South America, was not immune to these disorders, transforming the city of Buenos Aires during this period into an important stage for workers mobilizations. This work, which has as its main object the investigation of the trajectory of the Federación Obrera Regional Argentina IXth and its interaction with the state, employers and other workers and leftist groups, intends to conduct an analysis of this period, in which the effects of the economic fluctuations triggered by war relate to the rise and flow of workers mobilizations in that city
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Azemar, Rémi. "Νοvembre-décembre 1995 : Ηistοire sοciale et pοlitique d'un mοuvement pluriel". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Normandie, 2024. http://www.theses.fr/2024NORMR120.
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En 1995, à l'automne, dans un contexte de crises émerge un mouvement de masse multiforme. Considérées par beaucoup de militantes et militants d’aujourd’hui comme le dernier mouvement interprofessionnel victorieux, les grèves de 1995 sont l’une des trois références fortes dans l’imaginaire syndical et politique, à côté des deux mai : 1936 et 1968. Toutefois, trop souvent, n’a été retenu dans la mémoire qu’un mouvement de grèves reconductibles des cheminots de trois semaines contre le « contrat de plan », véritable restructuration de la SNCF. Toutefois, cette lutte s’est intégrée dans un mouvement plus « global » contre le « plan Juppé » portant sur les retraites et la Sécurité sociale. Du mouvement étudiant, en passant par le mouvement féministe, les syndicalistes de l'énergie, aux fonctionnaires engagées, plus de cinq millions de personnes très différentes se sont engagées dans la contestation. Cette thèse met en débat cette notion de pluralité en se structurant autour de quatre axes de réflexion :1) Les conditions d'émergence du mouvement2) Faire mouvement : la structuration, le répertoire d'action et les cahiers revendicatifs des protestataires3) La réaction au mouvement : le rôle de l’État, l'action de la police, du patronat, des médias, de la CFDT, des intellectuels.4) La résolution du conflit : une victoire limitée des grévistes et un mouvement aux nombreuses suites<br>In the autumn of 1995, against a backdrop of crisis, a multi-faceted mass movement emerged. Considered by many of today's activists as the last victorious cross-industry movement, the strikes of 1995 are one of three strong references in the union and political imagination, alongside the two May movements of 1936 and 1968. All too often, however, the only thing that is remembered is the three-week rolling strike by railway workers against the “contrat de plan”, the real restructuring of the SNCF. However, this struggle was part of a more “global” movement against the “Juppé plan” for pensions and social security. From the student movement, to the women's movement, to energy unionists, to committed civil servants, over five million very different people were involved in the protest. This thesis debates this notion of plurality, structuring itself around four lines of thought:1) The conditions of emergence of the movement2) Making the movement: the protesters' structuring, repertoire of action and list of demands3) Reacting to the movement: the role of the State, the actions of the police, employers, the media, the CFDT and intellectuals.4) The resolution of the conflict: a limited victory for the strikers, and a movement with many after-effects
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Gonzalez, Carolina. "Interpreting the taking vs. creating power dichotomy : A case study of the Argentinean labour movement CTA and the Constituyente Social." Thesis, Stockholm University, Stockholm University, Institute of Latin American Studies, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-28954.
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<p>This is a case study of the alternative labour union organization <em>Central de Trabajadores de la Argentina </em>(CTA) in Argentina and the most recent project under process striving for system change, named the Constituyente Social. The case under study is used to illustrate the perception of power in relation to aspirations for societal change among the left in Latin America. The overall struggle of the CTA and the Constituyente Social is to create a more just society based on a deepening of democracy, more participatory in character. Two understandings of power are presented, on the one hand is the <em>taking</em> power concept, inherited from the political struggles where the belief is that power needs to be <em>taken</em> from the elite in order to succeed with structural change in society. On the other hand is the <em>creating </em>power perception, best exemplified with the Zapatista movement in Mexico. There is no conquering of power in this view, but a creation and strengthening of power among the masses. The theoretical chapter presents a view that unites these two perceptions, arguing for the need to intersect the vertical (power taking) and the horizontal (power creating) struggles. The Constituyente Social is analyzed in relation to this intersection, providing concrete examples of where the two power perceptions are utilized, sometimes simultaneously. The overall conclusion is that the dichotomization usually done between the two understandings of power is incomplete and may even damage the struggle for societal change.</p>
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Nascimento, Antonio Dias. "Peasant social movements and rural workers' trade unions in Bahia (1972-1990)." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.331957.
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Tsui, Fee-hung Vincent. "Labour movement and its influence on the development of social security in Hong Kong /." [Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong], 1986. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B1232260X.
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Teeney, F. D. "The transition of Sinn FeÌin and the Progressive Unionist Party into constitutional politics : a social movement analysis." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.403350.
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Marens, Richard Sim. "Labor's capital revisited : a social movement perspective on the fourth wave of shareholder activism /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/8754.
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Tsui, Fee-hung Vincent, and 徐飛雄. "Labour movement and its influence on the development of social security in Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1986. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31247726.
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Wan, Ho-in Eric. "A study of the political participation of Hong Kong's labour movement leadership in the transitional period /." [Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong], 1993. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B13465120.
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Ide, Michael Carl. "GRADUATE EMPLOYEES’ WORK AND ORGANIZING IN TODAY’S UNIVERSITY: A NEW SOCIAL MOVEMENT THEORY APPROACH TO INTERNAL AND EXTERNAL STRUGGLES." UKnowledge, 2012. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/sociology_etds/8.
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This is a mixed-methods comparative study of union and non-union graduate employees’ work experiences, following Wicken’s (2008) call for additional research into the graduate union movement. I used focus group interviews, finding that nonunionized participants had significantly more negative views of their work and faculty members than unionized participants. Non-unionized participants were also more likely to display greater internalization of neoliberal views and neoliberal subjectivity, and were more likely to see their problems in fatalistic terms. I found increased activity with the union to be associated with both decreased fear and anxiety as well as an increased sense of personal and collective agency in relation to work. These findings are analyzed using new social movement theories as well as the concepts of civil society, hegemony and counterhegemony, and cognitive liberation.
I used quantitative data on employment trends in higher education institutions to investigate the concept of the neoliberal university, finding support for central claims of this concept: undergraduate education is increasingly reliant on part-time, un-tenured staff and graduate employees. I also quantitatively investigated the graduate employee union (GEU) movement at a nation-wide scale, finding many union local to conform to Fantasia and Stepan-Norris’ (2007) concept of “social movement unionism.”
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Hunter, Richard William. "Voices of our past: the rank and file movement in social work, 1931-1950." PDXScholar, 1999. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1602.
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During the period of the late 1920s through the late 1940s, a most remarkable event in the history of American social work emerged: the development of a vital radical trade union organizing effort known as the ''rank and file movement." Born within the growing economic crisis of the 1920s and maturing in the national economic collapse and social upheaval heralded by the Great Depression, the rank and file movement would attract the support and membership of thousands of professional social workers and uncredentialed relief workers in efforts to organize social service workers along the lines of industrial unionism. Within its relatively short life span, the rank and file movement would grow in sufficient number and influence to challenge both the prevailing definitions of social work as a profession - its form and identity and the essence of its function - its practice.
It is the thesis of this study that an understanding of the rank and file movement is central to a modem understanding of our profession. The origin, development and demise of the rank and file movement reflects more than the historical curiosity of a momentary tendency in the evolution of a profession; rather, it reveals the enduring legacy of individuals, organizations and collective intellectual discourse in common struggle for the possibilities of a more just and democratic social order. And, perhaps unlike any other profession, the domain of social work is historically one uniquely born of this struggle, encompassing the self-imposed imperatives and paradoxes of morality, socially purposive service and scientific rationality.
Consequently, this study seeks to inform the terms of this enduring legacy within the dynamic world of social work. It does so by: 1) locating the history of the rank and file movement within the context of an evolving profession; 2) analyzing this specific history of a profession within the context of broader social and political forces that defined both the limits and potentials of that evolution; and 3) assessing the implications of this history for social work in terms of its past, present and future.
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Kathol, Nichole Kathryn. "LOCAL 209'S STRIKE FOR A LIVING WAGE: A RECONCEPTUALIZATION OF THE GENERIC CONCEPT OF SOCIAL MOVEMENTS." Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2004. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1089835543.
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Balfour, Sebastian Michael. "The remaking of the Spanish labour movement : social change, urban growth and working class militancy, Barcelona, 1939-1976." Thesis, Bucks New University, 1987. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.714455.
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Odin, Pierre. ""Travayè an larila - Les travailleurs sont dans la rue" : syndicalisme et protestation en Guadeloupe et en Martinique." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017IEPP0027/document.
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En janvier 2009, une grève générale de 44 jours était déclenchée à l’appel du Liyannaj Kont Pwofitasyon - pour « Unité contre l’exploitation » en Guadeloupe et du Kolectif 5 Févrié - « Collectif du 5 février » en Martinique. Ces deux coalitions menées par des syndicalistes entendaient alors mobiliser la population locale contre la cherté de la vie aux Antilles, en soulignant le caractère inégalitaire et colonial de ce phénomène. La première partie de ce travail entend exposer la genèse du syndicalisme aux Antilles : d’abord, en décrivant l’influence des événements de Mai 68 sur la jeunesse anticolonialiste antillaise ; ensuite, en analysant les trajectoires des militants anticolonialistes qui se sont tourné vers le syndicalisme à la fin des années 1970. La deuxième partie est consacrée à l’encadrement politique des syndicats antillais contemporains, au sein de quatre organisations : l’Union Générale des Travailleurs de la Guadeloupe (UGTG), la Confédération Générale du Travail (CGTG et CGTM) et la Confédération Démocratique des Travailleurs Martinique (CDMT). Plus spécifiquement, il sera ici question de la façon dont l’indépendantisme et les différents courants d’extrême gauche parviennent à imprimer et à maintenir leurs orientations politiques tout en composant avec la diversité des publics auprès desquels interviennent les syndicats. Notre troisième partie revient quant à elle sur la situation de conflit social généralisé qui surgit à la faveur de la grève générale de 2009, en analysant le travail de coalition entre les différents acteurs protestataires, les négociations avec les autorités de l’île et la dynamique de radicalisation du conflit<br>In January 2009, a general strike, that would last 44 days, broke out following the call of the Liyannaj Kont Pwofitasyon (“Unite against exploitation”) in Guadeloupe and of the Kolectif 5 Févrié (“Collective of February 5th”) in Martinique. Those two coalitions led by union leaders sought to mobilize the local population against the high cost of living in the Antilles, insisting on the unequal and colonial dimensions of this phenomenon. The first part of this work tackles the genesis of unionism in the Antilles: first by describing the influence of May 1968 events on the anticolonial youth in those islands; then by analyzing the trajectories of the anticolonial activists who turned toward unionism at the end the 1970s. The second part of the dissertation is dedicated to the study of contemporary union’s political culture, throughout the analysis of four organizations: the Union Générale des Travailleurs de la Guadeloupe (UGTG), the Confédération Générale du Travail (CGTG and CGTM), and the Confédération Démocratique des Travailleurs de Martinique (CDMT). More specifically, it will uncover the way separatism and the various branches of the far-left succeed in imposing and maintaining their political options while dealing with the diversity of the constituents that the unions serve. The third part will focus on the situation of widespread social unrest, which emerged as a result of the 2009 general strike. It will analyze the coalition work of the various protesting groups, the collective bargaining with local authorities and the dynamics of conflict radicalization
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Ferrero, Juan Pablo. "The politics of democratisation in post-transition contexts : social movement organisations and trade unions in the production of democratic subjectivities in Argentina and Brazil." Thesis, University of Bath, 2012. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.569759.
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The Transition School helped to understand interactions between elites and popular mobilisation both favouring and conditioning the establishment of democratic rule in Latin America. As the reestablishment of authoritarian regimes became no longer a serious risk, the debate shifted towards ideas of ‘regime consolidation’ and the ‘quality of democracy’ highlighting the importance of (consolidated or better) political institutions as primary locus to achieve it. As a consequence, the study of social movement organisations and trade unions remained to a large extent disconnected to the quest for democratisation. In order to advance the latter I engage with Radical Democracy as it provides new elements to unravel processes of deepening democracy, i.e., to reconnects the quest for democracy with egalitarian struggles upon the contingent structuration of antagonistic conflict. My argument is that the politics of democratisation in post-transition contexts concerns the formation of democratic subjectivities as the production of transformative action and the expansion of equality. More specifically, I suggest that in the context of Argentina and Brazil, the formation of democratic subjectivities was the result of three overlapping though differentiable ‘internal’ dynamics in relation to the institution of two ‘external’ temporal limits. The relationship between the former (self-organising, networking and demanding) and the latter (‘anti-neoliberalism’ and ‘beyond-governments’) explains the displacement from ‘disagreement’ to ‘participation’ resonating both socio-political conflict and its effects on change and continuity in the politics of post-transition (1990s - 2000s). Methodologically, I explore the discourse and practice of a qualitatively significant number case studies constructed upon trade unions (Central de Trabajadores Argentinos and Central Única dos Trabalhadores) and social movement organisations (Federación de Tierra, Vivienda y Hábitat and Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra) and, only indirectly, political parties and other political institutions. Their clear involvement in political mobilisation though less clear engagement on electoral politics justifies the exploration of the democracy question on new sources under a qualitative perspective. The argument is organised in three parts and seven chapters. I firstly discuss Radical Democracy in relation to alternative interpretations and also present the reasons for the selection of case studies. The second part explains the formation of democratic subjectivities in Argentina and Brazil by drawing on the analysis of first and secondary data. Thirdly, I narrate the ‘politics of democratisation’ in post-transition contexts based exclusively on research findings. Finally, I critically reassess Radical Democracy which has been heavily theorised but insufficiently empirically scrutinised. I aim to fill this gap as well as to further the understanding on the formation of disagreement, where the drivers for further democratisation lie in ongoing contention.
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Sucharczuk, Gregory. "A free trade union in a totalitarian society : towards understanding the Solidarity movement in Poland, August, 1980-December, 1981." Thesis, McGill University, 1994. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=28926.
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This thesis attempts to contribute to our understanding of the emergence and the growth of the Solidarity Movement in Poland in the period of August 1980-December 1981. It is argued that Solidarity can be seen as a "hybrid" movement which combined "traditional" economic and syndicalist demands and "new" concerns with democratization of political life. A number of conducive factors, such as the fluidity and homogeneity of the Polish stratification system, the existence of a young, ambitious and alienated working class, concentrated in large enterprises and the perception of the social order in dichotomous terms, contributed to the emergence of an inter-class alliance of urban segments of Polish society against the political elite, which was widely perceived as being responsible for the acute economic, political and moral crisis of the late seventies. Also, the structure of Solidarity appears to contribute to its organizational and political success. It is maintained that the massive and rapid mobilization involved the activation of pre-existing informal ties among Polish workers. In this context, we also stress the importance of the charismatic leadership of Solidarity, especially that of Lech Walesa. Finally, we partly attribute the success of our movement to the failure of the weak, hesitant and internally divided political elite to contain the Solidarity movement and to respond to the crisis facing the nation. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)
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Briot, Nicolas. "La cause des chômeurs : organisations militantes et travail ordinaire de mobilisation." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018STRAG052.
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La thèse étudie le travail ordinaire de mobilisation des chômeurs dans différentes organisations militantes. Ce faisant, elle interroge les conditions de leur représentation en regard de l’« autonomie relative » de l’espace des organisations de chômeurs. La faible unification sociale de cette catégorie administrative et la pluralité des inscriptions sociales, politiques et professionnelles des groupes engagés dans la cause déterminent des logiques d’engagement fortement différenciées. En reconstituant l’espace des positions et des prises de position au sein de ces organisations, la thèse montre d’une part l’influence qu’exercent certains groupes sociaux et, à travers eux, les logiques spécifiques à d’autres champs sociaux (syndical, du travail social) sur le travail militant. D’autre part, elle invite à repenser l’opposition classique entre producteurs et bénéficiaires de l’action collective en analysant les effets différenciés du chômage sur les carrières militantes<br>This research investigates the ordinary work of mobilization of the unemployed by several militant organizations. By doing so, it interrogates conditions of their representation in light of the “relative autonomy” of the unemployed organizations space. The faint social unification of this administrative category added with the plurality of social, political, and professional admissions of groups involved in that cause determine highly differentiated commitments strategies. Through the reconstitution of stances and standpoints space within the organizations, this thesis shows on the one hand the influence exerted by certain social groups and, through them, specific logic of other social fields (trade-union, social work) on the militant work. On the other hand it tempts to review the classical opposition between producers and recipients of the collective action by analyzing unemployment’s differentiated effects on militant careers
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Uba, Katrin. "Do Protests Make a Difference? : The impact of anti-privatisation mobilisation in India and Peru." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala : Uppsala universitet, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-7901.
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Plat, Emmanuel. "La naissance du mouvement social dans le midi aquitain 1870-1914." Thesis, Pau, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020PAUU1078.
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Aux marges du territoire national, la mise en forme du mouvement social dans le Midi aquitain (Basses-Pyrénées et Landes) présente des caractéristiques singulières. L’étude des grèves survenues dans ces départements permet de mettre en relief les contours du mouvement ouvrier local. Il apparait ainsi que les conflits du travail s’intègrent parfaitement dans leur époque. Si de nombreuses grèves émaillent les années qui précèdent la Grande Guerre, certaines ont une portée particulière tant dans leurs répercussions locales que nationale à l’instar des dockers de Bayonne ou des résiniers landais.Ce travail « décentralisateur » permet de mettre en lumière les comportements ouvriers locaux au cours d’une période clé dans la construction des identités sociales<br>On the fringes of the national territory, the shaping of the social movement in the Southern Aquitaine region (Lower Pyrenees and Landes) has singular characteristics. The study of strikes in these departments highlights the contours of the local workers' movement. It thus appears that labour disputes fit perfectly with this period. While many strikes took place in the years leading to the Great War, some had a particular impact both locally and nationally, such as the Bayonne dockers or the Landes resin workers.This "decentralising" work sheds light on the local workers' behaviour during a key period in the construction of social identities
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Geelan, Torsten Karl Rosenvold. "Trade unions and the media : exercising and revitalising power after the financial crisis of 2008." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2017. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/267819.
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The Great Recession that followed the financial crisis of 2008 had a devastating impact on workers, leading to high levels of unemployment and underemployment, increased job insecurity and stagnant or declining wages. While the legitimation crisis of neoliberalism could be viewed as a turning point for labour internationally, the immediate response by political parties across the spectrum was one of austerity measures and cuts to welfare. As the largest collective representatives of workers, trade unions are at the forefront of mobilisations attempting to challenge this consensus. Simultaneously, they are engaging in new activities to enhance public awareness and understanding of the crucial role that trade unions play in the labour market. Thus, the 21st century crisis is creating both challenges and opportunities. Each trade union movement’s response depends on the different forms of power they possess and choose to deploy, their strategies and allegiances, and the specific socio-economic and political context in which they are situated. Questions concerning what constitutes union power and the ways in which it is being exercised and revitalized therefore represent fascinating lines of enquiry to explore. To do so, however, requires a new perspective on trade union power that recognises the significance of the media which has been overlooked in industrial relations theory. Drawing on insights from industrial relations, the sociology of media and social movement studies, this thesis proposes the concept of communicative power to trace how trade unions produce and circulate discourse through the media (either union-owned or corporate) to a mass audience. Methodologically, it uses the tripartite approach which focuses our attention onto three key communication processes involved in trade union attempts to exercise communicative power: the production of union discourse, the circulation of union discourse, and the reception of union discourse. This is applied to four cases involving seven union organisations in the UK and Denmark over a five-year period 2010-2015. Data was gathered using 40 semi-structured interviews with union officials and activists, content analysis of newspapers, union media outlets and social media, and secondary survey data. In sum, this thesis argues that the media is, and always has been, central to how trade unions exercise and revitalize power in society. And within the context of accelerating digital capitalism, it looks set to becoming an increasingly important determinant of their future trajectory.
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Coplen, Amy Katherine Rose. ""Poverty Wages Are Not Fresh, Local, or Sustainable": Building Worker Power by Organizing Around (Re)production in Portland's "Sustainable" Food Industry." PDXScholar, 2019. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/5092.
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Although conscious consumers flock to sustainability-branded restaurants and grocery stores to "vote with their forks" for environmental sustainability and vibrant local economies, workers in these industries face the same poverty wages, discrimination, and exploitative labor practices that plague the food service and retail industries at large. Despite rapid growth and labor degradation, low-wage workers in these industries have largely been left behind by the mainstream labor movement and the alternative food movement. Whereas in the past, progressive social movements worked to alter power relations between labor and capital through collective action, today's mainstream labor movement focuses on servicing its dwindling membership and winning minimum wage increases through local ballot box measures and legislation. For its part, the alternative food movement focuses narrowly on achieving environmental sustainability through market-based mechanisms and consumption politics that do not adequately attend to the struggles of food chain workers. Through research conducted in partnership with the Burgerville Workers Union (BVWU) and the Industrial Workers of the World, I investigate three empirical research questions: 1) How do sustainability-branded institutions deploy values-based discourse and how does this relate to labor practices?, 2) How do worker-organizers understand and expose the contradictions of sustainability branding?, and 3) How do worker-organizers engage with social reproduction as a terrain of political struggle, and to what ends? I attend to these questions through activist scholarship aimed at informing my broad theoretical question: How might social reproduction "as discourse and practice" be marshaled to generate more inclusive organizing strategies, forge more just conceptions of sustainability, and build worker power? Drawing on over two years of ethnographic research, content analysis, and interviews with 48 worker-organizers involved in four labor organizing campaigns, I examine their efforts to build worker power through mutual aid programs, political education, and coalition politics. My analysis reveals that these strategies embody an inclusionary intersectional politics that prioritizes the needs of women, parents, and people of color, but that worker-organizers also face significant challenges. I demonstrate that organizing against neoliberal policies and practices requires moving beyond consumption politics and single-issue campaigns and deploying what I term (re)production politics which are fundamentally about how work is organized and how we care for society and the planet. Politicizing the labor, locations, and practices of social reproduction as landscapes of struggle, I conclude, offers an opportunity to build a broad class consciousness across interconnected issues and envision more liberatory ways of organizing social reproduction based on solidarity, mutuality, and interdependence.
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Hale, Benjamin Alexander. "Forging a new consensus: NUMSA and ANC hegemony in flux in South Africa." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2019. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/2171.
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This thesis examines the extent to which the ANC is hegemonic within South Africa, the degree to which this hegemonic project is neoliberal, and how resistance to this project is articulated within civil society. Drawing on the work of authors such as Patrick Bond, Ashwin Desai, and Sagie Narsiah this thesis applies a Gramscian theoretical framework to examine ways in which neoliberalism is manifested through ANC economic policies and the ANC’s bid for hegemony within South Africa. It also explores the role of unions and social movements as sites of counter-hegemonic resistance, with an emphasis on the activities of the National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa (NUMSA) after 2014. This study employs an interpretative methodological approach combining analyses of electoral data, newspapers and interview transcripts of ‘organic intellectuals’ to critique power and dominance in post-Apartheid South Africa. This is keenly informed by Gramscian understandings of hegemony and ‘common sense’ which emphasise the importance of ‘organic intellectuals’ in contesting and forming the structures of the historic bloc. This thesis finds that the hegemonic project centred on the ANC is limited or fractured, with the failure of the ANC’s broadly neoliberal economic policies fostering division within the Tripartite Alliance. Further, although neoliberalism has deeply penetrated ‘common sense’ understandings, growing criticism of the ANC has fundamentally undermined the state’s ability to mobilise consent and build consensus. However, this hegemonic project is highly elastic, with the ANC tempering its neoliberal policies with state interventions in the form of state housing, public-works programmes, and social grants. Thus, despite being perceived by ‘organic intellectuals’ as lacking hegemony, the ANC still has electoral hegemony and has succeeded thus far in preventing the emergence of an alternative hegemonic project. Further, NUMSA’s attempt to bring together unions, social movements and community organisations within a United Front are of limited significance in challenging the hegemony of the ANC neoliberal project.
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Le, Mazier Julie. "Pas de mouvement sans AG : les conditions d'appropriation de l'assemblée générale dans les mobilisations étudiantes en France (2006-2010) : contribution à l'étude des répertoires contestataires." Thesis, Paris 1, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA010317.
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La thèse s'attache à rendre compte des conditions pratiques et symboliques d'appropriation par les étudiants grévistes de la seconde moitié des années 2000 en France d'une forme d'organisation, l'assemblée générale (AG), qui fait partie de leur répertoire contestataire depuis les années 1960. Il s'agit ainsi de comprendre comment des formes d'action se reproduisent d'une mobilisation à l'autre, c'est-à-dire comment des acteurs en viennent à avoir recours à l'une plutôt qu'à d'autres qu'ils connaissent, comment ils en font l'apprentissage et comment ils la transforment à la marge en la pratiquant. Elle s'appuie principalement sur une enquête ethnographique menée sur les mobilisations qu'ont connu trois sites universitaires entre 2006 et 2010. Les usages des AG sont façonnés par les luttes internes aux groupes sociaux, politiques et syndicaux impliqués dans l'espace de ces mobilisations, de sorte que leur succès tient à la fois à une entreprise symbolique de justification de ces dernières au nom de la « démocratie » par des courants minoritaires, et à leur plasticité. Elles sont en effet investies de toute une palette de rôles – qui n'ont parfois rien à voir avec des normes « démocratiques ». Elles sont ainsi promues par des militants auxquelles elles permettent d'avoir le sentiment de peser sur une masse d'étudiants, et cela d'autant plus qu'ils appartiennent à de petites organisations qui sont loin de pouvoir mobiliser autant d'adhérents<br>This dissertation illuminates the practical and symbolic conditions of appropriation of general assemblies (assemblées générales – AG) by striking students in the second half of the 2000s in France. This mode of organization has been part of their contentious repertoire since the 1960s. It tries to understand the recurrence of ways of action from a mobilization to another, that is, how actors come to resort to one of them instead of others they know, how they learn how to practice it and how they slightly transform it in the process. It is mostly based on an ethnographic investigation about the mobilizations of three higher education sites between 2006 and 2010. The uses of AG are shaped by internal conflicts among the social, political and union groups which are involved in the space of these mobilizations, so that their success stems from both the symbolic entreprise of justification of them in the sake of « democracy » by minority currents, and their plasticity. Indeed, they play a whole set of roles – which sometimes have nothing to do with « democratic » norms. They are promoted by activists to whom they give the feeling that they influence a mass of students, especially as they belong to organizations which are far from being able to mobilize as many members
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Costa, Francymaikel Alves Oliveira. "Recentes estratégias da ação sindical rural em Alagoas." Universidade Federal de Alagoas, 2013. http://www.repositorio.ufal.br/handle/riufal/1655.
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This paper analyzes the recent strategies of union activity in rural Alagoas notably from the Federation of Agricultural Workers of Alagoas – FETAG-AL - the period that includes the last two administrations (2006-2013). The survey was produced through the specialized bibliography, documents the federation itself, collective conventions of rural workers, journals, newspapers, magazines and thematic interviews drawn from specialized sites on the subject. From this, we demonstrate the emergence and structure of rural unionism in Brazil and in Alagoas justifying their union practices over the decades. Here is how the various government programs to encourage the sugarcane sector, as Proálcool, influence on union practices. Concomitantly reported the dismantling of this structure by state and the one hand mills and distilleries had to reshape the face of productive restructuring, on the other hand, union action suffered a setback in its representation to rural workers against neoliberal policies and relaxation of labor laws. The consolidation of new perspectives and new productive morphology at work at the beginning of the XXI century, leads us to realize that union action in the state of Alagoas has undergone considerable structural change. The FETAG-AL has turned to new demands emerging claim and representation as a family farming, rural housing and categories on the rise as young people, women and seniors. The Federation has organized courses, seminars, conferences and public demonstrations as a means of effecting their trade union action.<br>Este trabalho analisa as recentes estratégias da ação sindical rural em Alagoas notadamente a partir da Federação dos Trabalhadores da Agricultura de Alagoas – FETAG-AL – no período que compreende as duas últimas gestões (2006-2013). A pesquisa foi produzida através de bibliografia especializada, documentos da própria federação, convenções coletivas dos trabalhadores rurais, periódicos, jornais impressos, revistas temáticas e entrevistas extraídas de sites especializados do assunto. A partir disso, demonstramos a emergência e estrutura do sindicalismo rural no Brasil bem como em Alagoas justificando suas práticas sindicais no decorrer das décadas. Apresentamos como os diversos programas governamentais de incentivo ao setor sucroalcooleiro, como o Proálcool, influenciaram nas práticas sindicais. Concomitantemente relatamos o desmonte dessa estrutura estatal e se por um lado, as usinas e destilarias tiveram que se remodelar diante da reestruturação produtiva, por outro lado, a ação sindical sofria um recuo em sua representação aos assalariados rurais ante a política neoliberal e a flexibilização das leis trabalhistas. A consolidação das novas perspectivas produtivas bem como a nova morfologia no trabalho no início do século XXI, nos leva a perceber que a ação sindical no Estado de Alagoas tem sofrido considerável mudança estrutural. A FETAG-AL tem se voltado para novas demandas que surgem e reclamam por representação como a agricultura familiar, habitação rural e categorias em ascensão como jovens, mulheres e terceira idade. A Federação tem organizado cursos, seminários, conferências e mobilizações públicas como forma de efetivar sua ação sindical.
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Hermansson, Glen. "Från intet allt vi vilja bli : Om arbetarrörelsens bildningsverksamhet 1900-1932 med fokus på ABF i Kalmar." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för kulturvetenskaper (KV), 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-50183.
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This paper strives to answer a question most anyone remotely involved with education has encountered: what is the relationship between the content taught and its purpose? In this case, the question is in the context of the Workers’ Education Association in Sweden (ABF) and other educational efforts made by the Swedish labour movement. In order to answer such a question one must first outline in some detail what the content to be taught was, and what purpose the association itself saw as the important one. But the matter is also further explored: the Swedish labour movement appears to view education and culture in a rather non-Marxist manner, which poses a question to be untangled in order to fully understand the connection between content and purpose, namely that of what view they did in fact hold. Here, it will be argued that the Swedish labour movement held a proto-Bourdieuan view of culture as a form of societal and cultural capital which must be distributed in order for the emancipatory and egalitarian efforts to succeed.
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Julliard, Emilien. "Réformer les syndicats. Une sociologie politique du syndicalisme états-unien des mouvements sociaux des années 1960 aux années 2010." Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PSLEH143.
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À partir d’une enquête portant sur deux syndicats majeurs et des centres universitaires spécialisés sur le syndicalisme et les relations professionnelles, cette thèse traite des transformations du syndicalisme états-unien, des mouvements sociaux des années 1960 aux années 2010. Souvent associées à l’idée d’une « revitalisation syndicale », ces mutations sont analysées ici comme des processus de mise en réforme réalisés par des acteurs pluriels (syndicalistes, universitaires, éducateurs syndicaux, consultants, militants associatifs) qui, pour des raisons différentes, ont promu un rapprochement du champ syndical de l’espace des mouvements sociaux et du monde associatif. Des stratégies et des modes d’action devant permettre de syndiquer de nouveaux membres ont été valorisés, de même que des recettes organisationnelles utilisées ailleurs (dans des entreprises et des associations principalement). Ces acteurs ont entendu faire des syndicats des organisations plus « militantes » et « efficaces », en recourant à des savoir-faire et à des représentations de mobilisations des années 1960, ainsi qu’à des dispositifs managériaux. Contrairement à d’autres contextes, notamment à cause d’une adhésion généralement obligatoire pour bénéficier d’une représentation syndicale et être couvert par les accords collectifs négociés avec les employeurs, la réponse apportée à la « crise du syndicalisme » a moins été de chercher à assimiler les adhérents actuels et potentiels à des clients d’organisations leur fournissant des services, qu’à des militants. La thèse montre que ces entreprises réformatrices ont conduit à partiellement délégitimer des pratiques syndicales, des formes d’organisation et les acteurs qui les portent. Elles ont également contribué à structurer les mobilisations syndicales sous forme de campagnes pilotées par des permanents spécialisés, où les membres ne sont bien souvent amenés qu’à jouer un rôle symbolique, éphémère et dirigé<br>Based on a study of two large labor unions and labor centers, this dissertation deals with the transformations of unionism in the United States from the social movements of the 1960s to the 2010s. Usually associated with the idea of “union revitalization”, these changes are analyzed here as reform processes conducted by various actors (unionists, academics, labor educators, consultants, activists) who—for different motives—advocated for reducing the gap between the labor union and social movement fields as well as the non-profit sector. Actions for organizing new members were promoted in addition to organizational recipes utilized elsewhere (mainly in corporations and in non-profit organizations). Those actors wanted to make labor unions more “militant” and “effective” by mobilizing tools and views from mobilizations of the 1960s as well as managerial techniques. Contrary to other settings, partly due to union shop—a form of union security clause which requires that any new employees of a unionized worksite become members within a certain amount of time—the answer to the “crisis of labor unionism” has not been to make current and potential members clients of organizations who provide them services, but instead to encourage them to be activists. The dissertation shows that these reforming enterprises led to partially delegitimize labor union practices, forms of organization and the actors who embody them. They also contributed to shaping labor union mobilizations in the form of campaigns managed by specialized staff, in which members tend to have little initiative and only play a symbolic, short-lived part
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Nique, Franz Walter Francisco. "Faire ou non parti ? : la Centrale des Travailleurs Argentins en quête d’une stratégie politique face au néo-libéralisme (1991-2013)." Thesis, Paris 1, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PA01D060.
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Décembre 2002, la Centrale des Travailleurs Argentins (CTA) décide de constituer un Mouvement Politique, Social et Culturel. Tout laisse croire que la Centrale va créer un parti politique. L’ambition est de proposer une alternative de gauche à la crise économique et sociale qui affecte le Pays depuis un an. Paradoxalement, ce n’est qu’à partir de 2006 que commence la construction partisane alors qu’un gouvernement de gauche dirige le Pays et que tous les indicateurs socio-économiques se sont améliorés. Pourquoi la CTA hésite à faire parti en 2002 ? Pourquoi le fait-elle en 2006 alors que la crise est déjà passée ? De quelle façon le parti est-il construit ? L’objectif de cette thèse est de déchiffrer cette énigme à travers la compréhension du jeu d’interdépendances constitué entre syndicats, mouvements sociaux et partis politiques. Deux hypothèses sont ici défendues. D’une part, pendant les années 1990, la stratégie de contestation des politiques néolibérales a amené la CTA à se positionner à l’intersection de différents univers sociaux, en nouant de multiples relations avec des syndicats, des mouvements sociaux et des partis politiques. En raison de la densité de ces réseaux et de l’intensité des interactions entre ses composants, un milieu multisectoriel que nous désignerons par l’expression «milieu oppositionnel» s’est alors formé. La stratégie de construction partisane se trouve toutefois entravée du fait des jeux concurrentiels livrés à la fois au sein de la Centrale et du milieu oppositionnel. D’autre part, les stratégies partisanes menées par les syndicalistes sont en réalité le résultat d’un habitus clivé. Leur reconversion dans le champ politique est partielle, de même qu’ils résistent à adopter des pratiques et les logiques propres au jeu politique, au risque de compromettre la viabilité électorale du parti. La démonstration s’appuie sur une enquête socio-ethnographique menée pendant trois séjours de terrain réalisés entre 2011 et 2015<br>December 2002, the Argentinean Workers’ Union (Central de Trabajadores Argentinos, CTA) decides to form a Political, Social and Cultural Movement. Everything suggests that the Central will create a political party. The ambition of the actors is to propose a left-wing alternative to the economic and social crisis that has affected the country for a year. Paradoxically, it is only from 2006 that a partisan construction begins whilst a left-wing government leads the Country and all the socio-economic indicators have improved. Why is the CTA reluctant to join in 2002? Why is it doing it in 2006 when the crisis is already behind? How is the party built? The objective of this thesis is to decipher this enigma through the understanding of the game of interdependencies between unions, social movements and political parties. Two hypothesis are defended. During the 1990s, the strategy of challenging neoliberal policies led the CTA to position itself at the intersection of different social universes, forging multiple relationships with unions, social movements and political parties. Because of the density of these networks and the intensity of the interactions between its components, a multi-sectoral environment, that we will call the "oppositional milieu", has been formed. It is because of the competitive games played both within the Central and the oppositional milieu, that the partisan construction strategy is hindered. The second hypothesis holds that partisans’ strategies led by trade unionists are the result of a cleaved habitus. Their reconversion into the political field is partial and they resist to adopt practices and logics specific to the political game, at the risk of compromising the electoral viability of the party. The demonstration is based on a socio-ethnographic survey conducted during three field trips conducted between 2011 and 2015<br>Dezembro de 2002, a Central dos Trabalhadores Argentinos (CTA) decide constituir um Movimento Político, Social e Cultural. Tudo indica que a Central criará um partido político. Sua ambição é de propor uma alternativa de esquerda como saída para a crise econômica e social que afeta o País depois de um ano. Paradoxalmente, apenas em 2006 começa a construção partidária, quando já existe um governo de esquerda e que todos os indicadores socioeconômicos melhoraram. Por que a CTA hesita em construir seu partido em 2002? Por que ela decide de fazê-lo em 2006 quando a crise já foi deixada para trás? De que maneira o partido é construído? O Objetivo desta tese é resolver este enigma através da compreensão do jogo de interdependências constituído entre sindicatos, movimentos sociais e partidos políticos. Duas hipóteses serão defendidas. Por um lado, durante os anos 1990, a estratégia de contestação das políticas neoliberais conduziu a CTA à posicionar-se na intersecção entre diferentes universos sociais, estabelecendo múltiplos vínculos com sindicatos, movimentos sociais e partidos políticos. Em razão da densidade destas redes e da intensidade das interações entre seus componentes, formou-se um meio multi-setorial que designaremos “meio oposicionista” (milieu oppositionnel). A estratégia de construção partidária é entravada pelos jogos concorrenciais encetados tanto no âmago da Central quanto nas redes do meio oposicionista. Por outro lado, as estratégias partidárias desenvolvidas pelos sindicalistas são condicionadas por um tipo de habitus clivado. Sua reconversão no campo político é parcial, de maneira que eles resistem a adaptar práticas e logicas próprias ao jogo político, pondo em risco a viabilidade eleitoral do partido. A demonstração está baseada em uma pesquisa sócio-etnográfica conduzida ao longo de três trabalhos de campo realizados entre 2011 e 2015
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Waugh-Benton, Monica. "Strike Fever: Labor Unrest, Civil Rights and the Left in Atlanta, 1972." unrestricted, 2006. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-07282006-153554/.
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Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2006.<br>1 electronic text (136 p.) : digital, PDF file. Title from title screen. Clifford Kuhn, committee chair; Ian C. Fletcher, committee member. Description based on contents viewed Apr. 5, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p. 133-136).
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Van, Zyl-Hermann Danelle. "White workers and South Africa's democratic transition, 1977-2011." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708951.
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BERTOLAZZI, Annalisa. "Novo sindicalismo no Campo Paraibano: continuidades e mudanças." Universidade Federal de Campina Grande, 1989. http://dspace.sti.ufcg.edu.br:8080/jspui/handle/riufcg/2176.
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Previous issue date: 1989-03<br>La question syndicale, depuis 1978, occupe les prémières pages des journeaux brésiliens pour la nouveauté que présente la pratique actuelle des syndicalistes par rapport a celle du passé. Les travailleurs des villes et des campagnes s'organisent pour le changement des directions syndicales, des pratiques et des objectifs de lutte du sybdicalisme traditionel; des Centrales Syndicales sont créés représentant de différentes perspectives et conceptions; um "nouveau syndicalisme" se construit, defini en opposition à la structure syndicale encore en place. "Participation" et "combativité" synthétisent les revendications qui développent le "nouveau": "ad intra", en opposant démocratisation et structure horizontale à la structure "verticale en place; "ad extra", en opposant une attitude de combat permanent face aux intérêts antagoniques au syndicalisme de- conciliation des classes consacré par la structure traditionelle. Découpant, pour son analyse, une région de la campagne dans l'Etat de Paraíba, l'auteur cherche à identifier y. les conditions sociales qui rendent possible le changement du syndicalisme . rural ansi que les facteurs de continuité des formes traditionelles. L'analyse considère les différents acteurs qui jouent dans le "champ de forces" du syndicalisme de Paraíba. Mettant le focus sur la naissance du "nouveau syndicalisme". considère de façon plus spécifique les "oppositions syndicales" qui - dans la période 1980/88 - ont lutté pour le réaliser, ainsi que leurs propositions, leur "leadership" et les forces qui les soutienent. Finalement l'auteur se détient sur l'analyse d'un cas pris comme exemple réprésentatif de la problematique abordée. A la conclusion de l'étude, que met en énvidence le fait que les changements se font sans des ruptures brusques avec ce qui existait déjà par la force de la continuité institucionelle, sont indiqués les principaux dilèmes et défi posés, à présent, au "nouveau syndicalisme".<br>A questão sindical, desde 78 ocupa as manchetes nacionais pelas novidades que apresenta em relação ao passado. Os trabalhadores da cidade e do campo se organizam para a mudança dasdireções sindicais, das práticas e das bandeiras de luta do sindicalismo tradicional; constituem-se as Centrais Sindicais enucleando diferentes perspectivas e concepções sindicais; constrói-se um "novo sindicalismo" que se define por oposição à estrutura sindical ainda vigente. "Participação" e "Combatividade" sintetizam as revindicações que desenvolvem "o novo": "ad intra", contrapondo democratização e estrutura horizontal à atual estrutura vertical; "ad extra" opondo uma atitude de combate, frente aos interesses antagônicos, ao sindicalismo de conciliação de classes consagrado pela estrutura sindical vigente. No recorte de uma determinada região do campo paraibano, a autora busca identificar as condições sociais que viabilizam
a mudança do sindicalismo no campo e os fatores de continuidade das formas tradicionais. A análise considera os diversos atores em jogo no "campo de forças" do sindicalismo paraibano em sua atuação recente. Tendo como enfoque o surgimento do "novo sindicalismo" estuda especificamente as "oposições sindicais" que no período I980-88 - lutaram para realizá-lo, bem como suas propostas, suas lideranças e apoios. Finaliza analisando concretamente um caso considerado mais representativo da problemática abordada. A conclusão do estudo, que evidencia como as mudanças vem
se desenvolvendo sem bruscas rupturas com o existente pela força da continuidade institucional, são colocados os principais dilemas e desafios com os quais se defronta hoje o "novo sindicalismo".
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Faniel, Jean. "Les syndicats, le chômage et les chômeurs: raisons et évolution d'une relation complexe." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210879.
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En Belgique, 85% des chômeurs sont affiliés à une organisation syndicale. Cette situation inhabituelle est principalement due à la fonction d’organisme de paiement des allocations de chômage que remplissent les trois syndicats interprofessionnels. L’objet de la thèse est d’examiner les origines de la relation particulière qui découle de cet état de fait et de questionner ses implications tout à la fois pour les syndicats et pour les chômeurs.<p><p>Les développements théoriques se penchent sur le mode de fonctionnement et sur les déterminants de l’action des organisations syndicales, sur les causes du chômage et ses conséquences pour les travailleurs salariés et leurs organisations, ainsi que sur les obstacles et les incitants à l’action collective contestataire des sans-emploi.<p><p>Ces outils d’analyse sont ensuite utilisés pour examiner, depuis l’origine des organisations syndicales contemporaines et de l’indemnisation du chômage, au XIXe siècle, jusqu’à la réforme du mode de contrôle des chômeurs en 2004, les fondements et l’évolution de la relation que les syndicats belges entretiennent avec les questions de l’emploi et du chômage d’une part, avec les chômeurs d’autre part.<p><p>In Belgium, 85% of the unemployed are unionised. This peculiar situation is mainly related to the specific position of the trade unions, as the jobless can choose to receive their benefits through the intervention of one of the three national unions. The Ph.D. dissertation aims at examining the origins of that specific relationship and its implications on both the trade unions and the unemployed.<p><p>The theoretical part explores the features of union action and functioning, the causes of unemployment and its consequences for the workers and their organisations, as well as the impediments and impetus to the contentious mobilisation of the unemployed.<p><p>Based on that theoretical framework, the Ph.D. dissertation then examines the origins and the evolution from the 19th century till 2004 of the union positions on the issues of employment and unemployment on the one hand, and their links with the jobless on the other.<p><br>Doctorat en sciences politiques<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Schiavone, Michael. "Social movement unionism in North America : an evaluation of Kim Moody's account." Phd thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150503.
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Abdulra'uf, Muttaqa Yusha'u. "Solidarity and fragmentation between trade unions and civil societies during fuel subsidy mass-protest in Nigeria : a study of social movement unionism." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10539/13188.
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This study examines solidarity and fragmentations between trade unions and civil society organisations under the Labour and Civil Society Coalition LASCO, during the fuel subsidy mass-protest in Nigeria. To understand the basis of LASCO’s mobilisation during the strike/ mass-protest and the tension that follows the suspension of the strike within the alliance, the study utilises the literature on Social Movement Unionism especially in South Africa, with emphasise on trade unions community and political alliances. The classical SMU literature especially applied in South Africa and Brazil revealed that authoritarian industrialisation and repressive Apartheid work-place regime prompted unions to use innovative strategies of using their bargaining power to challenge the state, by rendering themselves ungovernable both in the work-place and in the society through linkages with communities. This study, relying on a case study method and participant observation of the strike and mass-protest in Kano, revealed that SMU mobilisation in Nigeria was triggered by predatory and weak state, whose rent seeking permeates the administration of subsidy in the oil industry. Secondly, the study argued that the tensions and divisions within LASCO alliance following the suspension of the perceived unilateral suspension of the strike by the Trade Unions explains the political and class orientation of both trade unions and civil society organisations. The study argues that Trade Unions behaviour in the context of the strike lean towards Hyman pessimist view of trade unions or what Beiler et’al called accommodatory strategy, a view that see unions as negotiators of order both in the work-place and in the larger society. On the other hand the civil society organisations typified multi-level organisations with different orientations that always seek for transformation of the social order or what Beiler et’al called transformatory strategy.
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Chesters, Graeme S. "Social Unionism and the Framing of Fairness in the Wisconsin Uprising." 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/10337.
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Yes<br>The concept of ‘fairness’ has been used to frame political struggles by politicians and activists across the political spectrum. This article looks at its use in the US State of Wisconsin during the ‘Uprising’ – a series of occupations, protests, recall elections and militant direct action that began in 2011. These events were a response to a ‘budget repair bill’ that sought to strip public sector union members of their collective bargaining rights and to apply severe austerity measures within the State. This article suggests that although ‘fairness’ has a certain broad-based and intuitive appeal, its mutability means that it is unlikely to be successful in framing a structural critique that can build and sustain social action. Instead, it argues that framing this conflict as an uprising suggested a more explicit form of resistance that enabled a wider mobilization, and this can best be understood as an example of social (movement) unionism – the extension of traditional work place rights approaches to include broader agendas of social justice, civil rights, immigrant rights and economic justice for non-unionized workers.
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Essa, Mohamedazad. "Trade union response to HIV/AIDS in South Africa : a case for social movement unionism?" Thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/5672.
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Desaubin, France. "Politics and strategy of the labour movement in South Africa : a crisis of "strategic" and "social" unionism." Phd thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150216.
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Gall, Gregor. "Sex worker unionisation: global developments, challenges and possibilities." 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/10006.
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Mandisodza, Gerald Jeremiah Tendai. "Trade unions, internal democracy and social movement unionism: the case of the National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa (NUMSA) locals in JC Bezuidenhout region." Thesis, 2017. https://hdl.handle.net/10539/24579.
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A dissertation submitted to the Global Labour University in conformity with the requirements of a MA in Labour Policy and Globalisation, School of Social Sciences, Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, March 2017<br>The relationship between trade unions and their members has been a perennial subject of social inquiry and political debate since the establishment of formal trade unions by skilled artisans in the nineteenth century. This study examines the aspects of union democracy (participatory and representative) in trade unions within the broader concept of social movement unionism. The case study for this research is the National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa (NUMSA) focusing in three locals in the region of Jack Charles Bezuidenhout (J.C Bez) namely: Johannesburg North, Kempton Park, and Tembisa. The main objective of the study is to examine the extent to which NUMSA conformed to principles of social movement unionism against the Michel’s (1915) theory of “the Iron Law of Oligarchy” during the period 2012-2014, when it embarked on a process to withdraw its political alliance with the African National Congress (ANC) and the South African Communist Party (SACP). In 2014, NUMSA was expelled from COSATU after it took its decision to move out from the Tripartite Alliance in 2013. Social movement unionism is characterised by three features which are participatory democracy, forging of alliances (both with civic groups and political parties) while retaining union autonomy, and the broadening of its scope of action beyond workplace politics. While examining the research’s main question, the study also looks at the extent to which union locals participated democratically during this decision-making process, which led to its expulsion from COSATU in 2014, and the focus of NUMSA as an independent union in post-2014 period. Methodological tools, which were used to collect data, include in-depth interviews and desktop research. The theoretical framework utilised in this study stems from Michels’ (1915) concept of the “iron law of oligarchy.” However, it should be noted that, this study tests the claim of the discourse (what Michels’ (1915) postulates in relation to oligarchy in organisations) and the practice on ground in NUMSA. Key findings in this study indicate that NUMSA locals participated democratically in the decision making process that led to their ground breaking political moment in December 2013 when the union broke its alliance with the African National Congress (ANC) and the South African Communist Party (SACP). The union has both characteristics of oligarchy and internal democracy (participatory and representative). In relation to aspects of political unionism and social movement unionism, the study found that NUMSA’s decision to pull out from its political alliance with the ANC and SACP, its call for the establishment for the movement for socialism, and the establishment of a worker’s party, could be indications of the union returning to principles of social movement unionism. However, there are other indicators that the union might be losing the opportunity it had of revitalising its leftist traditions at its 2016 congress in Cape Town. This is evidenced by its non-pursuance of issues relating to eco-socialism and its call to implement the MarxistLeninist style of union governance.<br>XL2018
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Jordan, Douglas. "Conflict in the Unions: The Communist Party of Australia, politics and the trade union movement, 1945-1960." Thesis, 2011. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/16065/.
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This thesis examines the political activity of the Communist party of Australia (CPA) in the trade union movement between 1945 and 1960. It represents the first systematic scholarly analysis of this activity. The historiography of the CPA has generally focused on the industrial activity of CPA trade union members and has neglected this dimension. The thesis draws on CPA newspapers and journals, Congress resolutions, the publications of Communist-led unions and numerous secondary sources to argue that explicit political activity in the unions was often central to CPA activity in this period. The approach was consistent with orthodox Marxism, which regarded trade unions as a preparatory school for increasing the political consciousness of workers as a prelude to an anti-capitalist revolution. This political trade unionism distinguished the CPA from other political currents in the labour movement which may have accepted its militant unionism, but not its advocacy of political trade unionism. This thesis examines three areas of this political unionism: the attempt to build trade union support for the peace movement, the attitudes towards the post-war mass immigration programme and the emerging Aboriginal civil rights movement.
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Huxtable, David. "The International Trade Union Confederation and Global Civil Society: ITUC collaborations and their impact on transnational class formation." Thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/7738.
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This dissertation examines collaborations between the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC) and non-union elements of global civil society (GCS). GCS is presented as a crucial emergent site of transnational class formation, and ITUC collaborations within this field are treated as potentially important moments in transnational class formation. The goal of the dissertation is threefold. It seeks to 1) address the lacuna in GCS studies around the involvement of organized labour; 2) provide an analysis of what ITUC GCS collaborations mean for the remit and repertoire of action of the ITUC; and 3) provide an analysis of the impact of ITUC collaborations on transnational class formation.
What the findings show is that the ITUC is heavily engaged in GCS through numerous collaborations with non-union organizations concerned with environmental degradation, human rights, global economic inequality, and women workers. Most significantly, collaboration within GCS has provided the ITUC an avenue to incorporate the needs of marginalized women workers whose work does not “fit” into the traditional model of trade union organizing. These findings lead to the conclusion that these collaborations have allowed the ITUC to expand the remit of its activities beyond “bread-and-butter” unionism, and expand its repertoire of action beyond interstate diplomacy. However, the findings do not support the idea that the ITUC has adopted a social movement framework, although it is clear that the ethos of social movement unionism has had an impact on the organization. Nonetheless, the dissertation concludes that the incorporation of marginalized women workers, and the active engagement of the ITUC in global environmental policy debates, signifies a new moment in transnational class formation.<br>Graduate<br>0629<br>0703<br>davidbhuxtable@gmail.com
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Fonseca, Dora Joana Madureira da Costa. "Movimentos sociais e sindicalismo em tempos de crise. O caso português: alianças ou tensões latentes?" Doctoral thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10316/31954.
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Tese de doutoramento em Sociologia, na especialidade de Relações de Trabalho, Desigualdades Sociais e Sindicalismo, apresentada à Faculdade de Economia da Universidade de Coimbra<br>Os anos de 2011 a 2013 foram de forte contestação. Amplos setores da sociedade civil mobilizaram-se em oposição às sociedades de austeridade, conformando-se um ciclo de protesto em que a indignação foi a nota dominante. O campo sindical também se mobilizou, tendo aquele período sido marcado por várias greves gerais, inúmeras greves setoriais e outras ações de luta do foro sindical.
Em Portugal, os atores envolvidos na contestação enfrentaram um contexto marcado pela degradação da situação económica, social e política do país. Se essa situação impulsionou a emergência de vários atores coletivos que se enquadravam no espectro dos movimentos sociais em rede, colocou também ainda mais obstáculos a um movimento sindical já muito fragilizado pelos vários aspetos associados à crise do sindicalismo, nomeadamente pela deterioração acelerada das relações de trabalho e tendências de precarização. Movimento sindical e movimentos sociais confrontaram-se também com a amplificação da crise no território europeu.
A similitude de objetivos e a situação de ameaça (no sentido de que se nada fosse feito, a imposição da austeridade progrediria em direção a níveis insustentáveis) colocou lado a lado atores sindicais e movimentos sociais, delineando-se a possibilidade de uma colaboração/articulação entre eles. Ao que aos movimentos sociais e suas organizações diz respeito, a colaboração/articulação podia proporcionar o fortalecimento da sua ação e contribuir para a concretização das suas aspirações. Enquanto para o movimento sindical, a colaboração/articulação podia conferir mais força à sua ação e objetivos e também contribuir para dinâmicas importantes no quadro de renovação do movimento sindical.
Os principais interesses que norteiam a condução deste estudo são dois e estão interrelacionados. Por um lado, o mapeamento dos atores coletivos que conduziram a contestação durante o período de maior incidência da imposição da austeridade em Portugal. Nesse sentido, é levada a cabo uma caracterização desses atores quanto a objetivos, formas de organização, dinâmicas intra e inter organizações, estratégias adotadas e processos de mobilização levados a cabo. Esse mapeamento abrange também os atores coletivos centrados no combate à precariedade. Por outro, procura identificar os pontos de articulação entre os campos sindical e dos movimentos sociais no âmbito da oposição à austeridade, o que remete para a identificação e análise das relações de colaboração/articulação entre esses atores. O enfoque é colocado nos fatores que condicionaram ou limitaram essas relações. No que diz respeito ao campo sindical o estudo centra-se na CGTP, enquanto o campo dos movimentos sociais é analisado a partir de vários estudos de caso. São contemplados a Plataforma dos Intermitentes do Espetáculo e do Audiovisual (PIEA), Ferve – Fartos D’Estes Recibos Verdes, MayDay, Precários Inflexíveis, Geração À Rasca, 15 de Outubro (15O) e Que Se Lixe a Troika. Os estudos de caso foram abordados a partir de uma metodologia qualitativa.
Os atores, processos e relações que constituem o enfoque deste estudo revestem-se de enorme complexidade. Nesse sentido, a conclusão constituirá uma reflexão que procura juntar as peças do puzzle e assim apontar caminhos para o futuro das conexões entre o campo sindical e o dos movimentos sociais.<br>The period between 2011 and 2013 was one of strong political contestation. Broad
sectors of civil society were mobilised to oppose the austerity societies, shaping a protest
cycle where the indignation was the dominant note. Trade unions were also mobilised, and
the period was marked by several general strikes, numerous sectoral strikes and by other
protest actions with a trade union nature.
In Portugal, the actors involved in the contestations faced a context marked by the
economic, social and political deterioration of the country. Even so, and although this
situation spurred the emergence of several collective actors who fit in the spectrum of the
network of social movements, it has also created obstacles to the trade unions movement
already weakened by the various aspects associated with the unionism crisis, particularly
the accelerated decay of labour relations and its tendency to precariousness. Trade unions
movement and social movements were also confronted with the amplification of the crisis
in Europe.
The resemblance of goals and the situation of threat (in the sense that, if nothing
was done, the imposition of austerity would progress to unsustainable levels) has placed
trade unions and social movements side by side, outlining the possibility of a
collaboration/articulation strategy between them. For social movements and its
organisations, strategies of collaboration/articulation could strengthen their action and
contribute to the accomplishment of their aspirations. While for trade unions,
collaboration/articulation strategies could foster new frameworks for action and new goals
in a context of unionism renewal.
In this sense, the two main interests that guide this study are interrelated. On one
hand, it maps the collective actors that staged the contestation and protests during the
period of greatest incidence of the imposed austerity in Portugal. To this, it is carried out a
characterization of these actors based on their objectives, forms of organisation, dynamics
within and between organisations, strategies adopted and mobilisation processes
undertaken by them. This mapping also covers collective actors focused on combating precariousness. On the other, it seeks to identify the points of articulation between trade
unions and social movements in the context of their opposition to austerity, which refers
to the identification and analysis of collaboration/articulation strategies between these
actors, focusing particularly on the factors that conditioned or limited these relationships.
Regarding trade unionism, the study focuses on CGTP, while in the field of social
movements several case studies are analysed. They are: Plataforma dos Intermitentes do
Espetáculo e do Audiovisual (PIEA), Ferve – Fartos D’Estes Recibos Verdes, MayDay,
Precários Inflexíveis, Geração À Rasca, 15 de Outubro (15O) and Que Se Lixe a Troika. The
case studies were discussed from a qualitative methodology approach.
The actors, processes and relationships that are the focus of this study are of
enormous complexity. In this sense, the conclusion constituted a reflection that seeks to
bring together some of the puzzle pieces and thus show ways for the future connections
between the trade unions and social movements.