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1
Antolović, Michael. "Writing History under the «Dictatorship of the Proletariat»: Yugoslav Historiography 1945–1991." Revista de História das Ideias 39 (June 16, 2021): 49–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/2183-8925_39_2.
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This paper analyzes the development of the historiography in the former socialist Yugoslavia (1945–1991). Starting with the revolutionary changes after the Second World War and the establishment of the «dictatorship of the proletariat», the paper considers the ideological surveillance imposed on historiography entailing its reconceptualization on the Marxist grounds. Despite the existence of common Yugoslav institutions, Yugoslav historiography was constituted by six historiographies focusing their research programs on the history of their own nation, i.e. the republic. Therefore, many joint historiographical projects were either left unfinished or courted controversies between historians over a number of phenomena from the Yugoslav history. Yugoslav historiography emancipated from Marxist dogmatism, and modernized itself following various forms of social history due to a gradual weakening of ideological surveillance from the 1960s onwards. However, the modernization of Yugoslav historiography was carried out only partially because of the growing social and political crises which eventually led to the dissolution of Yugoslavia.
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Vučetić, Radina, and Olga Manojlović Pintar. "Social History in Serbia: The Association for Social History." East Central Europe 34-35, no. 1-2 (2008): 369–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-0340350102023.
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This review essay provides a brief overview of the research and publication activity of the Udruženje za društvenu istoriju/Association for Social History, an innovative scholarly organization established in 1998 in Belgrade, Serbia. The association promotes research on social history in modern South-Eastern Europe, with a focus on former Yugoslavia, and publishes scientific works and historical documents. The driving force behind the activity of the association is a group of young social historians gathered around Professor Andrej Mitrović, at the University of Belgrade. Prof. Mitrović’s work on the “social history of culture” has provided a scholarly framework for a variety of new works dealing with issues of modernization, history of elites, history of ideas, and the diffuse relationship between history and memory. Special attention is given to the Association’s journal, Godišnjak za društvenu istoriju/Annual for Social History, which published studies on economic history, social groups, gender issue, cultural history, modernization, and the history of everyday life in the nineteenth and the twentieth centuries. Methodologically routed in social history, these research projects are interdisciplinary, being a joint endeavor of sociologists, art historians, and scholars of visual culture.
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Videkanić, Bojana. "Nonaligned Modernism: Yugoslav Culture, Nonaligned Cultural Diplomacy, and Transnational Solidarity." Nationalities Papers 49, no. 3 (April 12, 2021): 504–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2020.105.
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AbstractThis article examines aspects of the history of socialist Yugoslavia’s contribution to creating a transnational Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) culture. It does so by analyzing cultural diplomacy on the Yugoslav cultural and political scene between the 1950s and 1980s. The cultural diplomacy of Yugoslavia and its nonaligned partners is seen as a form of political agency, paralleling and supplementing larger activities of forming economic and political cooperation in the Global South. Yugoslavia’s role in building NAM culture was instrumental in nurturing nascent transnationalism, which was born out of anti-colonial movements following World War II. Cultural events, bilateral agreements, and cultural institutions were used to complement Yugoslav participation in an anti-colonial, anti-capitalist struggle; they promoted NAM ideals and sought to create transcultural networks that would counter Western cultural hegemony. Such examples of solidarity were based in a modernist cultural ethos, but espoused political, social, and cultural forms that were indigenous to various NAM countries. For Yugoslavia, nonaligned modernism and transnationalism solidified the country’s transition from a hardline, Soviet-style state to a more open, humanist-socialist one. The history of transnational collaboration, examined through the narrative of cultural work, is an example of Yugoslav attempts at building political agency and international cooperation through the promotion of nonaligned ideals.
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Zajc, Marko. "Razumevanje jugoslovanstva v Sloveniji (in Slovenije v jugoslovanstvu) v začetku osemdesetih let." Contributions to Contemporary History 56, no. 2 (November 9, 2016): 129–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.51663/pnz.56.2.07.
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The paper attempts to present the important discussions on nationalism, Slovenianism and Yugoslavism from the early 1980s and call attention to the (inter)dependence of nationalism (and its perceptions) and the social system and social issues. It lays out reasons for the historical study of nationalism/the national question in Slovenia and Yugoslavia in the early 1980s. The paper presents a critical overview of the established periodisation of the 1980s in Slovenian public opinion and history and sketches out the basic contours of the period in question. The main part of the paper is the analysis of different attitudes towards the national question in the League of Communists of Yugoslavia. The conclusion establishes a connection between the interpretation of the national question and the interpretation of social property in the late self-management period.
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Tilly, Charles. "Citizenship, Identity and Social History." International Review of Social History 40, S3 (December 1995): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000113586.
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With appropriate lags for rethinking, research, writing and publication, international events impinge strongly on the work of social scientists and social historians. The recent popularity of democratization, globalization, international institutions, ethnicity, nationalism, citizenship and identity as research themes stems largely from world affairs: civilianization of major authoritarian regimes in Latin America; dismantling of apartheid in South Africa; collapse of the Soviet Union, the Warsaw Pact and Yugoslavia; ethnic struggles and nationalist claims in Eastern Europe, Asia and Africa; extension of the European Union; rise of East Asian economic powers. Just as African decolonization spurred an enormous literature on modernization and political development, the explosion of claims to political independence on the basis of ethnic distinctness is fomenting a new literature on nationalism.
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Vukliš, Vladan. "Writing social history of socialist Yugoslavia: the archival perspective." Archival Science 17, no. 1 (October 4, 2016): 55–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10502-016-9269-5.
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Mišina, Dalibor. "“Spit and Sing, My Yugoslavia”: New Partisans, social critique and Bosnian poetics of the patriotic." Nationalities Papers 38, no. 2 (March 2010): 265–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990903517801.
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As “music of commitment,” in the period from the late 1970s to the late 1980s rock music in Yugoslavia had an important purpose of providing a popular-cultural outlet for the unique forms of socio-cultural critique that engaged with the realities and problems of Yugoslav society. The three “music movements” that embodied the new rock'n'roll spirit – New Wave, New Primitives, and New Partisans – used rock music to critique the country's “new socialist culture,” with the purpose of helping to eliminate the disconnect between the ideal and the reality of socialist Yugoslavia. This paper examines the New Partisans as the most radical expression of music of commitment through the works of its most important rock bands: Bijelo dugme, Plavi orkestar, and Merlin. The paper's argument is that the New Partisans’ socio-cultural engagement, animated by advocacy of Yugoslavism, was a counter-logic to the nationalist dissolution of a distinctly Yugoslav fabric of a socialist community in crisis. Thus, the movement's revolutionary “spirit of reconstruction” permeating its “poetics of the patriotic” was a mechanism of socio-cultural resistance to political, cultural and moral-ethical de-Yugoslavization of Yugoslav society. Its ultimate objective was to make the case that the only way into the future – if there was to be any – rested on strategic reanimation of the Partisan revolutionary past as the only viable socio-cultural foundation of the Yugoslav socialist community.
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Pogačar, Martin. "Music and Memory: Yugoslav Rock in Social Media." Southeastern Europe 39, no. 2 (August 9, 2015): 215–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-03902004.
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This article argues that after the disintegration of Yugoslavia, Yugoslav rock music lost little cultural value and is still a prominent trigger of vernacular memories of the socialist Yugoslav past, as well as a vehicle of socio-political commentary in post-Yugoslav contexts. In this view, music is understood as a galvaniser of affective relationships to that past and to post-Yugoslav presents. In the first part of the article, the author discusses the theoretical and practical implications of digitally mediated music as immersive affective environments, working within the framework of media archaeology and a digital archives approach. It is argued that Yugoslav rock has retained its potency and appeal, where today, in a post-Yugoslavia context, it presents an outlet for the recomposition of musical preferences through nostalgia and opposition to the post-1991 socio-political developments. In the second part of the article, focusing on Facebook and YouTube, the author investigates how Yugoslav rock has been reframed in social media and how fragments of the country’s past are reframed in digital media environments. A qualitative multimodal discourse analysis is employed here to investigate a selection of fan pages of rock musicians and bands.
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Cvikić, Sandra. "In Between Factual Truth and Social Construction." Review of Croatian history 17, no. 1 (2021): 149–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.22586/review.v17i1.14935.
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The aim of this paper is to provide an insight into how knowledge about dr. Franjo Tuđman was internationally created, namely the international context in which scientists and experts have produced factual truths about Croatia’s First President’s leadership, his role and accountability in the events that have marked the violent disintegration of former Yugoslavia, Croatia’s war of defense, and democratic transition. Developed discourse of the international scholarship about Yugoslav wars of disintegration and Croatia’s painful democratic transition is analyzed to determine how and in what way Dr. Franjo Tuđman is represented in selected publications available to the author of this paper. International scholarly production under the review is rather multidisciplinary with a variety of approaches, methodologies and theories providing rich data which in this case is studied juxtaposed to dominant transitional justice discourse framework. Such qualitative sociological research tries to deconstruct international scholarly context in which factual truths about dr. Franjo Tuđman were socially constructed by scholars and experts. Even though not always framed under the umbrella of transitional justice scholarship, developed discourse is Even though not always framed under the umbrella of transitional justice scholarship, developed discourse is nonetheless analyzed through critical lenses of social constructivism and approached in post-modernist sociological manner.
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Vida Blagojević, Mirjam. "The first wave of rock'n'roll in Yugoslavia and its impact on the socialist youth." Review of Croatian history 18, no. 1 (December 14, 2022): 289–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.22586/review.v18i1.24288.
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By taking advantage of abundant literature that has been written on the subject, the paper aims to give an overview of the history of rock music in Yugoslavia from its introduction in 1956 to the mid-1970s, when the new wave emerged. It also intends to remind the reader of this topic's relevance and open possible new research questions for history and related fields. Particular emphasis will be placed on the impact that this musical, cultural, social, and political phenomenon had on the lives of Yugoslav and other socialist youth while highlighting the changes rock'n'roll brought to their lives, including opening up to Western cultural influences through new fashion, different forms of youth entertainment, new understanding and redefining of gender relations. Also, the paper will review the cooperation of Yugoslav rock musicians with the Eastern bloc musicians. Through the analysis of articles found in Džuboks, a youth music magazine deemed popular at the time. The paper will attempt to illustrate how the Yugoslav youth rock press helped shape the minds of young people. This paper intends to remind the reader of this topic's relevance and open possible new research questions for this and related fields.
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Stipančević, Mario. "Vladimir Vinek's dribbles." Review of Croatian history 18, no. 1 (December 14, 2022): 211–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.22586/review.v18i1.21411.
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The paper attempts to shed light on the biography of Vladimir Vinek, a popular Zagreb football player during the early 1920s and one of the first real football stars in Croatia. It also attempts to explain his professional and private life, deeply connected with the contemporary social upheavals marked by repressive regimes of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, and later of the Independent State of Croatia. After considerable success with football Vinek became completely dedicated to his police career, first serving to the regime of Yugoslav king Alexander Karađorđević and later on to the Ustasha regime of Ante Pavelić, which would ultimate lead to his demise.
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Sunčič, Mitja. "Biography and social change: industrialists and the Communist revolution in Yugoslavia." European Review of History: Revue europeenne d'histoire 19, no. 5 (October 2012): 809–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2012.719011.
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Krasniqi, Gëzim. "Socialism, National Utopia, and Rock Music: Inside the Albanian Rock Scene of Yugoslavia, 1970–1989." East Central Europe 38, no. 2-3 (2011): 336–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633011x597199.
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AbstractThis study examines the nascent Albanian rock scene in Kosovo in the 1970s and 1980s. It argues that the rock scene represented both a subcultural movement as it “deviated” from the prevailing Albanian culture in Yugoslavia (and Albania, as well), introducing new forms of expression, as well as a countercultural movement within the larger Yugoslav space for it conveyed political messages which challenged the predominant political order in Yugoslavia. As a cultural phenomenon embedded in a specific socioeconomic and geopolitical context, the Albanian rock scene in Kosovo, although relatively short-lived, initiated important changes in the cultural and social life of Kosovo.
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Zelenović, Ana. "Theorizing feminist art in socialist Yugoslavia." Genero, no. 24 (2020): 71–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/genero2024071z.
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Since there were plenty of feminist discourses in Yugoslavia, from "women question" discourse of the Party and the government to academic research of sociologist, philosophers, and anthropologists and later feminist activism, there is a need to rethink the possibilities of theory and history of feminist in socialist context. This research aims at connecting different feminist theories with various artistic practices that might have a feminist character. This paper aims to give the analysis of subjects, forms, and meanings of feminist and queer artworks from 1968 till 1990. Considering feminist and queer theories, social, historical, political, and cultural context of socialist Yugoslavia, the paper offers one possible history of feminist art, maps its ideas and forms, and presents the methodological problems that this kind of attempt carries.
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Shakhin, Yurii. "Informal Ties in Party-State Bureaucracy of Yugoslavia." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 67, no. 3 (2022): 847–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu02.2022.311.
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The article investigates informal ties among the Yugoslav party-state bureaucracy in 1945–1965 in order to identify their influence on the disintegration processes in Yugoslavia. Interaction through unofficial channels was based on solid social-cultural preconditions and played a significant role in the life of the country. Informal ties could be formed due to military service or employment, family or friendship connections, but ties of compatriot character are most fully represented in the sources. They were lined up on a vertical basis in accordance with the existing administrative-territorial division and were predominately used to achieve some kind of material benefits. Until the early 1950s, compatriot ties could be used both in the interests of the center and subordinate regions, but afterwards only the latter option remained, so they quickly turned into a mechanism of lobbying regional interests in central bodies. Compatriot ties were closely intertwined with parochialism and particularism and fueled by the mood of the masses. For example, there were difficulties in nominating candidates of non-local origin during elections. There were politicians who did not follow the requests of their compatriots, but presumably they were in minority. Since the 1950s, there had been a tendency to institutionally include compatriot ties in the governing bodies, in particular, the principle of proportional regional representation had been established in state and party bodies. Already in the early 1960s this course undermined the efficiency of the central government. To which extent this result was determined by the role of compatriot ties system or other factors has yet to be researched, but it can be stated that the system of informal ties became one of the factors in the disintegration of Yugoslavia.
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Stamenković, Aleksandra. "YUGOSLAV PAVILIONS AT INTERNATIONAL EXHIBITIONS IN ARTISTIC AND POLITICAL DISCOURSE 1918–1941." Istorija 20. veka 40, no. 2/2022 (August 1, 2022): 301–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2022.2.sta.301-322.
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Exploring the context of constructing the Yugoslav national pavilions at international exhibitions in the period between the Two World Wars implies the analysis of the used architectural styles, also certain political ideologies that find their expression in architecture (thus lending it a role of social engagement). The parallel flows of socio-political discourses and architecture also require resolving the following dilemma: was the architect selected based on his or her education, sensibility and experience for a particular project, or forced to conform to the demands of the political authorities. The heritage, status of the nation, the architect, furthermore numerous social, cultural and, above all, political factors influence the variations in the art programs showcased in the pavilions. One such factor – the ideal of cultural connection and political cooperation among the South Slavs, supported by King Alexander Karadjordjević – plays an important role in defining the program and stylistic characteristics of the pavilions because it suggests a specific artistic expression. Attempts to develop this ideal into the ideology of Yugoslavism, that in certain respects sought to establish itself as the national identity, marked the period between 1918 and 1941. Such attempts represented both a prerequisite and a directive in the representative programs of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes/Kingdom of Yugoslavia.
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ROBERTSON, JAMES M. "NAVIGATING THE POSTWAR LIBERAL ORDER: AUTONOMY, CREATIVITY AND MODERNISM IN SOCIALIST YUGOSLAVIA, 1949–1953." Modern Intellectual History 17, no. 2 (September 12, 2018): 385–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244318000379.
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Between the years 1949 and 1953 the leaders of the Federative People's Republic of Yugoslavia embarked on a series of radical social and economic reforms that restructured state–society relations in line with a decentralized, participatory model of socialism. “Self-management socialism,” as this system became known, served to harmonize local revolutionary ambitions with the embedded liberalism of the postwar international order into which Yugoslavia sought to integrate. During the early reform period Yugoslav intellectuals reorganized socialist ideology around new understandings of autonomy and creativity in ways that resonated with liberal traditions and diverged sharply from the Soviet paradigm. These concepts informed Yugoslav ideas of social self-management and national self-determination and facilitated the country's orientation to the postcolonial world. They also underpinned the new realm of cultural production, where reformers such as Miroslav Krleža and Marko Ristić mobilized this new concern with autonomous creativity to revive previously discarded aesthetic theories of interwar modernism.
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Petrović, Nikola, Filip Fila, and Marko Mrakovčić. "Yugoslavs and Europeans Compared." Politička misao 59, no. 2 (September 5, 2022): 66–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.20901/pm.59.2.03.
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Drawing on Sekulić, Massey and Hodson’s seminal article ‘Who were the Yugoslavs?’, this paper compares the share and determinants of identifying as Yugoslavs during socialism with the panorama of primary European identification. Eurobarometer surveys containing data on European identification are utilized to that end. The study takes in consideration social and political contexts that shaped supranational identification in particular Yugoslav socialist republics and EU member states. Our findings show low levels of Europeans and Yugoslavs in both polities. The results also show that nationally specific contexts affect both the prevalence of European identification and its determinants. There are considerable differences in the level of European identification among EU countries, and statistical analyses of the Belgian, French and German cases further showed that different factors shape it. Of all the variables, non-exclusive nationalities have been the strongest predictors of supranational identification in both Socialist Yugoslavia and the EU.
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Zvijer, Nemanja. "Movie treatment of social past in "post-Yugoslavia"." Socioloski godisnjak, no. 11 (2016): 21–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/socgod1611021z.
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The break-up of socialist Yugoslavia caused, among other things, the dissolution of a common past of people who lived on that territory. Newly independent states were needed a new past for creating a new collective identities. This need caused a powerful wave of reinterpretation of history but also the specific attitude towards the recent socialist past. As these processes have had a relatively wide scale, that also reflected on popular culture, what can be seen in the case of films, as one of the most important segments of popular culture. In this regard, it will be considered the ways in which treated socialist past in terms of criticism or nostalgia in films made during the last decade of the twentieth century in the countries formed after the breakup of socialist Yugoslavia.
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Begović, Marko. "Athletes in Socialist Yugoslavia, 1945–1992." International Journal of the History of Sport 38, no. 10-11 (July 24, 2021): 1109–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09523367.2021.1973442.
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Memišević, Hamza, and Ermin Kuka. "Jugoslavenski komunisti između mira i razdora." Historijski pogledi 5, no. 8 (November 15, 2022): 189–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2022.5.8.189.
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The Yugoslav Communists, since their very appearance on the socio-political scene, have occupied a significant place in the historical perspective. During the Second World War in Yugoslavia, there was a significant change in political and social relations. The existence of ideological and civil war in the period 1941-1945 is crucial for understanding war and post-war events. The People's Liberation Army, ie the party's military instrument for the implementation of political and social changes, proved to be a key and decisive factor for the establishment of communist rule. The communist party did not observe the war in Yugoslavia through anti-fascism and anti-fascist struggle but through the so-called national liberation struggle and the socialist revolution. The key goal of the Communist Party was a fundamental change of social paradigm. In order to realize that idea, the party acted realpolitik. Initially, the party promoted common goals. Nevertheless, the party turned to its partial interests as soon as favorable military-political circumstances were created. The initial promotion of common goals was just a mimicry of the real intentions of the party. The Communist Party had a clearly defined political platform and goals for the national liberation struggle. These goals included taking over and establishing power, modeled on the Soviet Union. The conflict in Yugoslavia contained all the elements of an ideological-civil war because all the warring parties used the turmoil of war to carry out their political goals. In the context of the CPY, the basic form of the uprising was the partisan war, which escalated into a war against the enemy, those who were considered a threat to the party's future plans. In 1942, the People's Liberation Army was formed with the first divisions and corps (within it), while the decisive battles in 1943 definitely strengthened the People's Liberation Movement. A real understanding of the place and role of the Yugoslav communists, within the framework of historical reality, is the basic problem of this research. The aim is to review this phenomenon without any idealization, but also without the reduction of historical relevance, to review this phenomenon. There is no doubt that the Yugoslav communists achieved enormous success, in a political and social context. In the first years of first Yugoslavia, it was a marginal group, which was soon banned. However, during the great war, in which the collapse of the previous state took place, as well as the forms of civil war, the Yugoslav communists had the opportunity to reorganize the social, political, and economic order. The research within this paper is limited by the interest in the activities of the Yugoslav communists, from their appearance on the political scene to the moments when they become a powerful political force, without which the period behind us cannot be understood. The elaboration of the mentioned topic implied the application of all basic methods of scientific research. Of the general scientific methods, the hypothetical-deductive method and the comparative method were used. Obtaining empirical data was achieved by applying the method of analysis (content) of relevant documentation.
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Mulej, Oskar. "Toniemy w czerwonych buraczkach, zatykając dziury w żelaznej kurtynie”. Punkowa Lublana w późnych latach siedemdziesiątych i wczesnych osiemdziesiątych." Kultura i Społeczeństwo 54, no. 4 (December 22, 2010): 197–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/kis.2010.54.4.11.
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In this article, the Slovenian author merges the perspectives of the history of popular culture and of the history of social movements. At the turn of the 1970s/1980s, the little town of Ljubljana, the capital of the communist-ruled Slovenia, became the centre of Yugoslavian alternative culture, which run parallel to the official culture but was completely independent from it. Alternative culture constituted a protest against the realities of the last years of Josip Broz Tito’s rule. As such, it provoked hostile reactions of the state. The rulers of Yugoslavia did not take into account the fact that the punks only constituted a kind of “cultural opposition”, and not a viable political force. The punk culture was an attempt to create a new mode of expression and a new lifestyle, and its power as an inspiration in Europe, including Poland, was unprecedented. As a sui generis social movement, the punk paved the way for the emergence of civil society.
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Silverstein, Sara. "The Periphery is the Centre: Some Macedonian Origins of Social Medicine and Internationalism." Contemporary European History 28, no. 2 (December 17, 2018): 220–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777318000498.
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A new and important model for international health originated in the 1920s as a rural health project in the Macedonian region of Yugoslavia. Thus, the involvement of international organisations in social stability and human security did not follow the Great Depression of the 1930s, as has been argued. In fact, the redefinition of the League of Nations’ mandate began with its Health Organisation in the 1920s, growing from local health projects. These initiatives adapted principles of social medicine to address the challenges of constructing egalitarian democratic states in the agrarian peripheries of post-imperial Europe.
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TATIN GOURIER, Jean-Jacques. "MEMOIRE DES BALKANS, MEMOIRES DES FRANCE(S) : VERS LA RECONNAISSANCE DE MEMOIRES PLURIELLES ET NON EXCLUSIVES." La mémoire et ses enjeux. Balkans – France: regards croisés, X/ 2019 (December 30, 2019): 33–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.31902/fll.29.2019.3.
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MEMORY OF THE BALKANS, MEMORIES OF FRANCE(ES): TOWARDS RECOGNITION OF MULTIPLE AND NON EXCLUSIVES MEMORIES The contemporary approach to memorial memory in France is quite different from the one applied in the 1990s in the countries of the former Yugoslavia. Nevertheless, the authors of the article have tried to compare them, relying primarily on the concept represented by Pierre Nora in the work of Les Lieux de mémoire, as well as on the distinction the author makes between the notions of memory and history. A certain tradition of national memory was imposed through the educational system in the Third Republic in France. But, in the early 1960s, the historical researches largely contributed to the differentiation from the traditionalist approach of interpreting history as a national novel: history was increasingly recognized as a social and anthropological discipline and the issues of an epistemological (history of history), theoretical and methodological nature were highlighted accordingly. The attention of researchers and a wide readership stays occupied by controversy over the interpretation of contemporary events (WWII, decolonization). In the wake of the brutal events of the 1990s, which resulted in the rebirth of different entities from the former Yugoslavia, the main antithesis of the place of memorial memory (which applies only to Yugoslavia / which refers to new, national entities) has, in some ways, been transformed. And the transformation was quite unbalanced, given that the commemoration of memorial events by the newly-created states is, above all, a matter of political choice. Each newly formed state asks its own questions: What has been deleted? What came to light and at what cost? How did each state instrumentalize its historical memory in the specific context? Keywords: Memorial memory, France, Former Yugoslavia, Balkans, history, nationalism / we
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Ronsin, Juliette. "“It was Peugeot that brought us here!”." History in flux 2, no. 2 (December 23, 2020): 53–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.32728/flux.2020.2.3.
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The objective of this article is to analyze the consequences of the political, social, and economic ruptures of Yugoslavia and France on the trajectories of Yugoslavs recruited by the Peugeot company in France after the the 1965 Franco-Yugoslav bilateral agreement on the employment of temporary labor. Using a monographic approach to the case of the employment area of Sochaux, it is clear that (post-)Yugoslav workers went through periods of upheaval and even disillusionment after their arrival in France. This study mainly deals with a generation of men born in the 1940s and 1950s and recruited by Peugeot from 1965 onwards, but also includes other members of the family and the plurality of generations. The history of Yugoslav immigration to France has rarely been the subject of research, although studying it makes it possible to analyze relations between a western country and a communist country and the consequences of the breakup of a country for emigrants living abroad. To do so, this article relies on archival sources (files on foreigners kept in the archives of prefectures, archives of associations, and the Peugeot company’s archives) and on interviews with former workers.
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Savelli, Mat. "‘Peace and happiness await us’: Psychotherapy in Yugoslavia, 1945–85." History of the Human Sciences 31, no. 4 (October 2018): 38–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0952695118773951.
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Previous accounts of psychiatry within Communist Europe have emphasized the dominance of biological approaches to mental health treatment. Psychotherapy was thus framed as a taboo or marginal component of East European psychiatric care. In more recent years, this interpretation has been re-examined as historians are beginning to delve deeper into the diversity of mental healthcare within the Communist world, noting many instances in which psychotherapeutic techniques and theory entered into clinical practice. Despite their excellent work uncovering these hitherto neglected histories, however, historians of the psy-disciplines in Eastern Europe (and indeed other parts of the world) have neglected to fully consider the ways that post-World War II psychotherapeutic developments were not simply continuations of pre-war psychoanalytic traditions, but rather products of emerging transnational networks and knowledge exchanges in the post-war period. This article highlights how psychotherapy became a leading form of treatment within Communist Yugoslavia. Inspired by theorists in France and the United Kingdom, among other places, Yugoslav practitioners became well versed in a number of psychotherapeutic techniques, especially ‘brief psychotherapy’ and group-based treatment. These developments were not accidents of ideology, whereby group psychotherapy might be accepted by authorities as a nod to some idea of ‘the collective’, but were rather products of economic limitations and strong links with international networks of practitioners, especially in the domains of social psychiatry and group analysis. The Yugoslav example underscores the need for more historical attention to transnational connections among psychotherapists and within the psy-disciplines more broadly.
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Kovic, Milos. "Knowledge or intent: Contemporary world historiography on Serbs in 19th century." Sociologija 53, no. 4 (2011): 401–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc1104401k.
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The fall of the Berlin Wall and the destruction of Yugoslavia brought about a complete change of the political and social context in Europe and in the world. Consequently, history, as a scholarly discipline, was also significantly transformed. In this wider context, the interpretations of the Serbian 19th century experienced far-reaching revision. Thus, it is necessary to scrutinize the main topics of the debate on 19th century Serbian history in the contemporary world historiography, as well as to examine the main causes of this academic revision.
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Brlić, Ivan. "The Life and Decline of a Planned Industrial Town." Review of Croatian history 16, no. 1 (August 1, 2020): 125–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.22586/review.v16i1.11295.
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This paper discusses the emergence, existence, and fate of a planned, systematic town in a passive region of the then Federal People’s Republic of Yugoslavia – later renamed to Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia – in the period after World War II. The author critically assesses the reasons for the creation and construction of a modern town at the locality of Lički Osik in central Lika. The town was entirely dependent on and shared the same fate with the military industrial facility “Marko Orešković”, as it was built to support its production. Economic, social, and cultural ups and downs marked the half-century existence of this town, defining both its uncertain present and its promising future. Based on unpublished archival documents from that period, the author has reconstructed the reasons and modes of existence of the planned military enterprise as well as the associated town, which remains emblematic as an unrealistic and misunderstood economic development project in this part of Croatia.
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Bjažić Klarin, Tamara. "Constructing the world of equal opportunities: The case of architect Vladimir Antolić." Journal of Modern European History 18, no. 4 (July 30, 2020): 474–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1611894420944840.
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Discourse in the field of architecture and urban planning remained essentially the same in Croatia from the 1930s until the Second World War, and then until the mid 1950s, despite radically changing socio-political systems. This should be credited to Zagreb-based ‘salaried architects’. In the 1930s, they pointed to a major social problem—the substandard living conditions present throughout the country. Questioning the implementation of projects and plans within liberal capitalism, some even entered politics. In post-war socialist Yugoslavia, the circumstances radically changed. Reviewing these pre-war and post-war stages as a single process, this article highlights to the contributions of architect Vladimir Antolić (1903–1981), one of the first trained urban planners in Croatia and a member of International Congress of Modern Architecture. It will demonstrate how his work on the Zagreb Regulation Plan helped to define key issues of urban planning practices in Yugoslavia and show the significance of the so-called European ‘periphery’ in the modern movement’s narrative.
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Lyon, James. "Yugoslavia's Hyperinflation, 1993-1994: a Social History." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 10, no. 2 (March 1996): 293–327. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325496010002005.
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Boskovic, Dusan. "Intellectuals in power: Social patterns in the formative years of second Yugoslavia." Filozofija i drustvo 22, no. 3 (2011): 121–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid1103121b.
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Political history of the Second Yugoslavia was continuously sacral, while secularization mainly took place within the arts? domain. The Cominform (Informbiro) and split with the SSR opened up a space for greater freedom of creativity (Kardelj, Djilas, Segedin) and for the abandonment of the socialist realism and its attempt to control the content of art (Zogovic). A third position on literature was promoted by Vladan Desnica.
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Vasiljevic, Maja. "Popular music as an anticipation, “framing” and construction of generational memory of the 1968 students’ protest in Yugoslavia." Muzikologija, no. 14 (2013): 117–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/muz1314117v.
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By focusing on the role of music within a certain political event - in this case, the students? protests in Yugoslavia in June 1968 - I connect the sociology of music with the sociology of social movements as defined by American writers Ron Eyerman and Andrew Jamison. Moreover, I suggest further research based on the sociology of generations. I insist on the cultural basis of social movements, as argued by these Yale-educated sociologists. Contrary to the typically onesided or negative evaluation on the consequences of the 1968 protests on the further development of Yugoslav society, I discuss the importance of this crucial year on the history of Yugoslav rock music and the students? lifestyle. I argue that the entertainment institutions in Yugoslavia, including rock?n?roll, pop and jazz music, as well as the amateur folklore societies, were crucial for the selfidentification of the protagonists of the 1960s student protests, and not only the students? political choices. Music anticipated and accompanied the 1968 protests, and later helped in constructing the memories on these protests. Music is singled out as the object of study based on the analysis of a vast body of archival material and the participants? testimonies, in which the music could be observed as the only constant parameter in the process of constructing collective memory to the 1960s in Yugoslavia and the 1968 events. I discuss music in the context of social movements for the sake of analyzing the multiplicity of music?s meanings for various social groups. Music is seen outside of institutional frameworks. Bearing in mind the lack of literature that deals comprehensively with the lifestyle of the youth at that time, including their musical preferences, I used various secondary sources.
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Egorova, Maria A. "ON THE SOCIAL FUNCTIONS OF THE VARIANTS OF THE SERBO-CROATIAN LANGUAGE." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. "Literary Theory. Linguistics. Cultural Studies" Series, no. 2 (2021): 85–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2686-7249-2021-2-85-116.
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The issue of the status of languages that emerged on the basis of the Serbo-Croatian language after the collapse of Yugoslavia remains relevant until now. The standard Serbo-Croatian language arose in the 19th century as a common language of Serbs, Croats, Bosnians and Montenegrins and existed in two main variants, “western” and “eastern”, from the very outset. These variants were close enough to maintain free communication, and at the same time, each variant had symbolic significance as a marker of the corresponding ethnic group. This article provides an outline of the history of the Serbo-Croatian language from its origin to the collapse of Yugoslavia in the light of two social functions of the language, communicative (language as a means of exchanging information) and symbolic (language as a symbol of national identity).
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Kovic, Milos. "Imagining the Serbs revisionism in the recent historiography of nineteenth-century Serbian history." Balcanica, no. 43 (2012): 325–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1243325k.
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The end of the Cold War has brought about a complete change of the political and social context in the world. Consequently, history, as a scholarly discipline, has also undergone a significant transformation. In this broader context, with the destruction of Yugoslavia, the interpretations of the Serbian nineteenth century have been experiencing a far-reaching revision. It is necessary, therefore, to scrutinize the main topics of the debate on nineteenth-century Serbian history in recent world historiography, as well as to examine the main causes of this academic revision.
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Feldman, Andrea. "New women in a new state." Review of Croatian history 18, no. 1 (December 14, 2022): 155–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.22586/review.v18i1.24285.
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This paper intends to explain not only the origins of the modern woman in a changing political and social environment in a newly established state after First World War, but also the development of ideas formulated by women in their intellectual endeavors, through their influence and criticism, and their hopes and expectations of the new state. It focuses on Croat and South Slavic spaces in the process of unification of the State of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes in 1918 (called the Kingdom of SHS, Kingdom of Yugoslavia from 1929). This period saw the unprecedented involvement of women in political and public life with the aim of achieving political and legal equality. Examining the complex structural changes that took place amidst great economic, social, and political commotion, the paper encompasses the personalities and ideas that challenged the established understanding of the status of women and analyses the ways and forms of some of their social and public actions. The most important among them was Zovka Kveder Demetrović, a journalist and editor of a prominent women’s magazine Ženski svijet/Jugoslavenska žena [Women’s World/The Yugoslav Woman] whose advocacy of women’s issues is the focus of this paper. It informs the reader on new possibilities of understanding the intellectual and political contribution of women, and identifies the most important, if generally unknown, women authors from the region whose work contributed to the general advancement of women’s issues in the aftermath of First World War.
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Pope, Jill. "Spectral fabulations: Belgrade drag performances refashioning socialist memories." Memory Studies 16, no. 1 (February 2023): 85–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/17506980221141606.
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This article explores how drag performers in late postsocialist Belgrade refashion memories of socialist Yugoslavia, queering memory by disrupting the linear temporality of the postsocialist transition and challenging the erasure of the city’s socialist Yugoslav past. Belgrade is home to a thriving drag community, including a growing group of performers who engage with memories of socialist Yugoslavia, drawing on its diverse legacy from costumes, ideologies and cultural production. Analysing performance material from two of these drag identities – Gospođa Pereca and Novoslovenka – I argue that drag performers could be considered spectral fabulations, which emerge in the haunted landscape of postsocialist Belgrade, a city characterised by political depression, particularly for its LGBTQ+ community. Confronting literature on hauntings and queer performance, spectral fabulation sees drag identities in Belgrade as posthuman apparitions who use socialist memory to disrupt teleological understandings of history as well as to imagine utopian futures, which actively work against the conditions of political depression in the city. This ultimately points to the indeterminacy of the postsocialist transition, containing the potential form for both political depression and queer futurities.
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Falina, Maria. "Narrating democracy in interwar Yugoslavia: From state creation to its collapse." Journal of Modern European History 17, no. 2 (April 1, 2019): 196–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1611894419835750.
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This article examines the narratives of democracy in interwar Yugoslavia. It starts with the premise that the commitment to democracy in the immediate post-war period was deep and sincere as it was seen as an answer to domestic and international political challenges. The article focuses on how democracy was understood and narrated, and maintains that virtually every political actor engaged with the idea and/or practice of democracy, thereby making it a subject of an important debate. Thus, democracy was at the time as significant a concept and theme as was nationalism, which usually receives more attention in historical analysis. Such issues as national self-determination, the establishment of the state, and the symbolic place of Yugoslavia among well-established European nations impacted the way democracy was debated. At the same time, local political actors used claims to possess better expertise in democracy to back up specific ideological and national projects. Finally, socio-economic issues emerged in the later half of the period to complement the national considerations. A significant difference in the narratives of democracy as understood primarily in political terms and the narrative of democracy that emphasizes its social and economic dimension emerged towards the late 1930s.
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Gibas-Krzak, Danuta. "Participation of Allah's Warriors in the War in Former Yugoslavia (1992 - 1995)." Review of Croatian history 17, no. 1 (2021): 483–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.22586/review.v17i1.19696.
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The main aim of this paper is to show the participation of mercenaries in the war in former Yugoslavia who fought on the Muslim side. The author presents the thesis that they were recruited to participate in the defense of Muslim community, which they believed was threatened by Serbs. However, their goal soon became to conduct jihad. Muslim mercenaries, also known as warriors of Allah (warriors of God) or Garibi, often proved to be cruel and committed war crimes. Among them were veterans of the war in Afghanistan, the Mujahideen. After the end of hostilities, many of God’s warriors remained in the Balkans, and their settlement brought a lot of negative changes to the social and political life of the region. The Garibi contributed greatly to the strengthening of influence of Islamic states and institutions in the Balkans, as well as to the development of Wahhabi sects supporting terrorism.
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Jajčević, Jasmin. "Informbiro crisis and Bosnia and Herzegovina (1948-1956) in historical sources and historiography." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 6 (November 15, 2021): 93–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.6.93.
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In terms of historiography, the history of Bosnia and Herzegovina after the Second World War has been dealt with by many historians and scholars, dealing with and researching topics related to the economy, culture, the issue of religious communities, political circumstances, etc. What is lacking in historiographical research in the period after the Second World War is certainly the question of education (educational opportunities), as well as the question of the repercussions and consequences of the Informbiro crisis in the period from 1948 to 1956 for Bosnia and Herzegovina. The period from 1948 to 1956 is one of the most dramatic and fateful phases in the recent history of the South Slavic countries, ie Bosnia and Herzegovina. It is a period of very contradictory and turbulent social processes, which have led to complex changes in all areas of socio-economic and political reality, both domestically (in Yugoslavia and Bosnia and Herzegovina) and internationally. Stalin's attempt to subjugate the Yugoslav party leadership to Soviet domination will lead to an open split between Tito and Stalin (Yugoslavia and the USSR), which will have major consequences for the development of the Yugoslav political system, will lead to universal persecution of all those who voted for politics. Informbiroa in Yugoslavia. The conflict will have a particular impact on the political, economic and social situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The aim of this paper is to point out the historical sources that are in the archives of Bosnia and Herzegovina, archives in Belgrade (Archives of Yugoslavia) and Zagreb on the basis of which the necessary data can be drawn to understand this issue, as well as to point to historiography (books, collections of papers and journals) that dealt with the issue of the Informbiro crisis in the period from 1948 to 1956 and its reflection on the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. This is due to the fact that very few scientists and historians have dealt with this issue, as well as that there is very little historical literature for this period, especially for the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. It should be noted that we have a historian who has dealt with this issue at the micro level, and as a result a book was published in 2005 entitled „Informbiro and Northeast Bosnia: Echoes and Consequences of the KPJ-Informbiro Conflict (1948-1953)", where the general public with this event, which has a great impact on the political and socio-economic situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. From the appearance of this book until today, there have been attempts to shed light on this issue through several scientific conferences and round tables, and the result has been published collections of papers, as well as articles published in some journals, both in Bosnia and Herzegovina and wider.
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Petričević, Paula. "How the Female Subject was Tempered. An Instructive History of 8 March and Its Media Representation in Naša Žena (Our Woman)." Comparative Southeast European Studies 69, no. 1 (April 16, 2021): 19–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2021-2001.
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Abstract The author explores the socialist emancipation of women in Montenegro during World War II and its aftermath, using the example of the 8 March celebrations. The social life of this ‘holiday of the struggle of all the women in the world’ speaks powerfully of the strength and fortitude involved in the mobilization of women during the war and during the postwar building of socialist Yugoslavia, as well as the sudden modernization and unprecedented political subjectivation of women. The emancipatory potential of these processes turned out to be limited in the later period of stabilization of Yugoslav state socialism and largely forgotten in the postsocialist period. The author argues that the political subjectivation of women needs to be thought anew, as a process that does not take place in a vacuum or outside of a certain ideological matrix, whether socialist or liberal.
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Wilson, Richard. "Judging History: The Historical Record of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia." Human Rights Quarterly 27, no. 3 (2005): 908–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hrq.2005.0045.
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Malitsky, Joshua. "The Documentary Imaginary of Brotherhood and Unity: Nonfiction Film in Yugoslavia, 1945–51." boundary 2 49, no. 1 (February 1, 2022): 137–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01903659-9615431.
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This article explores how nonfiction film in postwar Yugoslavia (1945–51) expressed a fundamental ambivalence that negotiated a desire for and image of a unified nation-state (supranationalism) with that of one made up of multiple nations (nationalism). I argue that nonfiction film became a key vehicle for communicating the ideological principle of “brotherhood and unity” (“bratstvo i jedinstvo”), a slogan Yugoslav Communists used to articulate a solution to the challenges of a unified, multinational, and multiethnic Yugoslavia. This effort, I contend, emerged not simply through cinematic textuality but also through the social experiences people have with cinema: not just by seeing national bodies laboring and cooperating with other peoples but also by viewing them together in a presentational space, by experiencing a film program with overlapping and conflicting thematics, and by the industrial and institutional organization of nonfiction film itself. Mobilizing Peircean semiotics and Taylor's concept of the social imaginary, I argue that the documentary imagination of “brotherhood and unity” emerges from a combination of textual and extratextual factors, an interrelation of materiality and discursivity.
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Andrejević, Danica. "Literary projection of the disintegration of Yugoslavia." Napredak 2, no. 3 (2021): 115–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/napredak2-35161.
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The research of the poetic and cultural meaning of literature from the 1990s to the present moment can, in the culturological context, be conducted within the social, historical and anthropological sphere as well as the general culture of remembrance. The literary projection of the dissolution of Yugoslavia in this case spans the last three decades of development of Serbian literature. In this paper we apply an interdisciplinary approach to interpretation, in accordance with the author's aspects. The basic theoretical framework consists of points of view of various characters who in monologues or within other narrative forms of literary discourse, articulate their position on the tragic ruptures within the state, family, being. Selected prose statements are structural-poetic and semanticaxiological messages of different authors and characters. About twenty novels of all generations of authors are included, which more or less explore the topic of the last civil war in the Balkans. The model of citation characteristic of the theme is contrasted by the varying subjective attitudes of the characters, ideologically colored or politically correct. Excerpts were selected exclusively on the basis of their literary value. Writers react more intensely, freely, and emotionally to the tragic reality and war apocalypse. Their literary projections can be classified as the engagement of critical intellectuals who neither provoked nor participated in the tragic historical events. Thus, literary discourse, however politicized or even subversive, is not political discourse in a literary text. The writers do not engage in documentary mimesis but an artistic projection of reality and the literary transformation of that reality into a kind of new historicism, as Greenblatt says. According to Derrida's theory of difference, each writer expresses a different presence in the world. Thus, Serbian writers interpret the disintegration of Yugoslavia and its consequences three decades later in an authentic, unique, and specifically relevant way, valuable not only for the history of literature but also for history in general and the social context of our chronotope.
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Bonfiglioli, Chiara. "Women's Political and Social Activism in the Early Cold War Era: The Case of Yugoslavia." Aspasia 8, no. 1 (January 1, 2014): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/asp.2014.080102.
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Jovanović Simić, Jelena, and Dragomir Bondžić. "Stevan Ivanić (1884–1948) – prilog za biografiju." Tokovi istorije 29, no. 2 (August 30, 2021): 11–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2021.2.jov.11-37.
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Stevan Ivanić was a Serbian physician and head of the Health Services in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. A Socialist in his youth, in 1934 he joined the Zbor movement and promoted right-wing ideological views. He was commissar of social affairs and public health in 1941, and after the war he went into exile, where he died in 1948. The Communist authorities proclaimed him a criminal and traitor. So far, Ivanić’s biography has been available only in short encyclopedia entries. This paper is an attempt to supplement it with data from available archival material, periodicals and published literature and to present a fuller view of his professional and ideological-political activities and positions.
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Radojicic, Mirjana. "Mile Savic as an interpreter of the recent south Slavic past." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 162 (2017): 303–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1762303r.
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The subject of this paper is the interpretation of the recent South Slavic past given in the works of Mile Savic, a Serbian philosopher and social theorist, who recently passed away. The wars for territorial heritage of the former Yugoslavia, the aggression of the NATO alliance on the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, the project of Euro-Atlantic integration of Serbia - are just some of the most significant thematic points of that interpretation. By providing an exhaustive analysis of Savic?s attitudes to these and kindred phenomena of the recent political and social history of the region, the author concludes that, in a large mosaic of knowledge of a ?time rich in misfortunes? (Tacitus), the piece attributed to it by this Serbian philosopher, who left the intellectual and life stage too early, will be, by all means, among the most significant and precious ones.
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Petrović, Duško. "Ordinary Affects During the Democratization of Violence in the Context of the Breakup of Yugoslavia." Politička misao 59, no. 4 (December 23, 2022): 167–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.20901/pm.59.4.08.
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In the paper, based on the analysis of ethnographic material, the author explains the emergence of ordinary affects during the breakup of Yugoslavia. He shows that the ordinary affects were unfolding amid social anomie created by the collapse of the Yugoslav state and the processes of ethnicization on the subnational level. One of the striking features of the processes of ethnicization was targeted violence against civilians or democratization of violence on a subnational level. To help understand the emergence of affective afflictions, the author supplements theories of cultural trauma and ethnicization with the concepts of situation and crisis embedded in the ordinary. Furthermore, he argues that this small theoretical supplement can help understand the persistence and unusually high presence of war rhetoric in some post-Yugoslav states.
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Josipović Batorek, Slađana, and Valentina Kezić. "The Role of the Media in Shaping and Propagating May Day Rituals." Review of Croatian history 17, no. 1 (2021): 377–423. http://dx.doi.org/10.22586/review.v17i1.19693.
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The Communist Party of Yugoslavia’s (CPY) rise to power in 1945 was followed by a period of fundamental socio-political changes that encompassed all aspects of life. In order to establish a complete political and ideological authority, the government attempted to suppress all elements which, in their view, were not aligned with the doctrine of the Communist Party. As a result, everything that was perceived as remnants of the old socio-political order was marginalised, such as religion, tradition and customs. Moreover, reinterpretation of the past also took place, as well as creation of new rituals and Tito’s cult of personality. Accordingly, a completely new calendar of official, state holidays was established, deprived of any national or religious tradition. One of those holidays was May Day, which was celebrated for two days and whose purpose, like most other holidays of that period, was to create uniqueness of feelings and actions in society, focusing on the working class, socialism, CPY, Yugoslavia and Josip Broz Tito. Besides, celebrations of major anniversaries and holidays, including May Day, presented an opportunity for transmission of ideological and political messages, most often articulated through numerous slogans which clearly defined the direction in which the society should move. The media played a key role in this process. Therefore, the central part of the paper consists of the analysis of newspaper articles from Glas Slavonije in order to understand its role in the implementation of those new political rituals and social values.
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Babović, Jovana. "National Capital, Transnational Culture." East Central Europe 42, no. 1 (August 8, 2015): 104–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04201004.
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In the two decades following the Great War, foreign singers, dancers, films, and magazines streamed into Belgrade, then the capital of newly unified Yugoslavia. Popular culture was both accessible and attractive to ordinary Belgraders. State officials, prewar Serbian conservatives, and elites, however, blamed the residents’ reorientation toward foreign fun for a number of problems such as bad taste, social degeneracy, and, most importantly, a disruption to Yugoslav unification. Yet as critics discredited foreign popular culture in interwar Belgrade, urbanites embraced it with equal fervor. This article examines how foreign popular culture, as well as the debates surrounding it, established the foundation for a transnational urban identity that Belgraders shared with other European city-dwellers.
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Bakić-Hayden, Milica. "Nesting Orientalisms: The Case of Former Yugoslavia." Slavic Review 54, no. 4 (1995): 917–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2501399.
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This paper introduces the notion of “nesting orientalisms” to investigate some of the complexity of the east/west dichotomy which has underlain scholarship on “Orientalism” since the publication of Said's classic polemic, a discourse in which “East,” like “West,” is much more of a project than a place. While geographical boundaries of the “Orient“ shifted throughout history, the concept of “Orient” as “other” has remained more or less unchanged. Moreover, cultures and ideologies tacitly presuppose the valorized dichotomy between east and west, and have incorporated various “essences” into the patterns of representation used to describe them. Implied by this essentialism is that humans and their social or cultural institutions are “governed by determinate natures that inhere in them in the same way that they are supposed to inhere in the entities of the natural world.” Thus, eastern Europe has been commonly associated with “backwardness,” the Balkans with “violence,” India with “idealism” or “mysticism,” while the west has identified itself consistently with the “civilized world.“