Relevant bibliographies by topics / Social justice – Ireland

Academic literature on the topic 'Social justice – Ireland'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 26 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Social justice – Ireland"

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Leonard, Liam, and Paula Kenny. "The Restorative Justice Movement in Ireland: Building Bridges to Social Justice through Civil Society." Irish Journal of Sociology 18, no. 2 (November 2010): 38–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/ijs.18.2.4.

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This article examines the emergence and influence of the restorative justice movement as a bridge between communities, civil society and the state in Ireland. It focuses on the Republic of Ireland, but also examines restorative conferencing in Northern Ireland. Separate sections reflect the emergence of a movement dedicated to the promotion of restorative justice as a vehicle for a holistic form of community-based justice in Ireland. The article covers the history, scope and philosophical-political background of the restorative justice movement, providing specific examples of the interchange between this restorative justice movement and civil society in Ireland, Northern Ireland, and the United States. The wider potential of the restorative justice movement is highlighted. This potential is demonstrated in the restorative movement's challenge to understandings of failed punitive approaches and through its socially redemptive alternative, which emphasises collective responsibility for crime amongst all of the community. The article examines the international background to restorative justice, and its theoretical understandings, with a focus on key theorists such as Strang and Braithwaite amongst others. It examines salient issues that underpin social justice and social control in Ireland, including the potential impacts of restorative justice policy and practice for the wider community and the state.
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FitzGerald, Sharron, Maggie O’Neill, and Gillian Wylie. "Social justice for sex workers as a ‘politics of doing’: Research, policy and practice." Irish Journal of Sociology 28, no. 3 (December 2020): 257–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0791603520911344.

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The Republic of Ireland is a good case study to highlight the problems associated with uncritical appeals to criminal law as the only appropriate tool to tackle demand and protect sex workers from harm. In 2017, the Criminal Law (Sexual Offences) Act came into force in the Republic of Ireland (hereafter Ireland) making it a criminal offence to purchase sex in the jurisdiction. Ireland’s decision to introduce Swedish-style laws followed a protracted public campaign instigated in 2009 by the Irish and radical feminist inspired neo-abolitionist organisation, Turn off the Red Light. In this article, we confront and de-centre the Turn off the Red Light campaign’s hegemonic narrative that the criminal rather than social justice responses provide a more effective vehicle for sex workers’ empowerment. Undertaking our intervention in Irish feminist prostitution politics as a ‘politics of doing’ social justice through our separate and combined research, we extend our analysis by invoking Nancy Fraser and Barbara Hudson’s theoretical work on social and restorative justice. We wish to develop a theoretical framework that can serve as a roadmap for restorative social justice – the process of achieving rights, recognition and redistribution through relational, reflective and discursive interventions in sex work research, policy and practice. We argue that by ‘thinking’ sex workers’ positionality in social relations differently, the ‘doings’ of restorative social justice for sex workers can begin or take place.
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Cuskelly, Kerry. "Social work and the struggle for social justice in Ireland." Critical and Radical Social Work 1, no. 1 (April 1, 2013): 125–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/204986013x666027.

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Lavery, Scott. "Book Review: Britain and Ireland: Social Justice and Social Policy in Scotland." Political Studies Review 12, no. 1 (January 2014): 142–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1478-9302.12041_87.

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de Mattos, Laura Valladão. "JOHN STUART MILL AND THE IRISH LAND QUESTION: AN ILLUSTRATION OF HIS VIEW ON SOCIAL INSTITUTIONS." Journal of the History of Economic Thought 42, no. 1 (February 4, 2020): 43–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1053837219000099.

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John Stuart Mill’s involvement with the Land Question in Ireland is analyzed from the viewpoint of his theory of institutions. I argue that, for Mill, institutions should promote progress without endangering social order. When referring to economic institutions, “progress” meant, essentially, human improvement, a rise in economic productivity, and the increase of social justice. According to Mill, the cottier system did not fulfill any of these requisites and should be abandoned. Mill also rejected transposing to Ireland the “English model” of capitalist agriculture. This institution could eventually solve the economic problem but involved the unjust eviction of tenants and would not regenerate the Irish character. Given the particularities of Ireland, Mill endorsed peasant property as the most suitable form of land appropriation. It would, at the same time, improve the character of the people, enhance productivity, and increase the social justice of the system. It would also mitigate the conflicts that jeopardized social order.
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Cradden, Terry. "Trade Unionism, Social Justice, and Religious Discrimination in Northern Ireland." Industrial and Labor Relations Review 46, no. 3 (April 1993): 480. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2524548.

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Cradden, Terry. "Trade Unionism, Social Justice, and Religious Discrimination in Northern Ireland." ILR Review 46, no. 3 (April 1993): 480–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979399304600303.

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This article examines the actions of trade union leaders in response to religious discrimination in employment in Northern Ireland, and their influence on British Government policy-making on this question. The main finding is that despite the risk of alienating many members, the trade union movement persisted in seeking radical remedies for discrimination during the 1980s, and was influential in the shaping of anti-discrimination legislation enacted in 1989. The author finds points of similarity between this history and the AFL-CIO leadership's civil rights stand in the 1960s, and sees these examples as evidence that egalitarian values have played, and continue to play, an important role in shaping union purpose and action.
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Ward, Eilís. "‘Framing figures’ and the campaign for sex purchase criminalisation in Ireland: A Lakoffian analysis." Irish Journal of Sociology 28, no. 3 (December 2020): 314–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0791603520951754.

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If the concept of social justice posits equality and fairness between subjects in the social order, then the presence of those subjects within that order must first and foremost be acknowledged. In Ireland’s recent reform of prostitution law contained in the Criminal Law (Sexual Offences) Act 2017, the presence of the sex worker as a rights-bearing subject or citizen, with access to justice in that capacity, was denied. In this article I focus on the use of data by the neo-abolitionist ‘Turn off the Red Light’ campaign to ‘flatten out’ the complexity of sex workers lives and present the figure of the ‘vulnerable prostituted woman’ and the ‘trafficking victim’: tragic, abject, a necessarily violated person and in need of ‘protection’ from the state. I argue that this data, entering public and political discourse as uncontestable truth, constituted what I call, ‘framing figures’, framing an inevitable outcome and precluding certain subjects from the status of equality and fairness. The data allowed campaigners for the Sex Purchase Ban (SPB), and, in turn the state, to eclipse a social justice approach to sex work, such as proposed by the Sex Workers Alliance of Ireland and other actors.
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Arthur, Raymond. "Protecting the Best Interests of the Child: A Comparative Analysis of the Youth Justice Systems in Ireland, England and Scotland." International Journal of Children's Rights 18, no. 2 (2010): 217–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181809x439392.

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AbstractIn the Republic of Ireland the government has proposed amending the Irish Constitution in order to improve children's rights. In this article I will argue that the proposed amendment represents a serious diminution in the rights historically afforded to young people who offend, disregards Ireland's commitments under international law and also ignores the well established link between child maltreatment and youth offending. The Irish approach echoes developments in the English youth justice system where the welfare concerns of young people who offend have become marginalised. I will compare the Irish and English approaches with the Scottish youth justice system which looks beyond young people's offending behaviour and provides a multi-disciplinary assessment of the young person's welfare needs. I will conclude that in Ireland, and in England, the best interest principle must be applied fully, without any distinction and integrated in all law relevant to children including laws regulating anti-social and offending behaviour.
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Pinkerton, J. "Social Work and Social Justice in Northern Ireland: Towards a New Occupational Space." British Journal of Social Work 32, no. 6 (September 1, 2002): 723–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/bjsw/32.6.723.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Social justice – Ireland"

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Moran, Jade. "Informal justice in West Belfast : the local governance of anti-social behaviour in Republican communities." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609000.

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McGuinness, Esther. "From political agreement to social justice : examining the case for constitutionally enforceable social and economic rights in Northern Ireland." Thesis, University of Ulster, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.558811.

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The Belfast Agreement marked a political solution designed to end thirty years of violent social upheaval in Northern Ireland. One aspect of the proposed solution was the commitment to draft a Bill of Rights specific to Northern Ireland to 'supplement the rights contained within the ECHR.' The recent dismissive reception by the UK Government of the Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission report containing recommendations for such a Bill of Rights demonstrates that their initial commitment seems to have substantially, perhaps irretrievably, faded. The document was largely dismissed on the twin grounds that such rights as it described were relevant to the UK as a whole and in any case by their nature not reducible to justiciable form, since this would abrogate the democratic accountability of the legislature. Underlying both objections are basic ideas about the constitutional status of Northern Ireland in the wider UK context, and the correct constitutional relationship between the legislature and the judiciary. This thesis, with the acknowledged purpose to keep the debate alive, revisits this territory of the case for constitutionally enforceable economic and social rights for Northern Ireland. It first seeks to examine whether there are indeed economic and social 'circumstances particular to Northern Ireland' that require a separate approach, irrespective of how this debate is or is not pursued in a wider UK context. It then examines the general issue of the justiciability of economic and social rights, both as a conceptual matter and as an aspect of developing international law. Analysis is then made, over two chapters, of case study jurisdictions which bear particular resonance to Northern Ireland, and, through these case studies, an expanded concept of 'reflexive constitutionality' is developed. In the fifth chapter this concept is then re-applied to the Northern Irish case. The overall conclusion is that the case for constitutionally protected economic and social rights for Northern Ireland is, in social and legal terms, a strong one, and that the current lack of political will is a misguided short-term approach that risks aggravating still prevalent social tensions.
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Megarity, E. P. J. "Local Campaigns for Environmental Justice in Northern Ireland : Opportunities for Inclusive Social Capital and Collaborative Pluralism Development in the Context of Divergent Local Social Opportunity Structures." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.517551.

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Detwiler, Dominic. "Bridging The Queer-Green Gap: LGBTQ & Environmental Movements inCanada, Ireland, the United Kingdom, and the United States." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1587131806748671.

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Guillaumond, Julien. "L’Irlande de 1922 à 2002 : l’impossible route vers une société plus juste ?" Thesis, Paris 3, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA030135.

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Partant des années du tigre celtique, la croissance économique remarquable de l’Irlande et les inégalités existantes dans son sillage, cette thèse tente de réévaluer la question des inégalités contemporaines dans les sociétés modernes en s’intéressant au cas irlandais entre 1922 et 2002. Dans quelle mesure les inégalités existaient-elles avant l’avènement du tigre celtique ? Quelles étaient les attitudes irlandaises vis-à-vis des inégalités et comment celles-ci ont-elles évolué ? Les Irlandais se préoccupent-ils de l’égalité ? À partir d’une analyse économique, sociale, historique et politique fondée sur des recherches comparatives portant sur le développement des systèmes d’État providence et le degré plus ou moins redistributif de leurs politiques, ainsi que des réflexions portant sur les inégalités et la justice dans nos sociétés, cette thèse a pour objectif de montrer que les inégalités actuelles en Irlande peuvent être mieux appréhendées lorsqu’elles sont considérées sous l’angle d’une incapacité à créer une société plus juste à partir de 1922. Selon l’auteur, trois séries particulières de facteurs, les facteurs démographiques et économiques, les facteurs politiques et les mentalités irlandaises, ont, en profonde interaction les uns avec les autres, établi un cadre puissant qui a empêché l’avènement d’une société plus juste entre 1922 et 2002
Beginning with the Celtic Tiger years, Ireland’s remarkable economic growth and the inequalities existing in its wake, this PhD tries to re-assess the issue of contemporary inequalities in modern societies emphasising the Irish case from 1922 to 2002. To what extent did inequalities exist in Ireland prior to the advent of the Celtic Tiger? What were Irish attitudes to inequalities and how have they evolved? Do Irish people care about equality? Based on an economic, social, historical and political analysis resting on recent comparative studies of the development of welfare state systems and the varying extents of their redistributive agendas as well as on reflections on inequalities and fairness in our societies, this thesis aims to show that current inequalities in Ireland can best be understood in the light of an inability to create a more just society from 1922 onwards. The author argues that three particular sets of factors, demographic and economic factors, political factors, and Irish mentalités have, in close interaction with one another, provided a strong framework which has prevented the advent of a more just society between 1922 and 2002
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Denicourt-Fauvel, Camille. "L’État de droit en transition : une amnistie pour le Bloody Sunday?" Thèse, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/19144.

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Depuis la signature de l’Accord de paix du Vendredi Saint, l’Irlande du Nord a entamé son processus de transition après trente ans d’un conflit communément appelé les Troubles. Parmi les questions relatives à son cheminement se pose celle du Bloody Sunday. Lors de cet évènement tristement célèbre des Troubles, quatorze civils furent tués par des soldats britanniques, alors qu’ils prenaient part à une manifestation pour les droits civiques. Les soldats n’ont pas eu à faire face au processus judiciaire, malgré la volonté des familles des victimes d’obtenir justice. Une amnistie visant les soldats responsables fut proposée en mars 2014, à titre de mécanisme de justice transitionnelle pour accompagner la société nord- irlandaise dans sa démarche vers un état de paix. Entre droit et politique, plusieurs questions se posent relativement à un tel projet. La présente étude vise à examiner la validité de cette proposition d’amnistie eu égard aux valeurs de l’État de droit.
Since the Good Friday Agreement was signed in 1998, the Northern Irish society has embarked on its transitional process towards peace, attempting to leave behind thirty years of a conflict commonly known as the Troubles. This outcome brings to light many different issues, amongst which is that of the Bloody Sunday. This infamous event of the Troubles saw fourteen civilians killed by British soldiers as they were taking part in a civil rights demonstration. The soldiers were spared the judicial process despite the efforts deployed by the victims’ families to bring them to justice. In 2014, an amnesty was suggested as a transitional justice mechanism to further the society’s transition to the post-conflict era. This study examines the validity of such an amnesty in light of the underlying values of the Rule of Law.
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Books on the topic "Social justice – Ireland"

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Spatial justice and the Irish crisis. Dublin, Ireland: RIA, 2014.

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McManus, Seán. My American struggle for justice in Northern Ireland. Washington, D.C: Irish National Caucus Publications, 2012.

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Ward, Sarah. The Genesis of Civil Rights in Northern Ireland. Belfast: the author, 1993.

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Sullivan, Moynagh. Facing the other: Interdisciplinary studies on race, gender and social justice in Ireland. Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars, 2008.

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My American struggle for justice in Northern Ireland. Wilton, Cork: Collins Press, 2011.

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Social policy and social capital: Parents and exceptionality, 1974-2007. Hauppauge, NY: Nova Science Publishers, 2010.

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Jane, Steele, and Policy Studies Institute, eds. Religious and political discrimination in the workplace: Seeking justice in Northern Ireland. London: Policy Studies Institute, 1997.

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Great Britain. Parliment. House of Commons. Fifth Standing Committee on Delegated Legislation. Draft Anti-Social Behaviour (Northern-Ireland) Order 2004 Draft Criminal Justice (No. 2) (Northern Ireland) Order 2004, Tuesday 13 July 2004. London: Stationery Office, 2004.

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McGinn, Fiona P. M. Ignorance is bliss - The failure of the Civil RIghts Movement. Belfast: the author, 1995.

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My American struggle for justice in Northern Ireland ... and the Holy Land. Washington, D.C: Irish National Caucus Publications, 2012.

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Book chapters on the topic "Social justice – Ireland"

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King, Fiona, Christine Forde, Jamila Razzaq, and Deirdre Torrance. "Systems of Education Governance and Cultures of Justice in Ireland, Scotland and Pakistan." In Cultures of Social Justice Leadership, 67–92. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-10874-8_4.

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Hacker, Nicole L., and Regina R. Umpstead. "Study Abroad Programs for Intercultural Competence, Equity Pedagogy, and Social Justice in US Educational Leadership Students: An Example from Ireland and Northern Ireland." In Handbook on Promoting Social Justice in Education, 1–28. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-74078-2_121-1.

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Hacker, Nicole L., and Regina R. Umpstead. "Study Abroad Programs for Intercultural Competence, Equity Pedagogy, and Social Justice in US Educational Leadership Students: An Example from Ireland and Northern Ireland." In Handbook on Promoting Social Justice in Education, 1021–48. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-14625-2_121.

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Gallagher, Tony, and Gavin Duffy. "Education for Citizenship Education and Social Justice in Northern Ireland." In The Palgrave International Handbook of Education for Citizenship and Social Justice, 523–44. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-51507-0_25.

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McAtackney, Laura. "Heritage, Social Justice and Black Lives Matter in Ireland during COVID-19." In Rethinking Heritage in Precarious Times, 169–85. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003188438-15.

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Power, Maria. "Social and economic justice." In Catholic Social Teaching and Theologies of Peace in Northern Ireland, 65–102. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003026099-4.

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Buis, Ciairín de, and Toby Wolfe. "Start(ing) Strong’s vision – ECEC in Ireland." In In Search of Social Justice, 91–104. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315468136-9.

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"Policing, ‘community’ and social change in Ireland." In Justice, Community and Civil Society, 199–217. Willan, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781843925521-13.

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Power, Maria. "Political justice." In Catholic Social Teaching and Theologies of Peace in Northern Ireland, 103–36. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003026099-5.

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"Women’s imprisonment in Northern Ireland: Social exclusion, punishment and breaches of rights." In Women, Punishment and Social Justice, 37–48. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203084755-11.

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