Journal articles: 'Social justice – Ireland'

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Leonard, Liam, and Paula Kenny. "The Restorative Justice Movement in Ireland: Building Bridges to Social Justice through Civil Society." Irish Journal of Sociology 18, no. 2 (November 2010): 38–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/ijs.18.2.4.

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This article examines the emergence and influence of the restorative justice movement as a bridge between communities, civil society and the state in Ireland. It focuses on the Republic of Ireland, but also examines restorative conferencing in Northern Ireland. Separate sections reflect the emergence of a movement dedicated to the promotion of restorative justice as a vehicle for a holistic form of community-based justice in Ireland. The article covers the history, scope and philosophical-political background of the restorative justice movement, providing specific examples of the interchange between this restorative justice movement and civil society in Ireland, Northern Ireland, and the United States. The wider potential of the restorative justice movement is highlighted. This potential is demonstrated in the restorative movement's challenge to understandings of failed punitive approaches and through its socially redemptive alternative, which emphasises collective responsibility for crime amongst all of the community. The article examines the international background to restorative justice, and its theoretical understandings, with a focus on key theorists such as Strang and Braithwaite amongst others. It examines salient issues that underpin social justice and social control in Ireland, including the potential impacts of restorative justice policy and practice for the wider community and the state.

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FitzGerald, Sharron, Maggie O’Neill, and Gillian Wylie. "Social justice for sex workers as a ‘politics of doing’: Research, policy and practice." Irish Journal of Sociology 28, no. 3 (December 2020): 257–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0791603520911344.

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The Republic of Ireland is a good case study to highlight the problems associated with uncritical appeals to criminal law as the only appropriate tool to tackle demand and protect sex workers from harm. In 2017, the Criminal Law (Sexual Offences) Act came into force in the Republic of Ireland (hereafter Ireland) making it a criminal offence to purchase sex in the jurisdiction. Ireland’s decision to introduce Swedish-style laws followed a protracted public campaign instigated in 2009 by the Irish and radical feminist inspired neo-abolitionist organisation, Turn off the Red Light. In this article, we confront and de-centre the Turn off the Red Light campaign’s hegemonic narrative that the criminal rather than social justice responses provide a more effective vehicle for sex workers’ empowerment. Undertaking our intervention in Irish feminist prostitution politics as a ‘politics of doing’ social justice through our separate and combined research, we extend our analysis by invoking Nancy Fraser and Barbara Hudson’s theoretical work on social and restorative justice. We wish to develop a theoretical framework that can serve as a roadmap for restorative social justice – the process of achieving rights, recognition and redistribution through relational, reflective and discursive interventions in sex work research, policy and practice. We argue that by ‘thinking’ sex workers’ positionality in social relations differently, the ‘doings’ of restorative social justice for sex workers can begin or take place.

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Cuskelly, Kerry. "Social work and the struggle for social justice in Ireland." Critical and Radical Social Work 1, no. 1 (April 1, 2013): 125–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/204986013x666027.

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Lavery, Scott. "Book Review: Britain and Ireland: Social Justice and Social Policy in Scotland." Political Studies Review 12, no. 1 (January 2014): 142–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1478-9302.12041_87.

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de Mattos, Laura Valladão. "JOHN STUART MILL AND THE IRISH LAND QUESTION: AN ILLUSTRATION OF HIS VIEW ON SOCIAL INSTITUTIONS." Journal of the History of Economic Thought 42, no. 1 (February 4, 2020): 43–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1053837219000099.

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John Stuart Mill’s involvement with the Land Question in Ireland is analyzed from the viewpoint of his theory of institutions. I argue that, for Mill, institutions should promote progress without endangering social order. When referring to economic institutions, “progress” meant, essentially, human improvement, a rise in economic productivity, and the increase of social justice. According to Mill, the cottier system did not fulfill any of these requisites and should be abandoned. Mill also rejected transposing to Ireland the “English model” of capitalist agriculture. This institution could eventually solve the economic problem but involved the unjust eviction of tenants and would not regenerate the Irish character. Given the particularities of Ireland, Mill endorsed peasant property as the most suitable form of land appropriation. It would, at the same time, improve the character of the people, enhance productivity, and increase the social justice of the system. It would also mitigate the conflicts that jeopardized social order.

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Cradden, Terry. "Trade Unionism, Social Justice, and Religious Discrimination in Northern Ireland." Industrial and Labor Relations Review 46, no. 3 (April 1993): 480. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2524548.

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Cradden, Terry. "Trade Unionism, Social Justice, and Religious Discrimination in Northern Ireland." ILR Review 46, no. 3 (April 1993): 480–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979399304600303.

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This article examines the actions of trade union leaders in response to religious discrimination in employment in Northern Ireland, and their influence on British Government policy-making on this question. The main finding is that despite the risk of alienating many members, the trade union movement persisted in seeking radical remedies for discrimination during the 1980s, and was influential in the shaping of anti-discrimination legislation enacted in 1989. The author finds points of similarity between this history and the AFL-CIO leadership's civil rights stand in the 1960s, and sees these examples as evidence that egalitarian values have played, and continue to play, an important role in shaping union purpose and action.

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Ward, Eilís. "‘Framing figures’ and the campaign for sex purchase criminalisation in Ireland: A Lakoffian analysis." Irish Journal of Sociology 28, no. 3 (December 2020): 314–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0791603520951754.

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If the concept of social justice posits equality and fairness between subjects in the social order, then the presence of those subjects within that order must first and foremost be acknowledged. In Ireland’s recent reform of prostitution law contained in the Criminal Law (Sexual Offences) Act 2017, the presence of the sex worker as a rights-bearing subject or citizen, with access to justice in that capacity, was denied. In this article I focus on the use of data by the neo-abolitionist ‘Turn off the Red Light’ campaign to ‘flatten out’ the complexity of sex workers lives and present the figure of the ‘vulnerable prostituted woman’ and the ‘trafficking victim’: tragic, abject, a necessarily violated person and in need of ‘protection’ from the state. I argue that this data, entering public and political discourse as uncontestable truth, constituted what I call, ‘framing figures’, framing an inevitable outcome and precluding certain subjects from the status of equality and fairness. The data allowed campaigners for the Sex Purchase Ban (SPB), and, in turn the state, to eclipse a social justice approach to sex work, such as proposed by the Sex Workers Alliance of Ireland and other actors.

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Arthur, Raymond. "Protecting the Best Interests of the Child: A Comparative Analysis of the Youth Justice Systems in Ireland, England and Scotland." International Journal of Children's Rights 18, no. 2 (2010): 217–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181809x439392.

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AbstractIn the Republic of Ireland the government has proposed amending the Irish Constitution in order to improve children's rights. In this article I will argue that the proposed amendment represents a serious diminution in the rights historically afforded to young people who offend, disregards Ireland's commitments under international law and also ignores the well established link between child maltreatment and youth offending. The Irish approach echoes developments in the English youth justice system where the welfare concerns of young people who offend have become marginalised. I will compare the Irish and English approaches with the Scottish youth justice system which looks beyond young people's offending behaviour and provides a multi-disciplinary assessment of the young person's welfare needs. I will conclude that in Ireland, and in England, the best interest principle must be applied fully, without any distinction and integrated in all law relevant to children including laws regulating anti-social and offending behaviour.

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Pinkerton, J. "Social Work and Social Justice in Northern Ireland: Towards a New Occupational Space." British Journal of Social Work 32, no. 6 (September 1, 2002): 723–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/bjsw/32.6.723.

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O'Flynn, Micheal, and Aggelos Panayiotopoulos. "Activism and the Academy in Ireland: A Bridge for Social Justice." Studies in Social Justice 9, no. 1 (December 10, 2015): 54–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/ssj.v9i1.1147.

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This article is concerned with the working relationships between progressive academics, students, left activists, and trade unionists in Ireland, and with the apparent division between theory-led and action-led perspectives. We reflect on our efforts to draw progressive forces in Ireland together through a number of initiatives: reading groups, conferences, educational seminars, workshops, the publication of a quarterly paper, and the organization of precarious workers in higher education. We argue that although activism and academia are sometimes treated as separate spheres, there are spaces for academia in activism and for activism in academia. Finding and filling those spaces means resisting efforts to limit academia to interpreting the world, and finding ways to demonstrate the emancipatory potential of education among activists whose time is taken up with struggling against immediate structural inequalities and attempting to mobilize people into a political force. We argue that scholar-activists should play an important role helping to assemble the collective resources of the working class, as well as organising for longer-term social transformation. We call on scholar-activists to collaborate in constructing a counter-hegemonic narrative and developing a collective strategy for social justice.

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Duggan, Marian. "Lost in transition? Sexuality and justice in post-conflict Northern Ireland." Northern Ireland Legal Quarterly 68, no. 2 (August 9, 2017): 159–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.53386/nilq.v68i2.33.

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Northern Ireland has pioneered the delivery of transitional justice, largely as a result of its troubled past. Efforts to guide this long-divided society towards greater inclusion have been facilitated by a range of processes (judicial and otherwise) designed to deliver truth, justice and accountability. Legal requirements to consider a broader demographical representation in consultations means that lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender voices are increasingly evident in this transition. Yet continued political resistance to sexual minority equality, set against a backdrop of wider social integration, indicates the piecemeal approach to progress which is being adopted. This article critically analyses the socio-legal positioning of sexual minorities in Northern Ireland's ongoing processes of transitional justice. In addressing how sexual orientation fits with the driving factors underpinning a move towards a 'post-conflict' society, the analysis queries the heteronormative cultural dynamics informing this utopian future and the impact this may have on exacerbating rather than eradicating homophobic victimisation.

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Lim, Walter S. H. "Figuring Justice: Imperial Ideology and the Discourse of Colonialism in Book V of The Faerie Queene and A View of the Present State of Ireland." Renaissance and Reformation 31, no. 1 (January 22, 2009): 45–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v31i1.11566.

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Edmund Spenser is a vocal spokesman for the colonization of Ireland. In A View of the Present State of Ireland, he provides one of the most sustained imperialist articulations in Elizabethan England. And in Book V of The Faerie Queene, he promulgates a vision of justice that is necessary for containing individual and social dissent, as well as for consolidating monarchical authority. Spenser wants a similar form of relentless justice applied to controlling the recalcitrant Irish, but discovers that his implacable imperialist policy stands in direct opposition to Queen Elizabeth’s own.

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Rooney, Eilish. "Engendering transitional justice: questions of absence and silence." International Journal of Law in Context 3, no. 2 (June 2007): 173–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744552307002066.

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The globalisation of transitional justice as a framework for the resolution of conflicts is a remarkable phenomenon of the post-Cold War era (Bell and Craig, 2000). In different contexts this framework has significant consequences for women’s equality. This article asserts that a conceptualisation of gender that intersects with other dimensions of inequality in state formation provides an important tool for understanding contemporary transitional justice processes. This complex tool of intersectional analysis is used to explore the issue of women’s equality in Northern Ireland’s transition. This is applied to the problems of women’s absence from negotiations and the silence in these negotiations on matters to do with women’s day-to-day lives. The Good Friday/Belfast Agreement and the enactment of the equality legislation enacted in the Northern Ireland Act 1998 are the textual sites of analysis. These documents comprise the formal transitional framework for Northern Ireland. The article examines the theoretical tensions and practical implications inherent in universal claims for women’s equality in a situation where recognition of ‘difference’ is enshrined in both the equality legislation and the mechanisms for future democratic representation. The article concludes by suggesting that transitional justice discourse can benefit from the theoretical challenges posed by intersectionality and that social stability in NI and in other conflicted societies may be strengthened through addressing the corrosive impacts of inequality.

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Sweeney, Leigh-Ann, Leonard Taylor, and Michal Molcho. "Sex workers access to health and social care services: A social justice response." Irish Journal of Sociology 28, no. 3 (July 14, 2020): 333–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0791603520937279.

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This research explores service providers’ views on the barriers that prevent women in the sex work industry in Ireland from accessing co-ordinated health services. A purposive sample of eight service providers in the field of women’s health and social care in the West of Ireland were selected and interviewed for this study. The service providers were asked about their perception of the barriers of sex workers accessing health and social care services. Using thematic analysis, three key themes were identified: (1) lack of knowledge of women’s involvement in sex work; (2) identified barriers to health services; and (3) legislative and policy barriers to providing supportive services. While the service providers acknowledged that they do not knowingly provide services for sex workers, they all recognise that some of their service users are at risk of, and potentially are, involved in sex work. Yet, they were able to identify some of the barriers sex workers face when accessing their services. All these barriers were the result to the services’ limited capacity to support women engaging in sex work. At the time of data collection, the legislative context meant that selling sex under certain conditions was outside the law. This study highlights the consequences that criminalisation can have on the health of sex workers and the need for a paradigm shift in existing health and social care services. In this paper, we propose that a social justice rather than a criminal justice approach has the potential to address sex workers’ right to access appropriate health care. This paper gives due recognition to marginalised women, and advocates for better provision of services for women in the sex industry, while considering the new legislation of 2017.

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O’Mahony, David. "Criminal Justice Reform in a Transitional Context: Restorative Youth Conferencing in Northern Ireland." International Criminal Law Review 12, no. 3 (2012): 549–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181212x650001.

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This article examines the incorporation of restorative principles and practices within reforms of Northern Ireland’s youth justice system, adopted following the peace process. It considers whether restorative justice principles can be successfully incorporated into criminal justice reform as part of a process of transitional justice. The article argues that restorative justice principles, when brought within criminal justice, can contribute to the broader process of transitional justice and peace building, particularly in societies where the police and criminal justice system have been entwined in the conflict. In these contexts restorative justice within criminal justice can help civil society to take a stake in the administration and delivery of criminal justice, it can help break down hostility and animosity towards criminal justice and contribute to the development of social justice and civic agency, so enabling civil society to move forward in a transitional environment.

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Visser, Anna. "Complex non-profit collaboration: A Case Study of The Advocacy Initiative." Project Management Research and Practice 3 (November 14, 2016): 5121. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/pmrp.v3i0.5121.

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In 2008 in Ireland there was a real sense that social justice advocacy, by non-profit organisations, was under threat from the state. The experience of many advocates and their organisations was that the state was actively working to silence advocacy. However there were no or few spaces where the non-profit sector (in Ireland often referred to as the community and voluntary sector) could reflect and dialogue about social justice advocacy: the threats it faced, its purpose, methodologies, effectiveness, assumptions, and legitimacy. Where spaces did exist there were low levels of trust and not always room for dissent from dominant narratives (Murphy 2014). The Advocacy Initiative was established to provide the opportunity for the sector to come to grips with these challenges and consider more deeply its advocacy function.

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Brennan, John P. "323 - I’d prefer to stay at home but I don’t have a choice’: Irish social workers’ experiences of decision-making in care planning with older people with dementia." International Psychogeriatrics 32, S1 (October 2020): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1041610220002239.

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This paper is based on a collaborative research study undertaken by the Irish Association of Social Workers, Age Action Ireland, The Alzheimer Society of Ireland and the School of Social policy, Social Work and Social Justice, University College Dublin. The study explored the experiences and views of social workers working with older people, including people with dementia. The purpose of the study was to investigate how the health and social care system in Ireland was responding to the care needs, required supports and preferences of older people. This paper will mainly focus on reported experiences related to older people with dementia in decision-making about their care.Data collection included a mixed method approach, that is, (i) an on-line survey of social workers across Ireland reporting on their open caseload over a period of one month (N = 38)) and (ii) semi-structured telephone interviews with social workers (N = 21).The Quantitative data was analysed using SPSS statistical software to produce descriptive and bivariate results. For the qualitative data an iterative data reduction process was used.Findings echoed that of other Irish research demonstrating (i) that the preference of older people is to remain living at home and receiving care in this setting as needed, and (ii) that this preference is not being realized. The study further highlighted variations in participation levels of people with dementia in the decision-making process, the barriers to participation and the place of family relationships in the decision-making process. The study made recommendations as to how to address these issues. The findings will also be considered within the context of social justice for older people.

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Chapman, Tim. "The Problem of Community in a Justice System in Transition: The Case of Community Restorative Justice in Northern Ireland." International Criminal Law Review 12, no. 3 (2012): 573–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181212x648815.

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The article describes how community restorative justice in Northern Ireland developed out of the civil conflict. It illustrates how its valuable work has been stifled by the reforms to the criminal justice system arising from the Northern Irish peace process. Habermas’s theory of the colonisation of the lifeworld by the system is used to explain how restorative justice tends to be marginalised or co-opted by the criminal justice system. The article concludes that any process of social reconstruction must focus as much on strengthening civil society as it does political reform and economic development.

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Beddoe, Elizabeth, Trish Hayes, and Jessica Steele. "‘Social justice for all!’ The relative silence of social work in abortion rights advocacy." Critical and Radical Social Work 8, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 7–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/204986019x15717380615737.

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Social work has been largely silent on matters of reproductive rights, particularly in relation to abortion. This may partially be explained by abortion being secured as a part of health care in many countries. However, elsewhere, abortion remains in criminal codes with service access controlled via medico-legal barriers. We make a case for the increased visibility of reproductive justice within education and professional activity, employing case studies from Australia, the Republic of Ireland and New Zealand to illustrate recent social work advocacy on abortion rights. Social work abortion activists report two themes: professional bodies have varied their approach to advocacy for abortion rights due to political sensitivities; and social work involvement in campaigns has reflected individual and grass-roots advocacy. Improved education about reproductive justice for social workers, alongside greater collective professional advocacy, are needed to contribute to campaigns together with women’s and human rights groups, as well as public health champions.

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O'Mahony, Paul. "Crime in the Republic of Ireland: A Suitable Case for Social Analysis." Irish Journal of Sociology 10, no. 1 (May 2000): 3–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/079160350001000101.

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This article argues that there has been a lack of critical, theoretically-based analysis of Irish criminal justice. It focuses on three areas that require further theoretically grounded analysis: the relationship between social deprivation and crime, white-collar crime, and the role of the media with respect to crime. It concludes with a possible framework for future social science research on crime in Ireland.

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Clarke, Linda, and Lesley Abbott. "Seeking equilibrium between a social justice and a charity stance towards global learning among Northern Ireland pupils." International Journal of Development Education and Global Learning 11, no. 2 (December 5, 2019): 175–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.18546/ijdegl.11.2.04.

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Developing pupils' knowledge and understanding of world poverty and how to reduce it requires building teachers' capacity. With this objective in mind, the UK Global Learning Programme (GLP 2013–18) sought to determine the extent to which a social justice mentality was evident among pupils in Northern Ireland schools in tandem with, or instead of, the prevailing charity mentality. Using a qualitative approach, the research examined their conceptions of, and attitudes towards, social justice and equity, and how they had helped make the world fairer. They understood the causes of inequality and saw the contrast between great wealth and absolute poverty. Their growing motivation to help related mainly to charitable actions, but there was evidence of critical thinking about longer-term implications and a social justice stance.

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Peatling, G. K. "New Liberalism, J. L. Hammond and the Irish Problem, 1897–1949*." Historical Research 73, no. 180 (February 1, 2000): 48–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.00094.

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Abstract Historians have regarded new Liberalism as an ideology primarily concerned with domestic social reform. Yet this does little justice to the intensity and longevity of new Liberals' support of self‐government in Ireland. This side of new Liberal ideology is particularly illuminated by the career of J. L. Hammond (1872–1949), especially his Gladstone and the Irish Nation (1938). Hammond's historical scholarship, indeed, was heavily influenced by Liberal ideology, and can be seen as a belated effort to justify Gladstonian Liberalism's long mission in Ireland. Fittingly therefore, Hammond's arguments possessed the same strengths and weaknesses as earlier Liberal efforts to pacify Ireland.

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Walsh, Dermot. "Raising the age of criminal responsibility in the Republic of Ireland: a legacy of vested interests and political expediency." Northern Ireland Legal Quarterly 67, no. 3 (September 1, 2016): 373–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.53386/nilq.v67i3.124.

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Throughout much of its history, juvenile justice in the Republic of Ireland has been oriented towards a justice as distinct from a welfare model. In the twenty-first century this was heavily amended pursuant to a justice agenda that emphasised criminalisation and punishment for offenders as young as 10 years of age. The treatment of the age of criminal responsibility has been an integral part of this trajectory. Raising the age of criminal responsibility from the common law low of 7 years in the Republic of Ireland has proved a surprisingly difficult endeavour. This article examines why the age of criminal responsibility in the Republic of Ireland was maintained at the common law age of 7 years, why there should have been such dithering over the reform when it eventually did come, and why the current law still criminalises children of a very young age. It argues that answers to these questions can be found in a volatile combination of religious values and interests, economic and social constraints, public intolerance of childhood offending, a lack of principled political leadership at the heart of the state, and the relative neglect of expert knowledge from the behavioural and neuro-sciences.

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Soto, Michael, and Joachim Savelsberg. "Collective Memories and Community Interventions: Peace Building in Northern Ireland." Studies in Social Justice 17, no. 3 (October 3, 2023): 360–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/ssj.v17i3.3442.

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This paper examines the role of community interventions in post-conflict settings. The focus is on peacebuilding through the shaping of collective memories, achieved through the transformation of social ties. By addressing community interventions, this paper opens the black box between interventions by formal institutions (such as peace treaties, trials, or truth commissions) and outcomes. It is based on a study of one specific cross-community initiative in Belfast, Northern Ireland, which – in 2012 – employed a Transitional Justice Grassroots Toolkit. Document analysis is complemented by interviews with participants and organizers to reveal the role of pedagogical practices, mediated by cohort effects, in facilitating cultural transformation through group interactions. This paper suggests how community interventions can change collective memories, cultural trauma, and related identities of the conflict, away from their polarized and polarizing forms, and it explores implications for future peace and social justice.

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Caneda-Cabrera, M. Teresa. "Breaking Consensual Silence through Storytelling: Stories of Conscience and Social Justice in Emer Martin's The Cruelty Men." Miscelánea: A Journal of English and American Studies 62 (January 25, 2021): 167–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.26754/ojs_misc/mj.20205157.

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In recent years Irish society has witnessed an upheaval in public opinion before the discovery of conspiracies of silence hiding stories of institutional abuse which had remained concealed from the public domain. These narratives of secrecy have been consistently identified and stripped away by writers like Emer Martin whose novel The Cruelty Men (2018) denounces the fact that forgetting and silence are woven into the fabric of society and politics in Ireland. Drawing on the notion of consensual silence, the article explores The Cruelty Men as a text that addresses institutional abuse and challenges official discourses by rescuing the unheard voices of the victims and inscribing their untold stories into the nation’s cultural narrative. As the article will discuss, ultimately the novel calls attention to the healing power of storytelling as a way of renegotiating Ireland’s relationship with the silences of the past.

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Canavan, Martin. "Professional identity formation and voluntary sector social work." Journal of Practice Teaching and Learning 9, no. 3 (December 20, 2012): 47–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1921/jpts.v9i3.400.

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At its core, ‘Flexible Learning’ provision in Northern Ireland lacks a coherent developmental focus. Conversely, this paper presents an evaluation of a dedicated Voluntary Sector ‘Flexible Learning’ Programme, which demonstrates the efficacy of facilitating student social workers in critically reflecting upon the formation of their respective professional identities with explicit reference to the economic determinants of social justice. Moreover, Programme participants registered their strong support for a strengthened role for the Voluntary Sector in formal social work education. Consequently, and modeling key design features of this Programme, this paper proposes a systematic reform of ‘Flexible Learning’ provision premised upon a dedicated focus on professional identity formation. The latter may usefully also inform a critical re-positioning of social work’s core curricula, anchored by an explicit anti-poverty focus, to ensure that the profession’s commitment to social justice is tangibly embedded in the developmental journeys of students.

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Moore, Linda. "The CRC comes of age: assessing progress in meeting the rights of children in custody in Northern Ireland." Northern Ireland Legal Quarterly 62, no. 2 (March 10, 2020): 217–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.53386/nilq.v62i2.417.

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This article focuses on the extent to which Convention rights are complied with regarding the treatment of children in conflict with the law in Northern Ireland, and in particular the rights of incarcerated children. Relevant children’s rights instruments and principles are identified to establish the benchmarks for this discussion. There follows discussion of the particular social, economic and political context which impacts upon the lives of children in conflict with the law in Northern Ireland. The legislative context for the detention of children in custody in Northern Ireland is explored, and the regimes in the Juvenile Justice Centre (JJC) for Northern Ireland and Hydebank Wood Young Offenders Centre (YOC) are assessed for compliance with children’s rights standards. Primary research conducted by the author and her colleagues with children in custody in Northern Ireland 2 and recent inspection and research reports form the basis for the analysis of the state of children’s rights in custody in Northern Ireland in the 21st century.

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Kenny, Caroline. "Book Review: Britain and Ireland: Redefining Social Justice: New Labour Rhetoric and Reality." Political Studies Review 10, no. 3 (August 7, 2012): 448. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1478-9302.2012.00282_5.x.

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O’Brien, Gearoid. "Flipped learning as a tool to enhance digital citizenship: How teachers’ experiences of online teaching during the COVID-19 pandemic can encourage participatory and justice-oriented citizenship." Citizenship Teaching & Learning 16, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 213–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ctl_00057_1.

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In Ireland, civic, social and political education (CSPE) is a compulsory subject for all students in the first three years of post-primary education. CSPE is generally taught for one class period per week, which limits the ability to develop participatory or justice-oriented citizenship ‐ it gives time for exposure to, but perhaps not practice of, these types of citizenship. Digital citizenship is a recently developed dimension of citizenship and is often focused only on safety and ethical elements. The changed teaching practices resulting from the COVID-19 pandemic have provided a unique opportunity to use flipped learning to develop participatory and justice-oriented digital citizenship. This article outlines examples of how two topics, promoting media literacy and conducting a survey of young people, can be taught moving from a personally responsible to a participatory and justice-oriented focus. Challenges are discussed and future research areas are suggested.

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O’Grady, Maeve. "Existence and Resistance: The Social Model of Community Education in Ireland." Social Sciences 7, no. 12 (December 18, 2018): 270. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci7120270.

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Community education in the Republic of Ireland exists in several forms and in several sites. This article draws on two qualitative research projects in community education to identify the practices of the social model of community education that link them. The context of the research is the impact of policy changes as experienced by the practitioners and providers. The social model can be spoken of in different terms, depending on the practice of the speaker; it can be a process model of curriculum, critical literacy, or feminist emancipatory pedagogy. The article describes different discourses of practice and considers how practitioners could, while differentiating aspects of their practice, find common ground and resist the erosion of adult education for social justice by the state’s drive for vocational education for the labour market.

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Forde, Louise. "Welfare, Justice, and Diverse Models of Youth Justice: A Children’s Rights Analysis." International Journal of Children’s Rights 29, no. 4 (November 12, 2021): 920–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718182-29040005.

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Abstract While States have a legal obligation to ensure that uncrc rights are fully vindicated in youth justice systems, States’ responses to offending by children are often dictated by other concerns. The need to ensure accountability and the protection of society, and the need to ensure children are treated as children and with respect for their needs – epitomised by the “welfare/justice debate” – are often seen as contradictory goals, meaning that identifying an overall “model” of youth justice that will also ensure uncrc-compliance can be difficult. Derived from a comparative study of child rights compliance in the youth justice systems of Scotland, Ireland and New Zealand, this article poses the question whether the uncrc mandates a particular approach to youth justice. It examines the balance between welfare and justice concerns found within the text of the uncrc and reflects on what this means for the development of rights-compliant youth justice systems.

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Ellis, Geraint. "Conference report: Sustainability, Space and Social Justice: The 2008 UK-Ireland Planning Research Conference." Town Planning Review 79, no. 4 (July 2008): 463–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/tpr.79.4.6.

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O’Brien, Tom. "Adult literacy organisers in Ireland resisting neoliberalism." Education + Training 60, no. 6 (July 9, 2018): 556–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/et-03-2018-0055.

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PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to explore the experiences and responses of ten adult literacy organisers (ALOs) from Dublin, Wicklow and Kildare to the growing influence of neoliberalism and the commodification of adult literacy as a skill and function of the economy. The research argues for a greater focus on literacy as a social practice concerned with equality and social justice, rooted in emancipatory and transformative adult education.Design/methodology/approachA qualitative research methodology using in-depth unstructured interviews, underpinned by critical realism.FindingsWhile the ALOs sampled have developed strategies to resist the impact of neoliberalism, they are also struggling to sustain their resistance and nurture access to emancipatory and transformative adult literacy practices.Research limitations/implicationsThe research is limited in size, being a small sample study of ten ALOs.Practical implicationsThe research will inform policy discussions in advance of the new further education and training strategy, where adult literacy policy is situated.Originality/valueThe paper gives unique and independent access to the voices of ALOs in Ireland and provides a small example of empirical evidence of the commodification and marketisation of adult literacy under neoliberalism.

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Rolston, William J. "Assembling the jigsaw: truth, justice and transition in the North of Ireland." Race & Class 44, no. 1 (July 1, 2002): 87–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396802044001590.

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Rolston, Bill. "Assembling the Jigsaw: Truth, Justice and Transition in the North of Ireland." Race & Class 44, no. 1 (July 2002): 87–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396802441007.

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Campbell, Sarah. "New Nationalism? The S.D.L.P. and the creation of a socialist and labour party in Northern Ireland, 1969–75." Irish Historical Studies 38, no. 151 (May 2013): 422–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400001577.

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‘Since our foundation, the S.D.L.P. has been proudly nationalist and is 100 per cent for a United Ireland.’ This description, from the website of the Social Democratic and Labour Party (S.D.L.P.), advances a claim which might be thought not to sit easy with the party's founding ideals which claimed it as a ‘radical socialist party’ and insisted that, while a united Ireland was one of the party's main aims, it would prioritise the socio-economic above the constitutional question. This article will argue that while the S.D.L.P. was widely recognised as a major advance in nationalist politics in Northern Ireland when it was formed in August 1970, it had lost its avant-garde approach to the constitutional question and become a more organised form of the old Nationalist Party by 1975. Although initially the S.D.L.P. combined socialist rhetoric with a discourse that linked social justice with the reunification of the island – its ideal was a ‘completely new constitution for the whole of Ireland, a constitution which will provide the framework for the emergence of a just, egalitarian and secular society’ – there existed an uneasy tension between nationalist and socialist aims within the party, with the former taking precedence by the time of the powersharing Executive of 1974.

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Eriksson, Anna. "Researching Community Restorative Justice in Northern Ireland: A Cross-Cultural Challenge." Victims & Offenders 6, no. 3 (July 2011): 260–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15564886.2011.581877.

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McMenzie, Laura, Ian R. Cook, and Mary Laing. "Criminological Policy Mobilities and Sex Work: Understanding the Movement of the ‘Swedish Model’ to Northern Ireland." British Journal of Criminology 59, no. 5 (January 17, 2019): 1199–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/bjc/azy058.

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Abstract Ideas, policies and models related to criminal justice often travel between places. How, then, should we make sense of this movement? We make the case for drawing on the policy mobilities literature, which originates in human geography. It is only recently that criminological studies have drawn on small parts of this literature. This article argues for a more expansive engagement with the policy mobilities literature, so that criminal justice researchers focus on concepts such as mobilities, mutation, assemblages, learning, educating and showcasing when studying the movement of criminal justice ideas, policies and models. To illustrate our argument, we will draw on a case study of the adaptation of the ‘Swedish model’ of governing sex work by policymakers in Northern Ireland.

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Murphy, Mary, and John Hogan. "Reflections on post-bailout policy analysis in Ireland." Administration 68, no. 4 (December 1, 2020): 145–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/admin-2020-0028.

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Abstract This short article reflects on observations from the forthcoming volume Policy Analysis in Ireland, edited by Hogan & Murphy. The volume forms part of the International Library of Policy Analysis series, which covers more than twenty countries, published by Policy Press and edited by Michael Howlett and Iris Geva-May. While various themes emerge from the Irish volume, this article focuses on only one core question: whether and how the 2008 economic crisis contracted and expanded the capacity for policy analysis in Ireland. The troika of the International Monetary Fund, European Central Bank and the European Commission are associated with policy capacity innovation, but also with significant austerity. Both had a major and long-term impact on public services. While the article documents a range of successful post-bailout attempts to improve policy analysis capacity, it also points to often less conscious, but sometimes deliberate, decisions that diminished some forms of policy analysis capacity. We find economic policymaking capacity enhanced while changes to resources and policy opportunity structures depleted both space and the capacity for social policy analysis. This was particularly so within the equality and social justice sectors. Given ongoing social risks, the Covid-19 pandemic and the climate crisis, Ireland needs to adjust for a future of permanent uncertainty, or perpetual crises, and should seek to rebalance investment in social policy capacity and to develop systems for integrated policy analysis.

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Conaghan, Joanne. "Pregnancy, Equality and the European Court of Justice: Interrogating Gillespie." International Journal of Discrimination and the Law 3, no. 2 (September 1998): 115–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/135822919800300203.

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The object of this paper is to highlight and scrutinise the continuing difficulties which characterise national and European judicial efforts to reconcile the apparently conflicting needs of the workplace and its pregnant workers. In particular, the prevailing dominant legal conceptualisation of pregnancy as an aspect of sexual equality generates an unsatisfactory indeterminacy and manipulability in relation to the determination and application of women's legal rights. This is well illustrated in the decision of the European Court of Justice in Gillespie v Northern Ireland Health and Social Services Board [1996]. Both the decision itself and its legal aftermath suggest that the difficulties traditionally associated with the application of the equality principle to the condition of pregnancy are far from resolved.

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Foreman, Maeve, and Muireann Ní Raghallaigh. "Transitioning out of the asylum system in Ireland: Challenges and opportunities." Social Work and Social Sciences Review 21, no. 1 (March 21, 2020): 34–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1921/swssr.v21i1.1365.

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Abstract: Asylum seekers are often considered by researchers to be ‘hidden’ or ‘hard to reach’. Yet, issues that impact on them are relevant to social work and its social justice remit. This paper presents research conducted with former asylum seekers to explore their experience of transitioning from ‘Direct Provision’ accommodation into the wider community following the granting of international protection. Ireland’s strategy for integration effectively excludes asylum seekers. They have limited access to work or education and are deprived of supports provided to programme refugees. Using a community-based participatory research methodology, the study illuminates challenges encountered transitioning out of the asylum system and charts the benefits of utilising a collaborative approach to access participants, to facilitate their engagement and to ensure that the research had an impact. It suggests that a partnership approach to research with hidden populations can raise awareness and influence positive social change.

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Conneely, Emer, and Paul Michael Garrett. "Social Workers and Social Justice During a Period of Intensive Neoliberalization: A Preliminary Investigation From the Republic of Ireland." Journal of Progressive Human Services 26, no. 2 (May 4, 2015): 126–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10428232.2015.1017914.

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McEvoy, Kieran, and Anna Bryson. "Justice, truth and oral history: legislating the past ‘from below’ in Northern Ireland." Northern Ireland Legal Quarterly 67, no. 1 (June 12, 2018): 67–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.53386/nilq.v67i1.96.

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Drawing on the ‘from below’ perspective which has emerged in transitional justice scholarship and practice over the past two decades, this article critically examines the dealing with the past debate in Northern Ireland. The paper begins by offering an outline of the from below perspective in the context of post-conflict or post-authoritarian societies which are struggling to come to terms with past violence and human rights abuses. Having provided some of the legal and political background to the most recent efforts to deal with the past in Northern Ireland, it then critically examines the relevant past-related provisions of the Stormont House Agreement, namely the institutions which are designed to facilitate ‘justice’, truth recovery and the establishment of an Oral History Archive. Drawing from the political science and social movement literature on lobbying and the ways in which interests groups may seek to influence policy, the paper then explores the efforts of the authors and others to contribute to the broader public debate, including through drafting and circulating a ‘Model Bill’ on dealing with the past (reproduced elsewhere in this issue) as a counterweight to the legislation which is required from the British government to implement the Stormont House Agreement. The authors argue that the combination of technical capacity, grass-roots credibility and ‘international-savvy’ local solutions offers a framework for praxis from below in other contexts where activists are struggling to extend ownership of transitional justice beyond political elites.

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Hearne, Rory. "Creating Utopia through Real Struggle: A Case Study of the Rialto Community Housing Campaign." Irish Journal of Sociology 21, no. 2 (November 2013): 131–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/ijs.21.2.10.

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The article examines the potential of a symbiotic strategy to transform capitalism in a more socialist direction through a case study of a community campaign to address substandard housing conditions resulting from neoliberal property-based regeneration policies and austerity. The case study contrasts the empowerment of disadvantaged groups with dominant partnership approaches to achieving social justice in Ireland. It concludes that while such human rights approaches offer the potential to achieve improvements in people's living conditions, their prospect for symbiotic transformation is limited, unless they link to wider social and political forces challenging structural inequalities, including class and gender.

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Kervick, Mollie. "Rummaging in the Attic: Queer Memories and Enduring Activism in the Attic Press/Róisín Conroy Collection." Tulsa Studies in Women's Literature 43, no. 1 (March 2024): 141–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tsw.2024.a931677.

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ABSTRACT: This hybrid narrative-historical essay relates the legacy of late-twentieth-century Irish women’s activism as it is documented through the Attic Press/Róisín Conroy Collection (RCC) housed at University College Cork, Ireland. While much of the historical discussion about this era of women’s activism focuses on the Irish Women’s Liberation Movement, in this essay, the author makes the case that the RCC actively presences Irish lesbian women’s activism. The essay highlights specific items in the archive which particularly emphasize the more mundane tasks required to power an enduring social justice movement because these actions are often overlooked in preference for the more obvious public-facing elements of activism. Throughout the piece, the author reflects on her position as an activist and scholar from outside of Ireland in relation to the archive and more recent demonstrations of Irish feminist activism. Ultimately, the history of Irish women’s and lesbian activism as documented by the RCC reminds readers of the need for collaboration and collective rage, thought, and pain. In the post-COVID-19 era, activists will be re-visioning the way they connect, share, care, and fight for justice.

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Schwartz, Michael A., and Brent C. Elder. "Deaf access to justice in Northern Ireland: rethinking ‘Reasonable Adjustment’ in the Disability Discrimination Act." Disability & Society 33, no. 7 (August 9, 2018): 1003–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09687599.2018.1478801.

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Halpin, Lisa, and Tony Dundon. "Whistle-blowing and the employment relations implications of the ‘Protected Disclosures Act 2014’ in the Republic of Ireland." Irish Journal of Management 36, no. 3 (December 29, 2017): 221–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ijm-2017-0009.

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Abstract This article explores the introduction of the 2014 Protected Disclosures Act in the Republic of Ireland. It does so by using a justice theory lens to examine the potential for the Act to protect workers who may feel the need to blow the whistle on employer wrongdoings. Data is collected from public records and documents, along with interviews with senior representatives from ‘all’ the social partner agents involved in drafting or contributing to the Act. The evidence suggests that the Act may have limited utility in ensuring fairness and justice for the whistle-blower. In particular, employers appear reluctant to embrace the idea of more legal protections, while cultural stigmas attached to the idea of ‘blowing the whistle’ may inhibit people coming forward. The article contributes to justice theory and employment regulation, as well as whistle-blowing practices, and some recommendations are suggested to improve awareness of whistle-blowing rights for workers.

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Berneri, Chiara. "Ewaen Fred Ogieriakhi v. Minister for Justice and Equality, Ireland." European Public Law 21, Issue 3 (August 1, 2015): 457–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/euro2015025.

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One of the key innovations of Directive 2004/38 EC is the introduction of Article 16 on the right of permanent residence in the host EU Member States of EU citizens and their third-country national family members. For the first time EU citizens and their third-country national family members, regardless of whether they are engaged in employment, are eligible to the right of permanent residence after having resided in the host Member State for a continuous period of five years. The acquisition of the right of permanent residence grants EU citizens and their family members’ enhanced protection against expulsion. In addition, those who have such a right shall enjoy equal treatment with the nationals of that Member State also in terms of social benefits and tax credits. The advantages deriving from this provision led many EU citizens and third-country nationals to try rely on it in different circumstances. For this reason, often, national courts have found it necessary to stay proceedings and refer to the Court of Justice of the European Union in order to seek clarifications regarding its application. This occurred also in Case C-244/13, Ogieriakhi v. Minister for Justice and Equality.

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Lundy, Patricia. "Paradoxes and challenges of transitional justice at the ‘local’ level: historical enquiries in Northern Ireland." Contemporary Social Science 6, no. 1 (February 2011): 89–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17450144.2010.534495.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Social justice – Ireland'

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