Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Social Media Movements'
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Sinclair, Anna Christine. "Social Movements and Social Media: The Propagation of #BlackLivesMatter." Kent State University Honors College / OhioLINK, 2022. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ksuhonors162068615726307.
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Bacaksizlar, Nazmiye Gizem. "Understanding Social Movements through Simulations of Anger Contagion in Social Media." Thesis, The University of North Carolina at Charlotte, 2019. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=13805848.
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This dissertation investigates emotional contagion in social movements within social media platforms, such as Twitter. The main research question is: How does a protest behavior spread in social networks? The following sub-questions are: (a) What is the dynamic behind the anger contagion in online social networks? (b) What are the key variables for ensuring emotional spread? We gained access to Twitter data sets on protests in Charlotte, NC (2016) and Charlottesville, VA (2017). Although these two protests differ in their triggering points, they have similarities in their macro behaviors during the peak protest times. To understand the influence of anger spread among users, we extracted user mention networks from the data sets. Most of the mentioned users are influential ones, who have a significant number of followers. This shows that influential users occur as the highest in-degree nodes in the core of the networks, and a change in these nodes affects all connected public users/nodes. Then, we examined modularity measures quite high within users’ own communities. After implementing the networks, we ran experiments on the anger spread according to various theories with two main assumptions: (1) Anger is the triggering emotion for protests and (2) Twitter mentions affect distribution of influence in social networks. We found that user connections with directed links are essential for the spread of influence and anger; i.e., the angriest users are the most isolated ones with less number of followers, which signifies their low impact level in the network.
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Ostovar, Ravari Mahya. "Three essays on social media and societal resistance." Thesis, Cergy-Pontoise, Ecole supérieure des sciences économiques et commerciales, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018ESEC0012.
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Dans ma thèse, j'ai exploré le rôle des médias sociaux dans l'organisation et la mobilisation sociales. Théoriquement, je m'appuie sur des concepts sociologiques et organisationnels tels que l'action collective, l'identité collective et les mouvements sociaux, j'adopte une perspective de processus et de pratique et je suis la théorisation sociomatérielle. En adoptant une approche interprétative, j'analyse qualitativement les données provenant de deux sources : les données en ligne (le contenu de MySF, y compris les photos, les légendes et les commentaires) et l'entretien avec le fondateur de la page et ses collaborateursIn my dissertation, I have explored the role of social media in social organization and mobilization.Theoretically, I draw upon sociological and organizational concepts such as collective action, collective identity, and social movements and adopt a process and practice perspective and follow sociomaterial theorizing. Adopting an interpretivist approach, I qualitatively analyze data from two sources: online data (MySF content including photos, captions, and comments) and interview with the founder of the page and its contributors
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Mousavi, Baygi Seyed Reza. "Three essays on the material enactment of social movements through social media." Thesis, Cergy-Pontoise, Ecole supérieure des sciences économiques et commerciales, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019ESEC0001.
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En accord avec l’intérêt récent porté aux mouvements sociaux dans la théorie des organisations et la littérature des systèmes d’information et face à la numérisation croissante des sociétés, j’adopte dans cette thèse de doctorat une perspective performative et post-humaniste pour étudier la matérialisation des mouvements sociaux avec, à travers et par les médias sociaux. Cette thèse doctorale contribue à la littérature organisationnelle et aux systèmes d'information. Plus précisément, dans chaque essai, je développe une compréhension “matérielle-discursive” du sujet, basée sur la pratique, qui est utile pour engager, étudier et donner un sens aux phénomènes liés à l'organisation des médias sociaux et à leurs conséquences. La nouveauté et la pertinence de ma contribution pour la littérature en théorie des organisations provient de la prise en compte du rôle constitutif de la matérialité dans les processus organisationnels, tandis que la nouveauté et la pertinence de ma thèse pour la littérature en systèmes d'information provient de la prise en charge des problèmes de contestation, de politique et d'agence collective vis à vis des médias sociaux. Finalement, j'apporte une contribution particulière en enquêtant le contexte peu étudié des mouvements de droiteIn line with recent interest in social movements in OT and IS literatures and vis-à-vis the increasing digitalization of societies, in this dissertation I study the material enactment of social movements with, through, and by social media. In so doing, instead of separating social media and social movements to study their interactions—a maneuver that forecloses investigation into the situated constitution of both—I adopt a posthumanist performative perspective and shift my analytical gaze on the everyday actions and practices entailed in social media activism. This dissertation contributes to both OT and IS literatures. Specifically, in each essay I develop a practice-based material-discursive understanding of the subject matter that is useful in engaging, investigating, and making sense of phenomena entailed in social media organizing and their consequences. The novelty and relevance for the OT literature comes from attending to the constitutive role of materiality in organizing processes, while, an additional novelty and relevance for the IS literature comes from attending to issues of contestation, politics, and collective agency vis-à-vis social media. Finally, I make a distinctive contribution by attending to the understudied context of right-wing movements
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Khurshudyan, Eliza. "Social Movements and Social Media : the case of the Armenian 'velvet' revolution." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, JMK, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-169816.
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Depending on the political environment, economic, cultural and social factors, the digital era provides new opportunities and constraints for mobilization of social movements.The current research was focused on exploring how protest leaders and activists used and perceived social media as a tool for communication and organization during the movement “take a step, #RejectSerzh”; a series of peaceful, anti-governmental protests which led to a shift of governmental power in Armenia. Prior work dedicated to unpacking the relationship between social movements and social media have focused on a few empirical cases. Hence, a case study of a yet underexplored social movement can add to this strand of literature. The methodological approach displayed in this study follows a mixed-method model. Interviews with activists of the movement “take a step, #RejectSerzh” and content analysis of official social media accounts of leaders of the movement “take a step, #RejectSerzh” were expected to provide a diverse perspective on social media tactics during the movement. The results implied that social media were perceived as one of the main contributors to the fulfilment of objectives of the movement “take a step, #RejectSerzh” in multiple ways: social media allowed for fast communication, decentralized organization, testimony of the non-violent nature of the movement, as well as validation of the movement through transparency of action (most importantly, in real-time). There was a strong indication that live video broadcasting function on Facebook was generally perceived as a tool with more capacities for contentious politics. Meanwhile, the results suggest that the movement “take a step, #RejectSerzh” could be perceived as a continuity of previous social movements, the negative experience gained from which curbed the overall tactics of the movement, rather than a result of immediate grievances. Nonetheless, the role of human emotions, such as fear, hope and will, was at the centre of interpretations of how the activists experienced the movement.
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Crumpacker, Elizabeth A. "#Yo Soy 132 and Occupy: Social Movements and the Media." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/240.
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I am comparing the tactics of Mexican youth movement #Yo Soy 132 and Occupy to better understand how these groups work against the hegemonic views presented by mass media. I aim to understand the media structures in Mexico and the United States through the lens of these social groups and consider how they are similar or different. I also take into consideration societal structures, such as varying levels of Internet access, that influence the way these groups function. These movements are in constant flux and their interaction with the public is changing everyday, but I hope to provide some insight into their tactics and strategies and whether or not they are successful in achieving their established goals.
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Sharma, Shalini. "New social movements and media : the case of the Justice for Bhopal Movement in India." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2013. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/18259/.
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Tsui, Heung-ling. "Media for cultural praxis a case-study of Hong Kong In-Media /." Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 2009. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B42664421.
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Atkinson, Joshua. "Building a resistance performance paradigm : an analysis of the roles of alternative media in the social construction of reality in social justice movements /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p3137677.
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Ramphobole, Thabo. "An investigation into the role of social media in the political protests in Egypt (2011)." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1012119.
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Social media's role in formenting protest action in Egypt has often been lauded by proponents of these web 2.0 technologies, to the extent that the collective protest actions that swept the Middle East and North Africa from December 2010 to the present have been referred to as "Twitter Revolutions" in recognition of the pivotal played by Twitter in mobilising citizents.
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McHale, John P. "An enthnographic study of social and political advocate use of communication media /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p3060123.
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KAREEM, ABDULAZEEZ MAJEK. "THE ROLE OF PRINT AND SOCIAL MEDIA IN SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: THE CASE OF BRING BACK OUR GIRLS." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för teknik och samhälle (TS), 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-20880.
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AbstractThis thesis critically examines the impact of print and social media in a social movement by using Bring Back Our Girls as a case study, which depicts the abduction of girls by warlords in Africa. Today, due to social inequality, activists do not possess the same budget as larger companies for advertising and mass communications. Social movement campaigners depend on media coverage to gain public attention so that their voice can be heard. This study explores the role of print and social media in a social movement - the case of Bring Back Our Girls in Nigeria. A digital signage prototype was designed and developed to solve the issue of digital divide experienced by the Bring Back Our Girls advocacy group during the campaign. However, the digital signage turns the four stages of conventional social movements, which are Emergence, Coalescence, Bureaucratisation, and Decline. For example, if the movement is on bureaucratisation and a new channel is added, people will go back to emergence stage. This prototype, when fully developed, could be used to create awareness and to reach people in rural areas. This study used two research paths, primary and secondary. Primary research is conducted using two main methods: interviews (focus group interview) and a questionnaire. The focus group consisted of fifteen people, fourteen males and one female, although many female activists were invited, only one attended the meeting because of the socio-economic factor in Nigeria and the focus questions were open-ended. In addition, a questionnaire was designed for the evaluation of the prototype. The focus group interview focused on the examination of the role played by the print and social media platforms during the BBOG campaign and the questionnaire focused on the digital signage. The study also examined how a prototype of digital signage is designed by using the Microsoft PowerPoint Application. Secondary research was conducted using literature, online material, articles, e-books, etc., to gain an in-depth understanding of the role of print media, social media, social movement, design science, prototype design, resource mobilisation theory (RMT), social mobilisation, and digital divide. Specific research methods were identified based on the theoretical perspective chosen by the author. Both quantitative and qualitative data gathered in this study suggest that print and social media have some positive impacts on social movement and some of the participants claimed that they had been informed of Boko Haram’s rampage and the abduction of the Chibok girls through print media, such as newspapers, magazines, roadside posters, and billboards.Moreover, some participants claimed that they became aware of the BBOG campaign through social media like Facebook, Twitter, etc. The focus group interviews led to identification of six key themes. These were, information and intelligence gathering, social and print media education, information sharing, religious or tribal sentiment, communication, and networking and advocacy. Also, there are a number of sub-themes, which are discussed at length within the analysis of the report. The general findings are that the BBOG campaign movement was first noticed on electronic media, but became viral and sporadic in print and social media. Despite the cultural and religious differences in Nigeria, the campaigners came together to solicit for the rescue of the Chibok Girls.
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Zdanow, Carla. "Investigating the radical democratic potential of social media use by new social movements in South Africa." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/4310.
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Since its inception, the internet ‒ and in particular Web 2.0 ‒ have been valorized as potentially revolutionary democratic spaces. Despite the emergence of concerns over the progressively neoliberal orientation and narcissistic effects of the internet, evidence of the radical democratic potential of this media has received considerable attention. This thesis is orientated around both an exploration of such evidence, and a consideration of its relevance for South Africa. In this regard, the thesis commences with an exploration of the neoliberal underpinnings of the internet and the growing translation of dominant neoliberal discourses into the online practices of mainstream liberal democratic politics. Focus then shifts toward the mounting influence of alternative radical democratic positions online, through an investigation of the virtual manifestations of deliberative, autonomous, and agonistic approaches to radical democracy. And following an examination of the online political practices of selected recent global social movements, the primacy of agonism in online expressions of radical democracy is advanced. In turn, resonances and dissonances between the online activity and practices of such global social movements, and the use of the internet and social media by well-known South African new social movements, are explored. Finally, this thesis concludes by recommending a fourfold new media approach through which the agonistic radical democratic potential of the internet can be realized more fully by the new social movements of South Africa.
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Nabavi, Gita. "Vad kännetecknar fejkade sociala rörelser, så kallad astroturfing? : en explorativ studie av fenomenetastroturfing i sociala medier." Thesis, KTH, Skolan för elektroteknik och datavetenskap (EECS), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kth:diva-279414.
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Sociala medier har kommit att bli en del av det utvidgade offentliga rummet som en konsekvens av IT-utvecklingen. Det är därmed också en plats för opinionsbildning och politisk påverkan, vilket kan utnyttjas av såväl politiska som kommersiella intressen för dold informationspåverkan. Astroturfing är en av många former av dold informationspåverkan och syftet med denna studie är få en större förståelse för astroturfing genom att besvara följande problemformulering. Vad kännetecknar digital politisk astroturfing, och varför används astroturfing för informationspåverkan i sociala medier? För att besvara problemformuleringen har jag genomfört kvalitativa intervjuer med fyra experter samt genomfört en litteraturstudie. Resultatet visar att de två främsta kännetecknen för astroturfing är att det försöker se ut som en gräsrotsrörelse och att de som ligger bakom har dolt sin verkliga identitet och sitt verkliga syfte. Detta kan göras på många olika sätt och metoderna kan kombineras för att passa in i det sammanhang där en försöker använda astroturfing för att påverka. Resultatet från såväl tidigare forskning som intervjuer visar därmed att det är väldigt svårt att med säkerhet identifiera astroturfing. Resultatet visar också att det främsta skälet till att astroturfing används i sociala medier är att det är enkelt och billigt. Litteraturen hävdar att ikläda sig formatet social rörelse ger en viss legitimitet och kan bidra till mobilisering, vilket bekräftas av intervjuerna. Men intervjuerna visar också att det sannolikt inte har någon större betydelse i förhållande till h et är att få till astroturfing i sociala medier.Social media has become part of the extended public space as a consequence of development in ICT. It is thus a space to form public opinion and for political influence, which means it can also be exploited by political and commercial interests for concealed information influence. Astroturfing is one of many available information influence activities and the purpose of this study is to attain a greater understanding of astroturfing by answering the following research question: What characterizes digital political astroturfing, and why is astroturfing used for information influence in social media? To answer the research question I have conducted qualitative interviews with four experts and done a literature study. The results show that the two main characteristics of astroturfing are; that it tries to look like a grassroots movement and; that those who orchestrate it have concealed their real identity and purpose. This can be done in many different ways and the methods can be combined to fit the context in which one is trying to use astroturfing as an information influence activity. The results from both previous research and interviews thus show that it is very difficult to identify astroturfing with certainty. The results also show that the main reason why astroturfing is used in social media is that it is easy and inexpensive. The literature claims that mimicking a social movement gives a certain legitimacy and can contribute to mobilization, which is confirmed by the interviews. But the interviews also point out that it is unlikely to have any major impact compared to how inexpensive it is to orchestrate astroturfing in social media.
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Klekamp, Jesse Janice. "Intentioned Network Convergence: How Social Media is Redefining, Reorganizing, and Revitalizing Social Movements in the United States." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/96.
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This analysis seeks to understand the power of social media to create sustainable social movements. The 1999 World Trade Organization protests in Seattle were one of the first internet-supported acts of protest and illustrate the power of the Internet and social media to bring together diverse coalitions of actors and maintain decentralized power structures. Next, the analysis studies the non-profit advocacy organization Invisible Children and the recent media explosion of their Kony 2012 campaign to make sense of how uses of the Internet have expanded since 1999. The Kony 2012 case illustrates the power of committed networks in disseminating information but also alludes to some of the new challenges social media presents. Ultimately, this analysis concludes that social media has simultaneously empowered and crippled social media, calling for an intentioned use of the Internet applications, strong leadership, and cultural framing to sustain mobilization.
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Deckant, Devon. "Mediated giants : giant tree frames and social movements in British Columbia media, 1986-92." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/46454.
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Research shows how appeals to save charismatic megafauna have been used effectively as tools in campaigns for larger conservation-oriented projects. However, analysis over parallel efforts with ‘charismatic megaflora’ – specifically giant trees – has largely been neglected. During the contentious period of land use debates in British Columbia of the late 1980s and early 1990s, Wilderness Preservation Movement (WPM) activists mobilized for collective action against monolithic forestry corporations. A rallying point for activists was spurred in part by the discovery of the largest Sitka Spruce trees in Canada, which were slated for clear-cut logging. In a concerted effort to prevent this harvest and mobilize public support for broader preservation efforts, WPM actors engaged in media outlets to shape the debate – often through giant tree frames. This research evaluates the framing of this land use debate around giant trees as an effective media outreach strategy for expanding support for preservation efforts, as well as exploring their underlying supportive frameworks. Content and network analyses of sample news media articles spanning the period 1986-92 assess the construction, salience, and relationships of giant tree frames in coverage of WPM. Analyses of a singular framing strategy reveal the efficacy of striking imagery as well as the repertoire of discursive tools underpinning efforts to communicate social movement ideals to larger audiences. Results suggest that the construction of environmental problems is largely reliant upon scientific rationale, whereas economic and emotional appeals either contest or reinforce scientific claims. Even with the ambivalent nature of science in constructing environmentalist claims, scientific framing successfully communicates environmental problem salience, potentially of import for contemporary collective action strategies.
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Taha, Islam Shah Md. "Social movements and country-by-country reporting: A global study." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2019. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/132412/9/Shah_Md_Taha_Islam_Thesis.pdf.
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Concern about a lack of transparency in the foreign operations of multinational companies has led to intensified stakeholder scrutiny and pressure through protests and counter-reports. This thesis investigated whether multinational companies' decision to voluntarily disclose country-by-country information was influenced by ideologically motivated activist protests and counter-reports. Consistent with expectations, the results suggested that ideologically motivated activist protests and counter-reports by social movement organizations improved corporate transparency regarding foreign operations. This study further found that ideologically motivated activist protests and counter-reports with intensified media attention induced a positive impact on country-by-country reporting.
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Khalil, Joseph F. "Youth-Generated Media in Lebanon and Saudi Arabia." OpenSIUC, 2010. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/146.
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Broadly defined as self-expressive media and communication artifacts, youth-generated media have become more ubiquitous as media-making tools became cheaper, smaller and more accessible. Moving beyond questions of media effects and consumption, this dissertation explores why and how street racing followers, graffiti artists, web activists, demonstration organizers and others are developing and circulating media artifacts in Lebanon and Saudi Arabia. What motivates them? What type of media are they developing? How do youth conceptualize, execute and distribute their media? What social, economic, cultural contexts are affecting these productions? And what are the implications of youth-generated media on Arab discourse? Drawing on six months of fieldwork, I use a multidisciplinary comparative approach to advance an underrated issue in global media studies. To meet this objective, the dissertation is organized in eight chapters. The first three chapters provide theoretical underpinnings and methodological considerations for an empirically based and theoretically inspired framework to study youth-generated media. Chapters four and five examine specific recent social movements in Lebanon (Independence 05 and July 06 War); while chapters six and seven analyze specific discourses related to Saudi youth leisure time (al-Faragh) and employment policies (Saudization). In their totality, these cases are not an exhaustive list but an illustrative representation of youth-generated media `pulsed' at a particular juncture in Arab youth history.
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Dahlberg-Grundberg, Michael. "Digital media and the transnationalization of protests." Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Sociologiska institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-114456.
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Recent developments in communications technology have transformed how social movements might mobilize, and how they can organize their activities. This thesis explores some of the geographical consequences of the use of digital media for political activism. It does this by focusing on the transnationalization of protests. The aim is to analyse how movements with different organizational structures and political scopes are affected by their use of digital media. This is done with a specific focus on how digital media use influences or enables transnational modes of organization and activism. The thesis comprises four different case studies where each study examines a social movement with a specific organizational structure. There are, however, also important similarities between the movements. In each study, somewhat different perspectives and methodological approaches are used. Some of the methods used are semi-structured interviews, content analysis of written data (retrieved from Facebook as well as Twitter), and social network analysis. The analysis indicates that digital media do have a role in the transnationalization of protest. This role, however, differs depending on what type of social movement one studies. The organizational structure of social movements, together with their specific forms of digital media use, influences how the transnationalization of protests and movements is articulated and formed. In cases where a social movement has a hierarchical organizational structure, there is less transnationalization, whereas in social movements with a more non-hierarchical organizational structure one sees more transnationalization. The thesis concludes that the transnationalization of protests is affected by social movements’ organizational structure. The more decentralized the social movement, the more vibrant the transnational public. In order to explain how transnational social movements, using digital media, can emerge in cases where geographical distances might make such coalitions unlikely, the thesis introduces the notion of affectual proximity. This concept helps us understand how transnational social movements, connecting actors from all over the world, can emerge through digital media.
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Taylor, Ian. "The battle for hearts and minds : the media relations of the antiwar movement in the UK." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2010. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/6344.
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This dissertation examines the relations between the local base of the anti-Iraq War movement and the local press in the UK. It is, as such, a study of the interactions between local newsworkers and local activists, as well as a Content Analysis study of how the Iraq crisis, and particularly opposition to military action, was reported on in the pages of the local press. Key questions to be addressed include how local journalists assessed the legitimacy of the antiwar movement; how, and the reasons why, opponents of the war sought local press coverage, and with what consequences (if any) their interactions with the media may have had for the movement; and how the local press handled the almost uniquely controversial nature of the Iraq crisis in its reporting. Most previous research on the Iraq crisis has focused on the national media local media has hitherto been absent from the research agenda. Likewise, the majority of research on social movements has usually focused on the national leaderships of those movements again the local dimension of social movements has rarely been studied. In these ways it is hoped that the study makes a unique contribution to research into both the reporting of the Iraq crisis, and to the study of the interactions between social movements and the media.
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Elliott, Thomas Alan, Edwin Amenta, and Neal Caren. "Recipes for Attention: Policy Reforms, Crises, Organizational Characteristics, and the Newspaper Coverage of the LGBT Movement, 1969-2009." WILEY-BLACKWELL, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/623033.
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Why do some organizations in a movement seeking social change gain extensive national newspaper coverage? To address the question, we innovate in theoretical and empirical ways. First, we elaborate a theoretical argument that builds from the political mediation theory of movement consequences and incorporates the social organization of newspaper practices. This media and political mediation model integrates political and media contexts and organizations' characteristics and actions. With this model, we hypothesize two main routes to coverage: one that includes changes in public policy and involves policy-engaged, well-resourced, and inclusive organizations and a second that combines social crises and protest organizations. Second, we appraise these arguments with the first analysis of the national coverage of all organizations in a social movement over its career: 84 lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender rights and AIDS-related organizations in the New York Times, Los Angeles Times, and Wall Street Journal from 1969 to 2010. These analyses go beyond previous research that provides either snapshots of many organizations at one point in time or overtime analyses of aggregated groups of organizations or individual organizations. The results of both historical and fuzzy set qualitative comparative analyses support our media and political mediation model.
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Jones-Virma, Marit. "Women’s rights movements in Ethiopia : The role of activism via social media on traditional gender norms and attitudes." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Institutionen för konst, kultur och kommunikation (K3), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-45304.
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The main aim of this Degree Project was to investigate the role of social media for women’s rights movements in Ethiopia, specifically for the #MeTooEthiopia movement, and whether utilising social media in their operations and mobilisations has enhanced the movements’ ability to raise awareness and challenge traditional gender norms. The research was investigated through the lens of digital activism and via the logic of connective action, by utilising in-depth semi-structured interviews with women’s rights activists in Ethiopia and overseas and undertaking a review of the #MeTooEthiopia movement social media platforms. Through the interviews, it was possible to identify numerous benefits and challenges relating to the country-specific cultural, social and economic context that women’s rights movements in Ethiopia have to operate in. For the #MeTooEthiopia movement specifically, operating an international movement within this context has been challenging, however due to its ability to diversify and adopt to both new and traditional communication technologies, the movement has been able to sustain its momentum and remain active in their attempt to raise awareness and challenge traditional gender norms. The findings also demonstrate that for contemporary women’s rights movements in Ethiopia, raising awareness and bringing along attitudinal change cannot be accomplished by only utilising new technologies. Rather, it is necessary to combine activism via social media with traditional forms of communication, including face-to-face meetings, to be able to have a reach across the wider society.
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Krol, Brian. "Latent Network Construction of Men's Movement Organizations Online." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu14896824347998.
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Schoene, Matthew. "Friend or Foe? The Media Coverage of Chicago’s Public Housing Transformation." The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1306526365.
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Sartoretto, Paola. "Voices from the margins : People, media, and the struggle for land in Brazil." Doctoral thesis, Karlstads universitet, Institutionen för geografi, medier och kommunikation, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-36358.
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This study looks into communicative processes and media practices among members of a subaltern social movement. The aim is to gain an understanding of how these processes and practices contribute to symbolic cohesion in the movement, how they develop and are socialized into practices, and how these processes and practices help challenge hegemonic groups in society. These questions are explored through a qualitative study, based on fieldwork and interviews, of a subaltern social movement. The empirical object of the study is the Brazilian Landless Workers Movement (MST), which was founded in 1984 to promote agrarian reform and defend the rights of rural workers in Brazil. At the macro-level, the discussion addresses social realities marked by the meta-processes of globalisation, neo-liberalisation, and mediatisation. Against this background, the experiences of MST militants and of the movement as a whole help us to understand how different communicative processes play a role in the ways people experience globalisation, neo-liberalisation, and mediatisation in their daily lives. Departing from an understanding of communication as a process that structures practices (mediated and non-mediated), this study questions the media-centric understanding of communication, arguing that media practices are created through appropriation processes. The results show that communicative processes are crucial to reinforcing values and symbologies associated with the rural worker identity. There is also a high level of reflexivity about media practices and an understanding that they must serve the principles of the collective. As a consequence, the movement seeks to maintain control over media, routinely discussing and evaluating the adoption and use of media. The interviews show ambivalence towards the alleged dialogic and organisational potential of digital media and to the adaptability of these media to the MST’s organisational processes. Through observation, it is possible to conclude that media have an instrumental function, as opposed to a structural function, in the processes of social transformation engendered by the MST.This study looks into communicative processes and media practices among members of a subaltern social movement. The aim is to gain an understanding of how these processes and practices contribute to symbolic cohesion in the movement, how they develop and are socialized into practices, and how these processes and practices help challenge hegemonic groups in society. These questions are explored through a qualitative study, based on fieldwork and interviews, of a subaltern social movement. The empirical object of the study is the Brazilian Landless Workers Movement (MST), which was founded in 1984 to promote agrarian reform and defend the rights of rural workers in Brazil. The results show that communicative processes are crucial to reinforcing values and symbologies associated with the rural worker identity. There is also a high level of reflexivity about media practices and an understanding that they must serve the principles of the collective. As a consequence, the movement seeks to maintain control over media, routinely discussing and evaluating the adoption and use of media. The interviews show ambivalence towards the alleged dialogic and organisational potential of digital media and to the adaptability of these media to the MST’s organisational processes.
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Sjöö, Jenny. "Mainstream eller alternativ? : Mediesyn och medieanvändning hos grupper inom sociala rörelser." Thesis, Uppsala University, Department of Information Science, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-5874.
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ABSTRACT
Purpose/aim: Are there any differences between how “old” and “young” groups within social movements in Sweden view (value) and use alternative and mainstream media?
Material/method: The answer to the research problem is sought by conducting qualitative research interviews with representatives of four different groups: Alternativ Stad, Folkkampanjen mot Kärnkraft-Kärnvapen, Attac Sverige and Ingen Människa är Illegal. The theoretical framework consists of research on social movements, especially on their relation to media, and on alternative media.
Main results: There exist some, but not great, differences between how “old” and “young” groups view and use mainstream and alternative media. The differences are relatively small when it comes to views on media and somewhat larger concerning media use. These differences in media use stem mostly from the differences in organizational structure.
Keywords: Social movements, alternative media, mainstream media, media views, media usage.
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Perelló, Sobrepere Marc. "The Use of New Media and ICT by Social Movements in Contemporary Processes of Political Activism." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Ramon Llull, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/664631.
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El començament del segle XXI va ser testimoni del naixement de les xarxes socials, que van portar les comunicacions personals i socials a noves fites. Aquests nous mitjans de comunicació, recolzats per unes tecnologies de la informació i la comunicació en un canvi constant, van permetre la creació de noves esferes de discussió multidisciplinàries i multiculturals. En aquest context, l'ús dels nous mitjans per part dels moviments activistes polítics ha atret l'atenció de la comunitat acadèmica en els últims anys. Recentment, ha aparegut un nou actor en aquest camp: Catalunya. Aquesta regió autònoma d’Espanya ha estat testimoni de les majors manifestacions a Europa en els últims temps, amb centenars de milers de persones obstruint els carrers de les seves ciutats per demanar la independència de Catalunya. El nostre estudi se centra en les diverses teories dels moviments socials i l'activisme polític, en com es relacionen amb els nous mitjans de comunicació i les noves tecnologies, i en com s'apliquen al cas català, mentre es comparen les característiques de les protestes catalanes amb altres com la Primavera Àrab, la Revolució Egípcia, el moviment indignats 15-M, o les marxes Occupy Wall Street.El comienzo del siglo XXI fue testigo del nacimiento de las redes sociales, que llevaron las comunicaciones personales y sociales a nuevas metas. Estos nuevos medios de comunicación, respaldados por unas tecnologías de la información y la comunicación en constante cambio, permitieron la creación de nuevas esferas de discusión multidisciplinarias y multiculturales. En este contexto, el uso de los nuevos medios por parte de los movimientos activistas políticos ha atraído la atención de la comunidad académica en los últimos años. Recientemente, ha aparecido un nuevo actor en este campo: Cataluña. Esta región autónoma en España ha sido testigo de las mayores manifestaciones en Europa en los últimos tiempos, con cientos de miles de personas obstruyendo las calles de sus ciudades para pedir la independencia de Cataluña. Nuestro estudio se centra en las diversas teorías de los movimientos sociales y el activismo político, en como se inter-relación con los nuevos medios de comunicación y las nuevas tecnologías, y en cómo se aplican al caso catalán, mientras se comparan las características de las protestas catalanas con otras como la Primavera Árabe, la Revolución Egipcia, el movimiento indignados 15-M, o las marchas Occupy Wall Street.
The beginning of the 21st century witnessed the birth of social networks, which took personal and social communications to new heights. These new means of communication, supported by ever-changing information and communication technologies, allowed for the creation of new, multidisciplinary and multicultural spheres of discussion. In this context, new media usage by political activist movements has attracted the attention of the academic community over recent years. Recently, a new actor has appeared in this field: Catalonia. This autonomous region in Spain has witnessed the biggest demonstrations in Europe in recent times, with hundreds of thousands clogging the streets calling for Catalan independence. Our study focuses on the various theories of social movements and political activism, how do these relate to new media and new technologies, and how these apply to the Catalan case, while comparing the characteristics of the Catalan protests to others such as the Arab Spring, the Egyptian Revolution, the 15-M Indignados movement, or the Occupy Wall Street marches.
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Brownlee, Billie Jeanne. "New media and revolution : Syria's silent movement towards the 2011 uprising." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/22013.
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Nearly five years have passed since the political upheaval that swept through many Middle East and North African (MENA) countries began. Syria was caught in the grip of this revolutionary moment, one that drove the country to a civil war with no apparent way out. Analysts advanced a number of explanations for this event, which included the demographic profile of the younger generations and the economic difficulties they experienced, corruption of the government, the use of techniques from successful campaigns and the coordination of dissent through traditional/offline and new/online forms of contention. The employment of the new media by anti and pro-government groups has reached an unthinkable scale, to the point that the media have become instruments not limited to the purpose of informing, planning and coordinating the protest, but “performing” in the conflict, exacerbating the fight, instilling fear in the enemy and intimidating the adversary, while proselytising. By going beyond the dichotomy that frames the media as a deus ex machina of the uprising or, conversely, as a means of its expression, this thesis demonstrates how the new media did not simply play a crucial role at the time of the uprising and subsequent civil war, but an even more decisive role in the years that predated the uprising. The underlining argument of this research is that during the decade leading up to the uprising in Syria a (silent) form of mobilisation got underway as an effect of contextual factors (economic, institutional and social conditions), conditioned by people’s access to the new media. The new media became the mobilising structures of Syria’s pre-uprising social movement, the tools that changed people’s access to information and encouraged civic engagement in a period of structural friction and social ferment. The media are here contemplated as a microcosm, which affects and is affected by other different, hitherto unrelated (f)actors. Ultimately, in light of the growing popular mobilisations that are taking place around the globe and the leading role that the new media technologies are playing within these, the thesis offers perspectives of analysis on the role that the new media technologies are offering citizens to contest political authority as well as opposing social and economic inequalities worldwide.
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Kukstaite, Karolina. "Triadic Relationship Between Social Movement,News Media, and Geopolitics : Government affiliated transnational media and its’ coverage of 2020-2021 Belarusian Protests." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för mediestudier, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-196219.
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As the media followed the turn of events in Belarus, increasing arrests and the violence that followed brought tens of thousands of Belarusians into the streets to demand change, end police brutality, and display how far human rights abuses have come in Lukashenko's regime. This thesis argues that in the cases like this, foreign media comes forward to either further protester's voices or shut them down, which, drawing on the previous research, is considered dependent on the geopolitical relations of the countries involved. Departing from the normative knowledge that media, politics, and protests are interrelated, this thesis bridges theories of all three of the latter fields to craft an interdisciplinary theoretical framework for the research. Building on political and media opportunity structures and indexing theories, this thesis addresses questions of how independent from authorities is the media and how a geopolitical position might influence the coverage of the conflict. The framing analysis of LRT English, Deutsche Welle, RT, and Daily Sabah coverage during the 22 weeks is conducted to identify the coverage's patterns, developments, and changes in the coverage. The results have shown that the amount of coverage is related to the authorities position announcement. Democratic and protest supportive countries cover the protest extensively even before the authorities react; meanwhile, less democratic countries show that the coverage significantly increases as soon as the government reaction is publicised. Furthermore, the framing of the protesters differs as well. On the one hand, protesters and violence are depicted differently, on the other, frames employed in opposition supportive countries' media outlets are more diverse and explorative than in the media of Lukashenko's allies.
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Wang, Jieying. "Mobilizing resources in networked social movements: cases in Hong Kong and Taiwan." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2015. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/175.
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The study examines social movement resource mobilization in the age of the network society. In the traditional model of Resource Mobilization Theory (RMT), material and human resources, as well as the legitimacy gained for a movement from the mass media, play crucial roles in mobilization. In the contemporary epoch of informationalism and network society, a large variety of instant communication technologies penetrate everyday life, bringing a lifestyle characterized by the intensive integration between technologies and social life. By studying the cases of two recent social movements, which witnessed the networking of different organizations/individuals and their wide use of new technologies, this research tries to identify what sorts of movement resources are employed in the mobilization process, and what the resource mobilization process is like in the paradigm of informationalism and network society. Regarding the traditional RMT, scholars identified the missing link between the movement side and the general public in terms of empathy arousal. Despite that political opportunity process theorists largely added contextual elements, they concentrated on mainstream political institutional change, but still neglecting the role of historical and social culture, and people’s role as active agency. In this study, the author also integrates the cultural aspects as a type of immaterial resource to produce a broader look into movement resources. The two cases investigated are: the anti-moral-and-national-education movement (anti-M&N) in Hong Kong and the anti-media-monopoly movement (anti-monopoly) in Taiwan. This research was conducted using a qualitative approach, employing in-depth interviews and archive study as the major methods. Results show that the traditional resources, such as resource-rich movement organizations, professionals and those possessing fruitful movement experiences are still indispensable. However, it is noteworthy that technologically adept activists have gained an increasingly important position. Their tech-savvy capabilities make them at once information archivist, movement message translator and disseminator. In addition, their heavy use of online platforms has facilitated groups which lack resources to “out-source the provision of resources to a rhizomatic movement network. In this sense, with networking taking place between those who possess resources and the tech-savvy activists, between the core and the rhizomatic participants, a networked alliance has been formed as an important resource to today’s social movements. In traditional resource mobilization theory, the mass media was regarded as an important source to legitimize the movement. In these cases, besides the legitimacy gained from certain types of mass media, the activists also presented the movement’s messages strategically, by bridging the movements with social expectation and embedding in the historical context. By this means, the activists drew wider attention to anxieties about identity. In the light of the fact that Hong Kong and Taiwan are in the eye of the storm against the backdrop of China’s rising power, the issue of identity anxiety in these two societies may provide a direction for further research. Keywords: resource mobilization, network society, Hong Kong, Taiwan
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Tsui, Heung-ling, and 徐香玲. "Media for cultural praxis: a case-study of Hong Kong In-Media." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2009. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B42664421.
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Helleday, Cornelia. "”MODE SKA VARA HÅLLBART – IT’S A F/ACT!” : En multimodal diskursanalys av F/ACT Movements Instagramkonto." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för kultur- och medievetenskaper, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-179556.
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The environmental organisation F/ACT Movement started as a reaction to the unsustainable business that the fashion industry represents. Their ambition is to change the fashion industry and give it a sustainable direction. They intend to accomplish this in collaboration with counties, universities and companies - but their prime audience is the consumers. The purpose of this essay was to study how F/ACT Movement engages their audience on social media around the subject sustainable fashion. In addition I aimed to examine how it can help them shape a strong community and long term public relationships. To attain the purpose of this study the theoretical framework includes theories of sustainability, consumption behavior and multimodal critical discourse analysis (MCDA). MCDA helped me analyze how F/ACT Movements structures language and visual text to engage the followers. Furthermore I added theories of social identity, communities on digital platforms and public relations. The method used in this essay was a multimodal discourse analysis, which intent is to study the meaning of how language and visual texts are constructed. Eight Instagram posts were studied and several patterns were found in the analysis. The results showed that F/ACT Movement engage their followers by using both a strong and confident language as well as visual symbols that benefits fashion as a sustainable lifestyle. Moreover they present sustainable facts and solutions which support the ideology of how a green lifestyle and consumption behavior can create a sustainable future. The results also showed that F/ACT Movement combines several different discourses in a complex way, which indicates that their vision is to contribute with a change on a social and cultural scale. Finally the results showed that F/ACT Movement values the dialog, community and relationship with their followers deeply. By inviting their followers to be a part of the group identity “sustainable consumers” they create a strong community. Furthermore they are communicating with an audience who already has knowledge and a high interest in sustainable fashion, which gives them a beneficial position to build strong public relations. In conclusion the study shows that F/ACT Movement uses a strong but friendly approach as a strategy to make the fashion industry a sustainable business.
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Zeno, Basil. "Nationalism, Identity, Social Media and Dominant Discourses in Post-Uprising Syria." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1439414162.
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Davis, III Charles Harold Frederick. "Dream Defending, On-Campus and Beyond: A Multi-sited Ethnography of Contemporary Student Organizing, the Social Movement Repertoire, and Social Movement Organization in College." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/595672.
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Much of the extant higher education literature examining student activism and social movements in college is limited by both chronological time and physical space. In addition, very little is known about the ways in which technology generally and social media specifically are embraced in contemporary student organizing practices. Accordingly, my multi-sited ethnographic study focuses on the Dream Defenders, a Florida-based, racially and ethnically-diverse multi-campus social movement organization "developing the next generation of radical leaders to realize and exercise [their] independent, collective power; building alternative systems; and organizing to disrupt the structures that oppress [their]communities" (Dream Defenders, 2014). More specifically, my study is intended to contemporize research on student activism in college by using robust, real-time ethnographic data to examine off-campus organizing undertaken by Dream Defenders' organization and their use of new and social media technologies. Drawing from and modifying resource dependency/resource mobilization perspectives and new social movement theories, I conceptualize the interactive use of the aforementioned technologies as mobilizing structures and in the construction movement frames–parts of the social movement repertoire (Tilly, 2004) of contemporary student organizers. The findings from my study indicate the use of alternative and activist new media in contemporary student organizing is part of a larger, dynamic interactive process of traditional organizing practices to include four primary domains: occupation and agitation, power building, political participation, and civic demonstration. More specifically, findings further indicate the use of 1) mediated mobilization, and 2) culture jamming (Lievrouw, 2011) as alternative and activist new media practices within the Dream Defenders' social movement repertoire. The former harnesses the power of social media to leverage new and existing networks of college student organizers in on-the-ground mobilization. The latter, however, utilizes the production of digital art for purposes of social and political critique, which also serve as a diagnostic frame by which contemporary student organizers are able to identify problems/issues of concern and attribute of blame to key political targets. Overall, my study makes scholarly contributions to the empirical, theoretical/conceptual, and methodological domains of higher education research generally and student activism scholarship in particular. First, the findings from my study challenge higher education scholars to consider the importance of moving beyond campus contexts to investigate students' lives, which are increasingly occurring off- and away from campus. Second, my findings expand understandings of the ways in which contemporary college students relate to technology and social media beyond social uses, entertainment purposes, and utility for the delivery of instructional content to include harnessing alternative and activist new media for creating social change. Lastly, my findings strongly counter the prevailing narrative regarding millennials' lack of awareness of their history. Through drawing from communities of memory, invoking traditions of non-violent civil disobedience, and leveraging relationships with historical civil rights icons to increase legitimacy, contemporary student organizers draw upon history as a non-material resource as part of their social movement repertoire.
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Inukonda, Sumanth. "Media, Globalization and Nationalism: The Case of Separate Telangana." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1457733967.
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Nasir, Sumaiya. "Finding voice through social media? : a critical analysis of women's participation in the online public sphere in India." Thesis, University of Canterbury. School of Language, Social and Political Sciences, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/9679.
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This thesis assesses the effectiveness of social media platforms, specifically Facebook and blogs, in facilitating women’s participation in the online public sphere in India. Discussion provides a literature review of the internet as a new public sphere and its impact and influence in enriching the existing public sphere in India. The study also reviews the relationship between the online public sphere and the role women play in this sphere through social media in India. The research is supplemented by a review study of the ‘India Against Corruption’ movement in order to demonstrate the case for the online public sphere. Moreover, the present study also provides a snap shot of how some blogs and Facebook pages are used by women.
Taking as a case study the 2012 ‘Delhi gang rape’ incident, through a topical network analysis of the Facebook pages and blog articles, this research attempts to understand the role of these media in allowing women to discuss social issues and participate in the public sphere. Drawing from the analysis of blog contents and examining Facebook pages I demonstrate how the women’s voices inhabiting the online sphere are limited to a certain class and region. In the cases studied here respondents appeared to be predominantly urban and middle class. While the scope of the research is small, this is one of the first studies in the area, and the findings suggest that social media are becoming a significant communicative tool in India and that women are increasingly appropriating these technologies. The study also demonstrates that women are discussing issues which were previously considered as taboo like rape and sexual violence, albeit in small numbers. Lastly, I identify challenges limiting women’s participation in the emerging online public sphere in India.
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Steidley, Trent T. "Gunning for Page One: The Gun Control Debate and Social Movement Organization Tactics in Garnering Media Coverage." The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1338322421.
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Gonçalves, Eduardo Raymundo de Lima. "Mídia e movimentos sociais: a representação do MST na revista ISTOÉ." Programa de Pós- Graduação em Ciências Sociais da UFBA, 2008. http://www.repositorio.ufba.br/ri/handle/ri/11174.
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Esta Dissertação tem por objetivo de pesquisa investigar como a grande mídia nacional constrói e veicula representações do Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST), particularmente aquelas encontradas na revista ISTOÉ. Enfoca-se o processo discursivo veiculado por essa mídia a respeito do MST, decompondo-o a partir de elementos que identifiquem os seus múltiplos aspectos, centrando-se na construção de imagens e na análise dos argumentos ideológicos. O trabalho de pesquisa foi realizado junto à Biblioteca Central do Estado da Bahia, em Salvador, sendo analisado o universo total de matérias produzido pela revista ISTOÉ entre janeiro de 2001 e dezembro de 2006. Para a análise do discurso foram definidas categorias básicas com o objetivo de compreender como a ideologia configura o discurso midiático hegemônico sobre os movimentos sociais. Os resultados demonstram a representação negativa e estereotipada do MST veiculada pela ISTOÉ, apontando, no entanto, para a necessária relação entre mídia e movimentos sociais.
Salvador
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Yanmaz, Selen. ""TheRevolution will not be Televised, It will be Tweeted”: Digital Technology, Affective Resistance and Turkey's Gezi Protests." Thesis, Boston College, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:107653.
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Thesis advisor: Stephen J. PfohlThe Gezi Park protests, which started in May 2013 in Istanbul, rapidly turned into a movement for democracy across the country. Through in-depth interviews with protestors in Turkey, observation and content analysis, my research examines the role digital technologies played in the protests. These technologies, especially social networking tools, were used by protestors to construct personalized frameworks and forms of action. I show that this process depended on the individuals’ interpretations of their current political and cultural context, their alternative frameworks of reality. By expressing these frameworks individuals, first and foremost, challenged the politico-cultural adjustment of the society by various powerful actors. Moreover, as individuals got together in protest, alternative frameworks of reality interacted, leading to the emergence of empathy and dialogue among the protestors for long-term movement success. Digital technologies provided the necessary alternative sources for news and other information for the reconstruction of these frameworks. Moreover, they became the primary space for the production and circulation of jokes in various forms, as protestors used humor and creativity as central strategies to voice their dissent. Affective and humorous creations challenged the discipline of the political authority, hacked its presentations of reality and contributed to the formation of a carnivalesque society, where empathy and dialogue were maintained through collective effervescence
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2017
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Sociology
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Araujo, Pamela Figueiredo Lacerda de Mesquita. "O uso dos media sociais pelos movimentos sociais brasileiros como instrumento de E-democracia." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/16527.
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Dissertação de Mestrado em Comunicação Social vertente em Comunicação EstratégicaEste trabalho é referente à dissertação de Mestrado em Comunicação Social, com vertente em Comunicação Estratégica, do Instituto de Ciências Sociais e Políticas (ISCSP), da Universidade de Lisboa. Tem como objetivo investigar se o uso dos media sociais pelos movimentos sociais no Brasil, entre os anos de 2013 e 2016, enquanto instrumentos de comunicação no contexto da e-democracia, foram importantes para uma maior participação política dos cidadãos. O estudo busca contribuir empiricamente para a análise dos media sociais e da participação política na internet, a partir de um inquérito por questionário aplicado a 450 cidadãos que participaram ou acompanharam os movimentos sociais brasileiros, além de uma entrevista semiestruturada com a Porta-Voz Nacional do Movimento Vem Pra Rua. A partir de um estado da arte, foram estudadas as teorias da sociedade em rede, paradigma tecnológico, cibercultura, agendamento, teoria das redes, esfera pública, edemocracia, participação política e cidadania digital, em busca de um embassamento científico que sustentem os objetivos deste trabalho. Os resultados da pesquisa apontaram que mais de 80% dos inquiridos acreditam no potencial dos media sociais para promover mais participação política na democracia e para modificar a maneira como os cidadãos se relacionam com a política, contudo, discutiu-se os problemas da participação política e como os novos movimentos sociais podem se inserir em um contexto e-democrático. Foi possível concluir que apesar dos media sociais serem relevantes para os movimentos sociais, é necessário que as inquietações individuais expostas na rede se transformem em problemas coletivos originando movimentos que ocupem o espaço urbano.
This paper is related to the dissertation of Master in Social Communication, with a focus on Strategic Communication, from the Institute of Social and Political Sciences (ISCSP), University of Lisbon. It aims to investigate whether the use of social media by social movements in Brazil, between the years of 2013 and 2016, as instruments of communication in the context of e-democracy, were important for a greater political participation of citizens. The study seeks to contribute empirically to the analysis of social media and political participation on the internet, based on a questionnaire survey with 450 citizens who participated or accompanied the Brazilian social movements, in addition to a semistructure interview with the National Spokesperson of Movimento Vem Pra Rua. From a state of the art, theories of network society, technological paradigm, cyberculture, agenda-setting, network theory, public sphere, e-democracy, political participation and digital citizenship in search of a scientific foundation that support the objectives this work. The results of the survey indicated that more than 80% of respondents believe in the potential of social media to promote more political participation in democracy and to change the way citizens relate to politics. However, the problems of political participation and how the new social movements can be inserted in an e-democratic context. It was possible to conclude that although social media are relevant to social movements, they are sufficient only if the individual anxieties exposed in the network become collective problems originating movements that occupy the urban space.
N/A
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Langstraat, Jeffrey A. "New Boston marriages : news representations, respectability, and the politics of same-sex marriage." Thesis, Boston College, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/1351.
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Thesis advisor: William A. GamsonIn 2006, Mariane Valverde announced the birth of what she called, “a new type in the history of sexuality” (155), the Respectable Same-Sex Couple. This work analyzes newspaper coverage of same-sex couples during the Massachusetts campaign for marriage equality to explore the content of and contours around that new socio-sexual category. The processes involved in the incorporation of lesbians and gay men into the governing relations of American society are used to explain the development of this type, and its replacement of the pathological Homosexual. The manufacture of respectability by movement activists is explored via the selection of “public face couples” as a framing strategy that links the lives of these couples to marriage itself and the hardships they suffer due to their inability to marry. The respectability of these couples and their incorporation as economic citizens is also linked to representations of professional status, upward mobility, economic success, and the creation of identity-based markets through entrepreneurial and consumptive practices. Boundaries around this respectability are evident in stories of failure, either to remain together as couples or to act in accordance with marital normative standards, while the boundaries between Heterosexuality and Homosexuality, and among and between same-sex and different-sex couples, are also being re-drawn as marriage becomes available. The broader historical transformation of lesbian and gay life is discusses in the development of new life-scripts becoming available. While these transformations have led to greater possibilities for the living of gay and lesbian lives, the absorption of these lives into governing relations also erases and expels other queer life practices and reinforces other forms of social inequality and injustice
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2009
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Sociology
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Sjöberg, Cecilia. "Not One (Woman) Less Social Media Activism to end Violence Against Women: The case of the Feminist Movement ‘Ni Una Menos’." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23344.
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The struggle to end violence against women and girls has long been a priority topic for women’s and feminist movements in Latin America. Lately, since the changes in the new media landscape (Castells 2015; Lievrouw, 2013) with the increased use of information and communication technologies (ICTs), such as social media platforms like Facebook and Twitter, the way women and feminist movements advocate their intentions are changing (Harcourt, 2013; Mathos, 2017). Departing from this reality, the aim is to investigate the role the use of social media activism played for the recent feminist movement, Ni Una Menos (NUM [Not One Less]), in Argentina and Chile while advocating for the end of violence against women. Taking a cross disciplinary approach this research combines theories from the fields of feminist studies, social movement and communication sciences. Through in-depth interviews with core activists from NUM both in Argentina and Chile as research method, it has been possible to identify the role of certain social media platforms for NUM’s tactical repertoire in their strive to advocate for the end of violence against women and girls. The findings also demonstrate the activism on social media platforms by the NUM movement has played an important role to set the topic on the public agenda in these countries, resulting in a generally greater awareness. Regardless off the role social media activism played, the importance seems to lie in a combination of activism on social media and the streets for feminist movements advocating to end violence against women because it assures a broad reach to all people in society. Nevertheless, to end violence against women in these countries much more effort is needed by society at large.
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Biedermann, Richard Scott. "An analysis of the news media's construction of protest groups." Scholarly Commons, 2005. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/620.
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This study examines the news media's construction of protests. Previous research has found that the news media demonizes and marginalizes protests. Protesters are framed in a highly negative fashion and primarily categorized as "violent." This study employed focus groups, agenda setting and framing theories to analyze this phenomenon. Previous research has been primarily quantitative in nature and thus qualitative research will provide a more in-depth understanding of this phenomenon. This study supports the findings of prior research but offers new insights. The implications of this study suggests that the news media can influence what people think about and how they think about it. Additionally, the news media frame protesters in a negative manner. Protesters are framed as violent and deviant. This negative framing both helps and hurts the protesters' cause. Lastly, this study found the news media to maintain the status quo in this society
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Brown, Rachel V. "Liking, sharing, and posting change: the impactful use of facebook in social movements. An analysis of black lives matter and the catalan independence movement." Doctoral thesis, TDX (Tesis Doctorals en Xarxa), 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/670415.
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L’activisme en els mitjans de comunicació social (SMA) s’ha convertit en un element bàsic en gairebé tots els moviments actuals al voltant del món. L’atractiu d’aquesta eina és evident en la seva prevalença i en la diversitat d’usos. Les xarxes socials permeten que qualsevol persona de tot el món sigui escoltada en qualsevol lloc, incloses aquelles que puguin implementar els canvis necessaris a nivell mundial. Tanmateix, el món encara està per descobrir com es pot utilitzar de manera més eficaç i evitar els entrebancs de convertir-se en l’anomenat slacktivism en lloc d’activisme. Molts usuaris participen en moviments com una moda i no pels canvis que es busquen, fet que en comporta una inconsistència i una disminució de l’impacte. Altres usuaris infrautilitzen les eines o les fan servir de manera incorrecta. Hi ha diverses raons per les quals els moviments fracassen i la majoria d’aquestes es deriven de la forma en què els participants en el moviment utilitzen eines per a l’activisme. Com a resultat d’això, per tal de garantir que els moviments actuals i futurs puguin funcionar amb la màxima efectivitat, l’aspecte més important a estudiar dels moviments són els participants i la seva coherència.
Aquesta tesi aportarà sobre com implicar al màxim el possible els participants analitzant l’ús de Facebook per part dels participants al moviment Black Lives Matter, així com també pel Moviment per la Independència catalana, tant si els moviments han tingut èxit fins ara mitjançant una anàlisi dels canvis legals, i també mitjançant un examen de la consistència dels moviments al llarg del temps.
Aquests dos moviments semblen increïblement diferents, cosa que és bona per arribar a una conclusió imparcial, tot i que tenen moltes similituds en què tots dos han tingut diversos graus d’èxit al llarg dels anys i busquen canvis tant socials com legals que transformin molt les seves respectives societats. El moviment Black Lives Matter es va crear per combatre els assassinats il·legítims d’homes i dones negres als Estats Units, així com les lleis que permeten als assassins escapar impunes. El Moviment per la Independència de Catalunya es va crear per buscar la independència de la regió de Catalunya d’Espanya. Ambdós moviments van obtenir reconeixement internacional al llarg dels anys i compten amb membres molt apassionats de les causes, que busquen transformacions i aconseguir un futur millor.
Si comparem els resultats de la investigació per a cadascun d’aquests dos moviments extremadament diferents amb participants summament diferents en termes de geografia, ètnia, edat, etc., i objectius diferents, és ben clar que els patrons identificats de coherència, les respostes dels participants i fins i tot les ramificacions legals mostren, fins a cert punt, una evident correlació entre allò que ha estat efectiu en el moviment Black Lives Matter i en el Moviment per la Independència catalana. Com a resultat d’això, aquesta tesi aporta molta llum necessària sobre com utilitzar Facebook de manera més eficaç com a eina per a l’activisme, especialment mitjançant la comunicació, l’organització i la mobilització en els moviments socials. Aquesta visió ajudarà els moviments actuals i propers a aconseguir la transformació social i política que busquen i, en definitiva, a transformar el món.El activismo a través de los medios sociales se ha convertido en un elemento básico de casi todos los movimientos modernos del mundo. El atractivo de estas herramientas es obvio en su prevalencia y diversidad de usos. Las redes sociales permiten que cualquier voz, en cualquier lugar, sea escuchada por cualquier persona en todo el mundo, incluidas aquellas que tienen el poder de implementar los cambios necesarios a nivel mundial. Sin embargo, el mundo aún no ha descubierto cómo se puede usar de manera más efectiva y evitar las trampas de convertirse en el llamado slacktivismo (una virtualización que no es activa, en realidad, postureo) en lugar de activismo. Muchos usuarios participan en movimientos porque están de moda en lugar de por los cambios buscados, lo que conduce a la inconsistencia y a una disminución del impacto. Otros usuarios infrautilizan las herramientas o las usan incorrectamente. Hay varias razones por las cuales los movimientos fallan, y la mayoría de esas razones provienen de la forma en que los participantes del movimiento usan herramientas para el activismo. Como resultado de esto, para garantizar que los movimientos actuales y futuros puedan operar con la máxima efectividad, el aspecto más importante de los movimientos a estudiar son los participantes y la consistencia del uso. Esta tesis arroja luz sobre cómo involucrar a los participantes lo mejor posible al analizar el uso de Facebook por parte de los participantes en el movimiento Black Lives Matter, así como en el Movimiento de Independencia de Cataluña, si éstos han tenido éxito hasta ahora a través de un análisis de los cambios legales, y también a través de un examen de la consistencia de los movimientos a lo largo del tiempo. Estos dos movimientos parecen ser increíblemente diferentes, lo cual es bueno para llegar a una conclusión imparcial, sin embargo, tienen muchas similitudes en que ambos han tenido varios grados de éxito a lo largo de los años y buscan cambios sociales y legales que transformarán en gran medida sus sociedades respectivas. El movimiento Black Lives Matter fue creado para combatir los homicidios injustos de hombres y mujeres negros en los Estados Unidos, así como las leyes que permiten a los asesinos escapar impunes. El Movimiento de Independencia de Cataluña se creó para buscar la independencia de la región de Cataluña de España. Ambos movimientos ganaron reconocimiento internacional a lo largo de los años y están formados por miembros extremadamente apasionados por las causas, logrando las transformaciones que buscan y asegurando un futuro mejor para los afectados. Al comparar los resultados de la investigación para cada uno de estos dos movimientos extremadamente diferentes con participantes muy diferentes en términos de geografía, etnia, edad, etc., y diferentes objetivos, y luego de notar las similitudes en los resultados, es bastante claro que los patrones identificados de consistencia en las respuestas de los participantes e incluso las ramificaciones legales, en cierta medida muestran una correlación obvia entre lo que ha sido efectivo en el movimiento Black Lives Matter y en el Movimiento de Independencia de Cataluña. Como resultado de esto, esta tesis arroja luz muy necesaria sobre cómo utilizar Facebook de manera más efectiva como una herramienta para el activismo, particularmente a través de la comunicación, la organización y la movilización en los movimientos sociales. Esa idea puede ayudar a los movimientos actuales y futuros a lograr la transformación social y política que buscan y, en última instancia, ayudará a transformar el mundo.
Social Media Activism (SMA) has become a staple of almost every modern-day movement around the world. The appeal of this tool is obvious in its prevalence, and diversity of uses. Social media enables any voice, anywhere to be heard by anyone around the world including those that have the power to implement necessary changes globally. However, the world is still yet to discover how it can be used most effectively and avoid the pitfalls of becoming slacktivism instead of activism. Many users participate in movements because they are trendy as opposed to passion for the changes sought which leads to inconsistency and a decrease in impact. Other users underutilize the tools or incorrectly use them. There are various reasons why movements fail, and most of those reasons stem from the way movement participants use tools for activism. As a result of this, in order to ensure that current and future movements can operate at maximum effectiveness, the most important aspect of movements to be studied is the participants and consistency. This thesis sheds light on how to engage participants as best as possible by analysing the use of Facebook by participants in the Black Lives Matter movement as well as the Catalan Independence Movement, whether the movements have been successful thus far through an analysis of Legal changes, and also through an examination of the consistency of the movements over time. These two movements seem at face value to be incredibly different which is good for coming to an unbiased conclusion, however they have many similarities in that both have had various degrees of success over the years and seek both social and legal changes that will greatly transform their respective societies. The Black Lives Matter movement was created to combat the wrongful killings of Black Men and women in the United States as well as the laws that allow the killers to get away with murder and unfair treatment in general. The Catalan Independence Movement was created to seek independence of the region of Catalunya from Spain. Both movements gained international recognition over the years and consist of members who are extremely passionate about the causes, achieving the transformations they seek, and securing a better future for those affected. By comparing the results of the research for each of these two extremely different movements with extremely different participants in terms of geography, ethnicity, age, etc., and different goals, and then noting the similarities in the results, it is quite clear that the identified patterns in consistency, responses from participants and even the legal ramifications to some extent, show an obvious correlation between what has been effective in the Black Lives Matter movement and in the Catalan Independence Movement. As a result of this, this thesis sheds much needed light on how to utilize Facebook most effectively as a tool for activism particularly through communication, organization and mobilization in Social Movements. That insight will help current and upcoming movements to achieve the social and political transformation they seek and ultimately aid in transforming the world.
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Delgado, Falcon Gaudi. "Advancing Women’s Rights in the Age of Social Media: An Analysis of the #MeToo Movement." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21620.
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In 2017, the Me Too campaign, founded ten years earlier to help women of color from low-income communities who were survivors of sexual violence, became a viral social media movement following allegations on Twitter by actress Alyssa Milano of sexual harassment and violence against the powerful Hollywood producer Harvey Weinstein. Using the hashtag #MeToo, Milano unwittingly mobilized millions of women to share their stories via social media, and the #Metoo movement subsequently helped to illuminate both the structural and individual aspects of sexual harassment and abuse by men against women within virtually all aspects of society. As the #MeToo movement swept the globe, millions of women shared stories of sexual harassment and abuse through social media platforms, and indictments of the “inappropriate behavior” against women gained center stage. To understand this movement today and how media made it possible, this study analyses the discussion about online media and social movements surrounding the 2019 World Economic Forum held in Davos, Switzerland. In doing so, this research sheds light on the achievement and impact of the movement. Employing a mixed-method approach providing a feminist epistemological perspective on elements drawn from discourse analysis, comparative discourse analysis, content analysis, and critical discourse analysis, this thesis analyses a sample of ten online reports on how online mass media, and particularly social media, shapes movements for social change. It shows that online media is of great significance in constructing movements for social change because it facilitates the construction and dissemination of a social change discourse and influences how we determine which situations and actions constitute “sexual harassment.” This analysis further shows that feminist principles of gender equality, women’s sexual self-determination, and empowerment no longer define the politics of sexual harassment in the digital age.
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Luna, Alfredo. "Implications of social movements in the present global environmental dynamics: the case of the United States." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú. Centro de Investigación en Geografía Aplicada, 2013. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/119683.
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Social movements are mobilization groups of stakeholders who seek to change the status quo, given the unfavorable conditions regarding their demands, rights, warrants, etc. As a fundamental effect of the change, social movements become leading actors of institutional change. One of these effects is given in the environmental issues, in the use, control, legislation and appreciation of nature. The insurgent policies developed by these movements are, in the current context of globalization and development of information technology and communication, the center of analysis in this paper, focusing on the U.S. environmental movement. We, therefore, believe that insurgent policies determine the beginning of institutional change.Los movimientos sociales son grupos movilizados de actores sociales que buscan cambiar el status quo dadas las condiciones no favorables en relación con sus demandas, derechos, garantías,etc. Como efecto fundamental de dicho cambio, los movimientos sociales se constituyen como actores protagónicos del cambio institucional. Uno de estos efectos se da en el tema ambiental, en el uso, control, legislación y valoración de la naturaleza. Las políticas insurgentes que desarrollan dichos movimientos serán, en el actual contexto de la globalización y desarrollo de las tecnologías de la información y la comunicación, el centro de análisis de este documento, enfocándose en el movimiento ecologista de Estados Unidos. Por tanto, creemos que las políticas insurgentes determinan el inicio del cambio institucional.
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Doolen, Joseph. "Protest Movements and the Climate Emergency Declarations of 2019: A New Social Media Logic to Connect and Participate in Politics." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för informatik och media, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-421114.
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This thesis investigates the relationship between contemporary climate protest movements (Extinction Rebellion and Fridays For Future) and governmental bodies in European countries that declared a climate emergency in 2019. The primary contribution of this thesis is to demonstrate how emerging communication practices by these movements compare to the perceived influence of such practices among political decisionmakers in their governing bodies’ votes for a climate emergency declaration. Twitter content (tweets by movement accounts) surrounding protest actions of the climate movements was coded using concepts deduced from theoretical literature of participation, media and communication. Themes induced from this data were also used for coding. A thematic analysis of empirical interview text from semi-structured interviews of nine politicians in eight governmental bodies (six German city councils, that of Innsbruck, Austria and the Swiss cantonal parliament of Vaud) on this subject matter was done similarly. Relational thematic analyses of both datasets influenced the coding of one another. A frame analysis grounded in these data studied the use of social media imagery and text by the two movements. Another look at the interview data reflects the influence these movements had on climate emergency declarations via comparison of politicians’ stated impressions of the movements’ participation/influences with formations of tweeted movement frames. The data support the hypothesis that citizens engage via the connective power of personalized participatory culture on social media, enabling political participation. Today, we see a shift away from a political logic of social movements abiding to strong shared identity and meaning through frames of collective action. Instead, a social media logic, which aims to achieve the same functions, operates in loosely networked movements based on individualized frames of youth identity. This ‘connective identity’ bridges the participatory culture of social media with offline political participation in the streets and halls of power.
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Huen, Bobby K. "Bloggers and Their Impact on Contemporary Social Movements: A Phenomenological Examination of the Role of Blogs and Their Creators in the LGBT Social Movements in Modern United States." NSUWorks, 2015. http://nsuworks.nova.edu/shss_dcar_etd/30.
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The Internet is a ubiquitous feature in everyday life, but its application to social movements has yet to be completely understood. This phenomenological study examines the lived experiences of bloggers who focused on the gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) movement in the United States to understand the impact bloggers and their work as online activists have on existing LGBT social movement organization and operation. Data collection is gathered from semi-structured and open-ended interviews with four social movement bloggers using web-conference software over the course of three months. The results of this study indicated that internet has empowered individual activists, allowing them to gather a following and share their views to a large audience over the web, independent from existing social movement organizations. Consequently, bloggers and online activists maintain a relationship with existing social movement structure that is both collaborative and antagonistic. The results of this study contribute to the current understanding of social movement organizations as well as the impact of technological innovations on social movement advocacy.
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Arif, Rauf. "Social movements, YouTube and political activism in authoritarian countries: a comparative analysis of political change in Pakistan, Tunisia & Egypt." Diss., University of Iowa, 2014. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/4564.
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This dissertation explores the role of social media in political activism in authoritarian societies, using as case studies the use of YouTube as an alternative channel of communication and resistance during the political crises in Pakistan, Tunisia, and Egypt. I studied Pakistan because it is one of the few majority Muslim countries in which social media were part of the media mix during the mass uprisings that led to the overthrow of the regime of military leader, General Pervez Musharraf in 2007. Tunisia and Egypt were chosen because these two countries are seen as the iconic nations of the Arab Spring 2011. The study argues that the term "Arab Spring" itself limits the scope of ongoing online and offline political uprisings in the Muslim World, which is spreading beyond the geographical boundaries of the Middle East.
The investigation uses "social movements" as defined and theorized by Hirschman (1970), Lohmann (1994), Olson (1965), and Tarrow (1994; 1998) as its theoretical foundation, in order to describe and explain how YouTube was part of the information activism of the social movements that sprang up during the revolutions in Pakistan, Tunisia and Egypt. A comparative methodological approach enables me to analyze the "most viewed" YouTube videos of political protests in the three countries.
By examining a purposive sample of 60 most viewed protest-related YouTube videos, the study explores how these videos served as a "voice," (alternative channels of communication) when the authoritarian governments controlled all the media in the three countries. Using quantitative content analysis and thematic analysis approaches, the study investigates YouTube's role and content during Pakistan's political crisis of 2007, and compares it with that platform's role as an alternative avenue of communication, as well as its content in the 2011 political uprising in Tunisia and Egypt, which are the core of the Arab Spring in North Africa.
Eight research questions were asked for this investigation. These questions were derived from Hirschman (1970), Lohmann (1994), Tarrow (1998), and Perlmutter's (1998) works. Issues that were investigated in these questions include: identifying the cultural and ideological frames used in the most viewed videos of each revolution, YouTube videos as "informational cascades," Al-Jazeera's role as "informational cascade," YouTube videos as a "Voice," and the most iconic images of each revolution.
The findings of these research questions suggest that in the absence of traditional media sources, YouTube can serve as an alternative platform of communication and dissent. The study finds that the social movements in the three countries (The Lawyers' Movement of 2007 in Pakistan, the so-called Jasmine Revolution of Tunisia (2010), and the Arab Spring of Egypt 2011) utilized YouTube as an alternate channel of communication to disseminate information on political protests against the dictatorial regimes for purposes of promoting resistance.
The visual content analysis of these videos revealed that the YouTube videos of political protests utilized common religious and national ideologies as a part of cultural and ideological frames to spread the narratives of political protests online.
The findings of this study support that the most viewed videos contributed to serve as informational cascades for the observers (YouTube viewers) of these protest-related videos. The findings also highlight that the pan-Arabic TV channel Al-Jazeera utilized YouTube as an alternative platform to disseminate its protest-related videos, particularly when the channel was banned in the three countries.
The visual content analysis of the most viewed videos of protests suggest that social movements in Pakistan, Tunisia and Egypt used YouTube to amplify their voice against corruption, unemployment, and authoritarianism in the three countries.
The findings of this dissertation identify that three images (one from each country) were treated as the icons of outrage in the 60 most viewed protest-related videos. These icons of outrage include the images of Mohamed Bouazizi's self-immolation (Tunisia), torture-disfigured face of Khaled Said (Egypt), and the arrest of Pakistani Chief Justice, Iftikhar Chaudry.
Based on its findings, the dissertation argues that the ongoing political struggle in Muslim-majority countries is a much bigger phenomenon than the "Arab Spring." This study also makes a strong case that Pakistan experienced online informational activism long before the Arab Spring of 2011. Since political communication in Pakistan is a relatively under-researched field, academic archives do not provide sufficient information on the role and emergence of social media in the country, including how the new modes of digital communication serve as alternative channels of political activism against dictatorship. This dissertation intends to fill this void.
The study also contributes to the existing literature on communication, social movements and political activism, which is predominantly specific to Western settings. Since this study applies Western approaches of social movements to non-Western settings, it helps to explicate the applicability of such approaches to non-Western societies and contexts. Furthermore, it is important to understand the role of social media as alternative channels of communication in closed, authoritarian societies where the traditional media serve only the interests of the ruling elites. In addition, the study helps to explain how the increasingly popular social media, e.g. YouTube, are contributing to civil liberties by challenging the authoritarian regimes of the Muslim World.
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Duffield, Lee R. "Graffitti on the Wall. Reading History Through News Media: The role of news media in historical crises, in the case of the collapse of the Eastern bloc in Europe 1989." Thesis, James Cook University, 2002. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/3904/1/3904.pdf.
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The thesis reviews the engagement of news media in the collapse of communism in Eastern Europe in 1989, most vividly represented by the opening of the Berlin Wall. It uses field observations of the author as a jouralist of the time, extensive interviews with other news correspondents, a review of historical writing on the period, and an exhaustive review of the coverage given by six major news outlets. The work sees the change in Europe being driven by mass social movements, but also examines conventional, institutional politics at work, and describes the engagement of news media in the historical situation as it unfolds. It determines that the daily coverage by leading Western news media judged in terms of accuracy and perspective was successful, validated by later evaluations. It is informed by theoretical writing on mass social movements and on journalistic news values. It concludes by suggesting that the approach followed, a review of history from the perspective of news media of the day, could be applied to many other situations.