Journal articles on the topic 'Social conflict – Germany'
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1
Hirschberger, Gilad, Roland Imhoff, Dennis Kahn, and Katja Hanke. "Making sense of the past to understand the present: Attributions for historical trauma predict contemporary social and political attitudes." Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 25, no. 2 (November 22, 2021): 509–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368430221990105.
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Research indicates that the memory of collective trauma influences attitudes towards contemporary social and political issues. We suggest that the specific attributions for trauma that members of victim and perpetrator groups make provide a more nuanced understanding of this relationship. Thus, we constructed and validated a measure of attributions for the Holocaust. Then, we ran a preregistered study on representative samples in Germany ( N = 504) and Israel ( N = 469) to examine whether attributing the Holocaust to essentialist or contextual causes influences attitudes towards the immigration crisis and the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. Results indicated that, among Germans, attributing the Holocaust to German character was associated with positive attitudes to immigration via collective guilt. Among Israelis, attributions to German character were associated with negative attitudes to non-Jewish immigration, a hawkish stance in the Palestinian–Israeli conflict, and pro-Israel attitudes via a sense of perpetual victimization. Results reveal how attributions about past trauma affect contemporary social and political attitudes among victims and perpetrators.
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Eichenauer, Eva, and Ludger Gailing. "What Triggers Protest?—Understanding Local Conflict Dynamics in Renewable Energy Development." Land 11, no. 10 (September 30, 2022): 1700. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/land11101700.
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The expansion of renewable energy infrastructure comes with increasing conflicts at local level that significantly impede the expansion of renewable energy in Germany and impact the realization of national and international climate goals. In some conflicts, rural communities are torn apart and social relations strained beyond the energy conflict. Other projects are realized with no or only minor disruption. To researchers, project developers and local politicians alike, it seems unpredictable as to which way local energy conflicts evolve. Thus, the paper aims to shed light on conflict dynamics and identifies a number of aspects that influence local energy conflicts. The paper applies a conflict theoretical perspective on local energy conflicts. Rather than identifying energy conflicts as a sign of dysfunctionality, conflicts are seen as an important element of a democratic society struggling to find the best way through the transformation towards decarbonization. Based on qualitative research on local energy conflicts in five German municipalities the paper analyzes aspects that encourage constructive conflicts and aspects that impede such developments. With reference to Dahrendorf’s conditions of conflict the categories of energy conflicts are systematized within an analytical framework according to conditions of organization, conflict and change. These categories and aspects are embedded in specific local conditions, making conflicts on the one hand typical and on the other very specific. They are also entry points for dealing constructively with the conflicts.
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Mannitz, Sabine. "Turkish Youths in Berlin: Transnational Identification and Double Agency." New Perspectives on Turkey 29 (2003): 85–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600006129.
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Migration research has often stressed the adverse circumstances of Turkish immigrants living in Germany. The situation of the so-called second and third generations in particular has been seen as entailing a problematic double-bind of living “between two cultures.” In this scholarship, the image of such youth trapped in a structural culture conflict creates the impression that serious personal and emotional crises are an inevitable part of Turkish migrant youths' coming of age in Germany. Moreover, former guest workers and their families have been treated with a less than hospitable attitude insofar as efforts to facilitate their incorporation, for example, by way of the German legal system. Although the hiring of foreign laborers undeniably contributed to the economic and social recovery of West Germany after National Socialism and World War II, immigration has never been treated as a favorable option in German politics. The project of hiring laborers from abroad on a temporary basis gradually developed into de facto immigration, unintended on the part of both Germans and Turks. The resulting demographic multi-nationalization has not (yet), however, become a self-evident ingredient of the German conscience collective (Schiffauer, 1993, pp. 195-98). The very ambivalence of this situation influences the prevalent conceptualizations of the various social groups, as the following brief account illustrates.
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Löhnig, Martin. "Der Vertrag zwischen der Bundesrepublik Deutschland und der Volksrepublik Polen über die Grundlagen der Normalisierung ihrer gegenseitigen Beziehungen als Zäsur in der Geschichte der Bonner Republik." Miscellanea Historico-Iuridica 19, no. 2 (2020): 13–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/mhi.2020.19.02.01.
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For Poland, the "Warsaw Treaty between the Federal Republic of Germany and the People's Republic of Poland" brought legal certainty: The Polish western border was now recognized by both German states under international law. For the Federal Republic of Germany, the tough domestic political struggle for ratification of the treaty marks a turning point. The essay describes this struggle between the social-liberal government and the conservative opposition against the background of the German constitution (Basic Law), which should ensure the stability of the democratic system based on the experiences from the Weimar period. It shows how the conflict parties used instruments of the no-confidence vote and the dissolution of parliament and what role the Federal Constitutional Court (Bundesverfassungsgericht) played in this conflict: The leading decision of the court is analysed in detail. Last but not least, the surprising role of the GDR in this conflict is also examined.
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Rebrina, L. N., and N. L. Shamne. "Problematization of Social Reality in Communicative Practices of Conflict Mobilization in Communities Social Networks in Germany." Nauchnyi dialog, no. 8 (August 24, 2021): 73–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2021-8-73-86.
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The results of studying the subject system-communicative dimension of conflict mobilization practices in social networks in Germany in the context of mediatization of politics and postulates of successful conflict communication of the Harvard School of Conflictology are presented in the article. The spheres of social life, characterized from the perspective of observers — members of mobilization communities — as a concentration of problem situations and phenomena are determined. The fact of achieving the planned impact when problematizing fragments of social reality is confirmed by the predominance of solidarity reactions of the addressees. The conclusion is made about the predominant presentation of fragments of social reality as a threat through a direct assessment, an indication of the need for confrontation as the main task of the community, broad calls for struggle and criticism of the opponent; about the dominant reinforced presentation of the assessment to the addressee. The consequences of modern mediation in the political sphere, which are reflected in the practices of conflict mobilization, including the changing characteristics and attitudes of communicants, are described. Mobilization practices are characterized as the practice of institutionalizing protest and conflict resolution. It is shown that the studied discursive practices combine the features of different conflict resolution strategies, re-veal partial deviations from the postulates of successful conflict communication, formulated by representatives of the Harvard School of Conflictology in the concept of “Principled Negotiations”.
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Münz, Rainer, and Ralf Ulrich. "Immigration and Citizenship in Germany." German Politics and Society 17, no. 4 (December 1, 1999): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503099782486761.
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In Germany, as in many other European democracies, immigrationand citizenship are contested and contentious issues. In the Germancase it was both the magnitude of postwar and recent immigration aswell as its interference with questions of identity that created politicaland social conflict. As a result of World War II, the coexistenceof two German states, and the persistence of ethnic German minoritiesin central and eastern Europe, (West) Germany’s migration andnaturalization policy was inclusive toward expellees, GDR citizens,and co-ethnics. At the same time, the Federal Republic of Germany,despite the recruitment of several million foreign labor migrantsand—until 1992—a relatively liberal asylum practice, did not developsimilar mechanisms and policies of absorption and integration of itslegal foreign residents.
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Auspurg, Katrin, Josef Brüderl, and Thomas Wöhler. "Does Immigration Reduce the Support for Welfare Spending? A Cautionary Tale on Spatial Panel Data Analysis." American Sociological Review 84, no. 4 (July 10, 2019): 754–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0003122419856347.
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There has been a long-lasting debate over whether increasing ethnic diversity undermines support for social welfare, and whether this conflict thesis applies not only to the United States, but also to European welfare states. In their 2016 ASR article, Schmidt-Catran and Spies analyzed a panel (1994 to 2010) of regional units in Germany and concluded that this thesis also holds for Germany. We argue that their analysis suffers from misspecification: their model specification assumes parallel time trends in welfare support in all German regions. However, time trends strongly differed between Western and Eastern Germany after reunification. In the 1990s, Eastern Germans’ attitudes adapted to a less interventionist Western welfare system (“Goodbye Lenin effect”). When allowing for heterogeneous time trends, we find no evidence that increasing proportions of foreigners undermine welfare support, or that this association is moderated by economic hardship (high unemployment rates). We conclude with some general suggestions regarding the conceptualization of context effects in spatial analyses.
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Weingart, Peter. "Eugenics — Medical or Social Science?" Science in Context 8, no. 1 (1995): 197–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889700001952.
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The ArgumentEugenics is the paradigmatic case of the conflict between biology and medicine over social influence. Commenting on as essay by Debora Kamrat–Lang(1995), the paper reconstructs the historical roots of eugenics as a form of preventive medicine. A comparision between the development of some crucial aspects of eugenics between Germany and the United States reveals that the prevalence of the value placed on the individual over hereditary health of a population ultimately determined the outcome of the conflict but collective concepts may be revived by new biological knowledge
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Friedrich, Beate. "Pathways of Conflict: Lessons from the Cultivation of MON810 in Germany in 2005–2008 for Emerging Conflicts over New Breeding Techniques." Sustainability 12, no. 1 (December 23, 2019): 144. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12010144.
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The paper uses qualitative interviews and document analysis to examine conflicts over plant and animal breeding techniques from the perspectives of Social and Political Ecology. It asks how past conflicts over genetically modified organisms (GMOs) can inform understandings of possible trajectories of emerging conflicts over new breeding techniques (NBTs) such as CRISPR/Cas genome editing. Case studies of conflicts in three areas where the transgenic maize MON810 was cultivated in Germany from 2005–2008 show that the escalation of conflict coincided with the first tangible presence of these already controversial organisms in the rural landscape. Location-specific interlinkages between discursive and material dimensions gave rise to different pathways of conflict in the three areas studied. These empirical results inform the analysis of emerging conflicts over NBTs in Germany and the United Kingdom. The future of NBTs in both countries is still open, and the divergence of regulatory frameworks in Europe could lead to the development of ‘NBT hotspots’ located in particular European countries, provoking an escalation of conflict in areas where commercial application takes place. The paper concludes by examining the potential for a politicization of future conflicts to encompass wider issues related to the transformation of agricultural systems towards sustainability.
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Mushtaq, Shireen, Dua Hamid, and Javeria Sheikh. "Securitisation of the Refugee Issue in Germany: The Far Right Challenge to Government Policies." Malaysian Journal of International Relations 9, no. 1 (December 30, 2021): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/mjir.vol9no1.1.
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The refugee crisis in Germany began as the Syrian Civil war soared into a large-scale conflict. Germany adopted the Open Door Policy and allowed over a million Syrian refugees to enter. This paper focuses on the implication of this refugee crisis on German national politics. In this paper, Barry Buzan and Ole Weaver’s theory of securitisation and de-securitisation is used, they describe Securitisation as an extreme version of politicisation and de-securitisation is the process of normalising the issue. Through a case study, we assess the role of securitising actors and desecuritising actors in Germany. The securitising actors include mainly Alternative for Germany (AfD), Pegida movement, Christian Social Union (CSU), whereby they focus on securitising the refugee and migrant issue by treating it as an existential threat to Germany. As a counter narrative the desecuritising actors include the ruling party and their coalition such as the Christian Democratic Union, the Social Democratic Party, the Green Party, and the Left Party which focus on desecuritising the issue. The paper concludes, the process of securitisation has been more effective as compared to the process of desecuritisation in German national politics.
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König, Thomas. "Bicameralism and Party Politics in Germany: An Empirical Social Choice Analysis." Political Studies 49, no. 3 (August 2001): 411–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00319.
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This paper analyses whether and how party politics transform German bicameralism. Based on the policy positions of bicameral legislators, the study computes the win sets, the yolks of each chamber and a Nash solution in order to analyse empirically the effects of party politics on German bicameralism. In comparison to the basic bicameral model, hypotheses on bicameral conflict and policy stability are tested in the case of similar and different party majorities in the two-dimensional policy space of German labour politics. The results show that party politics transform German bicameralism in two ways. Similar majorities collapse bicameral checks-and-balances, while different party majorities come close to the basic bicameral model with high policy stability and conflict between both chambers.
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Elling, Ray. "Reflections on the Health Social Sciences—Then and Now." International Journal of Health Services 37, no. 4 (October 2007): 601–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/hs.37.4.a.
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After its beginnings in the United States, medical sociology started to take hold in Germany in 1958 with a conference that resulted in the first book on medical sociology published in Germany. From uneasy marginality, the field has grown to include disciplines other than sociology—anthropology, economics, and political economy. Today, the field might best be called the “health social sciences.” The main body of work employs the consensual perspective, but work done using a class conflict perspective is increasingly significant.
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Hewitson, Mark. "The Violent Art: Caricatures of Conflict in Germany." Cultural History 6, no. 1 (April 2017): 57–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/cult.2017.0135.
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War furnishes a – perhaps the – classic case of ‘black humour’, which is understood here in the broad sense, not merely as the humour of the gallows or the cheating of death, but humour deriving from a confrontation with suffering or death, either as a victim or a perpetrator. War cartoons relied on the manipulation of images for comic effect, which – at least until the absurdist experiments of the Dada and Surrealist movements during and after the First World War – appeared impossible in photography, painting and cinematography. Caricature permitted artists simultaneously to conjure up, simplify and undermine reality. The selection and exaggeration of character traits and circumstantial detail, which was fundamental to caricature, revealed graphically how cartoonists perceived the social and political world in which they lived. This chapter examines how such selection and exaggeration worked in extreme conditions during wartime.
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Zada, Khamami, and M. Nurul Irfan. "Negotiating Sharia in Secular State: A Case Study in French and Germany." Samarah: Jurnal Hukum Keluarga dan Hukum Islam 5, no. 1 (June 30, 2021): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.22373/sjhk.v5i1.9753.
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The European Muslims, the majority of them come from Muslim countries, are facing the identity dilemma. On the one hand, they are the Muslims who are obliged to carry out their religious teaching, but on the other hand, they are the Muslims who have acquired European citizenship who cannot enforce religious laws and instead submit to secular state laws. The study analyzes French and Germany Muslim aspirations and their negotiations on carrying out sharia in the secular state. This is field study by qualitative approach. Primary data was collected by interviews with Muslims of Moroccan, Tunisian, Algerian, and Turkish descent living in France and Germany. The study found that French and German Muslims want to apply sharia, but France and Germany do not allow religious law to be made a state law. These have left French and German Muslims to negotiate without opposition, resistance, and conflict. As European citizens, they accept secular law without losing their religious and social identity, though couldn’t fully implement Sharia.
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Marić, Bojan. "Mutual relations between Germany and Russia from 2000 to 2017." Megatrend revija 17, no. 1 (2020): 63–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/megrev2001063m.
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The focus of this paper is based on the analysis of bilateral relations between Federal Republic Germany and the Russian Federation in the period from 2000 to 2017. Until November 2005, the German Government was led by Social Democratic party leader Gerhard Schroeder. After the triumph, the Christian Democrats at extraordinary parliamentary elections that were held in September the same year the rudder of the government is in hands of Angela Merkel until the present. Vladimir Putin largely determines main directions of Russian politics and represents a dominant political figure since the beginning of his first mandate as the Russian Federation President. These three political leaders have mostly dictated bilateral relations dynamics between FR Germany, as an economic leader in Europe, and the Russian Federation as the biggest country in the world. Germany settles its needs for energy and vital resources mostly from Russia, while the great importance is paid to the import of the German technologies and capital by the Russian side in order to diversify its economy and ceased to be an economy based on the export of the national resources. Unlike most of the growing economies, Germany's relations with the Russian Federation overcomes the capacity of the economy and relates to political and security aspects. The peak of the German-Russian relations had been achieved in 2008 by the project Partnership in modernization. The European Union attempted in 2010 to establish a similar partnership with Russia following the same model. The Ukrainian conflict eruption in 2014 and introduction of sanction to Russian Federation by EU, as well as counter-measures undertaken in opposite direction, has frozen, at least until the moment of the Ukrainian conflict settlement, the possibility for further development of German-Russian relations and partnership agenda between EU and RF.
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Kampe, N. "Jews and Antisemites at Universities in Imperial Germany (I): Jewish Students: Social History and Social Conflict." Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook 30, no. 1 (January 1, 1985): 357–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/leobaeck/30.1.357.
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Göttlich, Udo. "Cultural Studies and Sociology of Culture in Germany: Relations and Interrelations." Culture Unbound 5, no. 1 (June 12, 2013): 33–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3384/cu.2000.1525.13533.
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Over the last three decades, attitudes towards cultural studies in Germany have developed within contexts of contact and conflict with a variety of disciplines, e.g. ethnology, anthropology, sociology, as well as the sociology of culture, liter-ary studies and Kulturwissenschaft(en). On the one hand there is a strong academic interest in how cultural studies perceives and analyzes media culture, popular culture and everyday life. On the other hand boundaries with humanities and social science remain, which leads to criticism and conflicts with cultural studies and its achievements.
I will discuss some of the problems concerning the perception and reception of cultural studies among representatives of Kulturwissenschaft(en) and sociology of culture. Furthermore I will draw on the role of cultural studies in thematizing cultural change and conflicts, and its ability to do so in a way that shows the importance of culture and politics.
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Sirkeci, Ibrahim, Jeffrey H. Cohen, and Pinar Yazgan. "Turkish culture of migration: Flows between Turkey and Germany, socio-economic development and conflict." Migration Letters 9, no. 1 (January 1, 2012): 33–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v9i1.201.
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In this paper we explore the rise of Turkey as a destination for new migrants including the children of Turks and Kurds who emigrated to Europe and Germany over the last five decades. An environment of social, economic and human insecurity dominated migration from Turkey to Europe and in particular Germany over the last five decades; and today, shifts in Turkish society, economy and security are attracting migrants to the country. Ethnic conflicts were one key factor driving migration in the past and as we note, they continue to moderate the relationship between socio-economic development and emigration rates for Kurdish movers in the present. Nevertheless, we argue that the growth of the Turkish economy and increasing social freedoms support an increase in immigration to Turkey. Immigration to Turkey includes returnees as well as second and third generation Turks from Germany among other places.
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Szymoniczek, Joanna. "Międzynarodowa pomoc humanitarna i rozwojowa jako instrumenty niemieckiej polityki zagranicznej." Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, no. 19 (April 29, 2011): 128–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2011.19.06.
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As far as both humanitarian and development aid are concerned, Germany is a major donor. Involvement in such activity is aimed most of all at building up Germany’s strong position in the international arena, creating a positive image of Germany’s presence abroad, gaining in influence on the formation of a specific world view and of attitudes in the social, political and moral spheres in the recipient countries, and obtaining tangible financial, political and economic benefits. Support from Germany flows to victims of disasters and catastrophes, forgotten armed conflicts and alarming humanitarian problems. To any appeals for assistance, Germany reacts extremely fast. This is possible because of a very efficient system established in the country, comprised of public institutions and non-governmental organisation and with its operations in the international arena regulated in a series of documents. What is characteristic of German aid is the speed with which at arrives to the aggrieved, its adequacy and its subordination to political objectives, particularly in cases of providing aid in armed conflict situations. The fact that Germany is involved, most of all, in bilateral aid operations, which makes it possible to make decisions on her own as to whom to provide with assistance and how, and where, and that, moreover, such assistance is not anonymous, as is the case with the multilateral aid provided by international organisation, which is both more efficient and preferred by its recipients, is evidence of such policy.
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Ganßmann, Heiner, and Grover McArthur. "Arbeitslosigkeit und Einkommensverteilung." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 25, no. 99 (June 1, 1995): 205–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v25i99.959.
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The development of the wage-profit-distribution in post-war Germany is analyzed, applying the»cost-of-job-loss«-concept which has been elaborated in the social-structure-of-accumulation framework by radical US-economists. Statistical estimates show that the costs of job loss (as adeterminant of work and conflict behavior of workers) exercise a significant influence on the development of income distribution in (West) Germany.
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Müller-Jentsch, Walther. "Nach sieben Jahrzehnten: Konfliktpartnerschaft auf dem Prüfstand." Tarifautonomie und Flächentarifvertrag – Totgesagte leben länger 70, no. 12 (December 1, 2021): 689–707. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/sfo.70.12.689.
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Zusammenfassung Der Beitrag rekonstruiert die Entwicklung der industriellen Beziehungen in Deutschland seit dem Ende des Zweiten Weltkrieges mit den theoretischen Konzepten von „challenge and response“, Pfadabhänglgkeit und interaktiven Lernprozessen. In sechs Episoden werden die jeweiligen ökonomischen und institutionellen Herausforderungen und ihre Anpassungsreaktionen beschrieben. Dokumentiert werden damit die flexiblen Potentiale der Konfliktverarbeitung durch lern- und strategiefähige Akteure in einem hinreichend elastischen institutionellen Umfeld. Dabei zeigt sich, dass das deutsche Modell der Konfliktpartnerschaft noch immer recht stabil ist. Abstract: After Seven Decades: Conflict Partnership Put to the Test The article reconstructs the development of industrial relations in Germany since the end of the Second World War with the theoretical concepts of challenge and response, path dependency and interactive learning processes. In six episodes, the respective economic and institutional challenges and their adjustment reactions are described. The flexible potentials of conflict management by actors capable of learning and strategising in a sufficiently elastic institutional environment are documented. It is shown that the German model of conflict partnership is still relatively stable.
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Vincze, Hanna Orsolya, and Delia Cristina Balaban. "Between Conflict and Solidarity: Pandemic Media Coverage of Romanian Intra-EU Labour Migrants." Media and Communication 10, no. 2 (June 30, 2022): 265–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v10i2.5014.
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The Covid-19 pandemic affected Romanian intra-EU labour migrants in a particular way and challenged the established themes associated with and the social roles assigned to them in news discourses. During the first wave of the pandemic, Covid-19 hotspots were reported abroad in Romanian migrant communities, the most notorious example being at the Tönnies factory in Germany. The pandemic brought to prominence the precarious working conditions of labour migrants employed in agriculture and especially in the food industry. Wider discussions, conflicts, and solidarity actions were generated around this topic. In the present study, we identify the main themes and topics present in the Romanian media coverage of Romanian labour migrants, as well as the way foreign, particularly German, media perspectives were integrated into and domesticated in the Romanian coverage. Findings show that both the Romanian and German media used, to a certain extent, the media coverage of this exceptional pandemic situation to invite reflection on the general social costs of migration and on the responsibility of political actors in the migrants’ country of origin, in their country of destination, and at the level of EU institutions. However, the perspective of the migrants was underrepresented in the media coverage.
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Gebresilassie, Temesghen, Claudia Beiersmann, Sandra Ziegler, Verena Keck, Yonas Semere Kidane, Albrecht Jahn, and Janine Benson-Martin. "Mental Wellbeing and Social Resilience of Eritrean Refugees Living in Germany." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 19, no. 17 (September 5, 2022): 11099. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph191711099.
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Mental health and social resilience play a significant role in refugees’ adaptation during the resettlement process in the host country. Maintaining good mental wellbeing helps the refugees to respond to stressful experiences with healthy life choices. This study aimed to explore the mental wellbeing and social resilience of Eritrean refugees living in Germany and to identify social conditions and enablers to foster adaptation. This study employs a qualitative approach with a semi-structured, in-depth interview data collection method. Informants were identified among mostly young adult refugees living in Heidelberg, Germany, with a migration history of 3–6 years. In total, 15 informants were recruited through snowball sampling. Data were sorted and analyzed using the five pillars of the Adaptation and Development after Persecution and Trauma (ADAPT) model. The findings suggest that Eritrean refugees experienced psychological distress after resettlement in Germany; however, with time, their mental health improved. The study revealed conditions that were experienced as hindrances, as well as ones that were considered to be resources of positive mental wellbeing and social resilience for resettled refugees. Resettlement challenges described by the participants were the language barrier, discrimination, unemployment, insecure residence status, loss of family and friends, conflict within the diaspora community, and isolation. The main sources of mental wellbeing and social resilience include the feeling of being welcomed by local communities, access to social services, adopting new relationships, and educational opportunities. These experiences encouraged refugees to have a favorable view of their lives and futures and were also found to facilitate better integration and adaptation. Understanding refugee mental wellbeing and social resilience requires a multidimensional perspective. Eritrean refugees living in Germany have experienced and are still experiencing resettlement challenges, such as, for example, loss of family and friends, negative perception of the German system, loss of past achievements, or unemployment. However, they have developed adaptive and resilience mechanisms, as well, such as seeing an opportunity for a better life, adopting new roles, and accepting Germany as a “second home”. In addressing those issues reported by the refugees as hindrances, these could be turned into sources of mental wellbeing and resilience.
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Stock, Thomas. "North Korea’s Marxism-Leninism: Fraternal Criticisms and the Development of North Korean Ideology in the 1960s." Journal of Korean Studies 24, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 127–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/21581665-7258081.
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Abstract During the 1960s, as the Sino-Soviet conflict raged on, North Korea, for the first time in its history, officially began to reject the USSR’s ideological leadership and instead tread its own path under the slogan of self-reliance. As a result, those forces aligned with the Soviet Union, especially East Germany, heavily criticized North Korea’s new ideological path. Drawing on the East German archives, this study seeks to understand the nature of fraternal criticisms and their implications for the development of North Korean ideology in the 1960s. Scholars typically stress North Korean ideology’s departure from Marxism-Leninism, sometimes suggesting a departure as early as the 1950s. The present study, based on a thorough reading of archival documents and North Korean materials, challenges such portrayals, arguing that North Korea remained in the Marxist-Leninist tradition even while contesting Soviet orthodoxy. Developments in North Korean ideology were far more gradual than is usually assumed, building on what came before. These developments were by no means revolutionary or removed from the global intellectual environment. The Soviets and East Germans could understand North Korean heterodoxy and engage with it in Marxist-Leninist terms, just as North Korea did with Soviet Marxism-Leninism—there was no fundamental ideological split.
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Mouton, Michelle. "Rescuing Children and Policing Families: Adoption Policy in Weimar and Nazi Germany." Central European History 38, no. 4 (December 2005): 545–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156916105775563526.
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When the First World War ended, Germany experienced an unprecedented period of political revolution, economic turmoil, and social upheaval. Among the myriad problems facing the nation was one concern that cut across party lines and prompted attention at both the national and local levels. Lawmakers, doctors, clergy, and ordinary Germans across the political spectrum agreed that the breakdown of the family had weakened the nation, contributed to military defeat, worsened economic misery, and exacerbated societal conflict. High divorce and illegitimacy rates together with an alarmingly low birth rate created a picture of families in crisis. The belief was widespread that only by creating policies that strengthened families would Germany stand a chance of regaining its historical strength. Because both Weimar and National Socialist policymakers saw the family as essential to rejuvenating the battered nation, the interwar era witnessed a wide variety of family-directed policies. Social welfare, unemployment benefits, health insurance, and maternity benefits were just the beginning of a series of programs designed to strengthen Germany and support families. While state programs targeted many different groups within society, children stood out as especially worthy recipients. Policymakers in both the Weimar and National Socialist eras recognized that children, the most vulnerable members of society and the nation's future, required special attention.
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Boichuk, Boichuk. "Evolution of historical policy in Poland after II World War in the context of treatment of Germany." Grani 23, no. 9 (October 28, 2020): 26–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/172082.
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The research dedicated to the analysis of the evolution of historical policy in Poland after the World War II. The crucial part of the article is the role of Germany in this process. On the current stage of mutual Polish-German relations, where a remarkable point of political ties is historical conflict over the aftermath of the World War II. The evolution process of the historical process in Poland is complicated and complexed. Furthermore, the evolution of the historical narrative goes in a shadow of the ideological struggle between two blocks, which had been established after the war. It is need to point the international aspect of historical policy establishing in Poland had one point of view. On the other hand, internarial factors played the crucial role, which were attached at that time for Polish society.The aim of the research is an analysis of the process of historical policy establishing in the Polish People’s Republic and research of main elements in this process. The context of the last events in Polish-German relations is heightening the role of conflict in the sphere of political history over the aftermath of the World War II. It arises the necessity to analyze more deeply the process of historical policy establishing in Poland.It had been established that the historical policy in the Polish People`s Republic was used as the instrument of internal policy and propaganda. The historical policy played two main functions is the integration and the stabilization. The function of integration is used to unite Polish society on the background of the stereotype “Germans – enemy” and for confirmation of new western territories (Ziem odzyskanych). At the same time, the historical policy led to the approval of a new sociopolitical order in Poland at that time. It is noted that historical policy in Poland has few approaches dedicated to periodization and mostly it depends on the area of research. Social researchers divide historical policy after the World War II into two periods. In contrast to social science, representatives of Political Science divide into three periods.
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Nonn, Christoph. "Putting Radicalism to the Test: German Social Democracy and the 1905 Suffrage Demonstrations in Dresden." International Review of Social History 41, no. 2 (August 1996): 183–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000113860.
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SummaryThroughout the long debate on whether the workers' movement of Imperial Germany was predominantly radical or reformist in nature, little attention has been paid to attitudes at the grass-roots level. It is argued here that during the years of 1905–1906, when all Europe was witnessing turmoil and an intensification of social conflict, the German Social Democratic leadership deliberately put the radicalism of the masses to the test. The Dresden suffrage demonstrations of December 1905 were the first to end in violent clashes between participants and police. However, contrary to what has been written to date on this incident and those similar to it, the great majority of the demonstrators were not militant. But they did exhibit a remarkable readiness to engage in civil disobedience, which the Social Democrats could use to press the party's political aims.
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Fischer, Freyja B., Julia C. Becker, Mie Kito, and Dilek Zamantılı Nayır. "Collective action against sexism in Germany, Turkey, and Japan: The influence of self-construal and face concerns." Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 20, no. 3 (May 2017): 409–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368430216683533.
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We suggest that self-construal and face concerns influence individuals’ collective action intentions against sexism. We examined female students from Germany ( N = 105), Japan ( N = 112), and Turkey, ( N = 111), exposed them to a benevolent and a hostile sexism scenario, and compared their collective action intentions and indirect conflict management styles (avoiding, outflanking) within countries. As predicted, German and Turkish female students’ collective action intentions against sexism surpassed their intentions for indirect conflict management styles, whereas the reverse was true for Japanese female students. However, Japanese female students had an unaccomplished desire for collective action, suggesting that they wish to act but decide against open confrontation to maintain ingroup harmony. The higher individuals’ independent self-concept and the less they value face, the higher their collective action intentions against hostile sexism in all three countries. We discuss culturally appropriate ways of collective action.
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Haase, Michaela, and Ingrid Becker. "Resource-Making and Proto-Institutions in the German Tafel Field: Applying a Hermeneutical Context Model." Journal of Contextual Economics – Schmollers Jahrbuch 140, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 31–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/schm.140.1.31.
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This paper studies resource making and the emergence of proto-institutions in Tafel Deutschland, an umbrella organization for more than 940 food banks or pantries in Germany, deploying a hermeneutical context model. Shedding light on value co-creation processes in the German Tafel field, we analyze how the activities and interpretations of or within Tafel organizations devoted to resource integration and resource making relate to their two missions and how their methods of dealing with conflict have led to the emergence of proto-institutions. The economic value co-created within in the Tafel field builds on the creation of social and ecological value. The context affects economic and social value co-created within the Tafel field differently: Whereas economic value rests on individual experience and perception, the social value resulting from the field actors’ activities is subject to dispute and defense.
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Prodić, Slobodan. "Adolf Hitler’s Attitudes About Religion in the Book “My Struggle” („Mein Kampf“)." Kultura polisa 19, no. 1 (April 14, 2022): 166–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.51738/kpolisa2022.19.1r.9p.
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The aim of this work is, through the analysis of the book „My struggle”, especially its parts connected with religion and devotion and the most important facts about this complex topic, present to the modern readers Adolf Hitler’s main ideas in the process of decreasement, and even often destroying of a religious factor in the everyday life of average Germans in the period between his entering into politics and the start of WWII and his project of solving the Jewish problem in the areas conquered by the German army. The complexity of this topic is also visible in the fact that there was a conflict in whole social life in Germany after losing WWI. The society in Germany after WWI had been searching for comfort and escape from poverty that happened after 1919, political instability and other destabilizing factors in religion, no matter is it Roman Catholicism, Protestantism or Judaism. For National socialists who were constantly getting more and more power, thanks to mistakes of other political movements, excellent organisation and endurance of its leaders, before all, Adolf Hitler, every kind of devotion that was not agreeing with the ideas of national socialism was declared as a political enemy. From today’s perspective, we can say that Germany between the two World Wars was a very interesting area for researching the relationship between religion and politics, especially if we keep in mind that Hitler in his book defined the relationship between religion and its destroying, in the case when religion does not use to the political goals.
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Hellström, Eeva. "Conflict cultures – Qualitative Comparative Analysis of environmental conflicts in forestry." Silva Fennica Monographs 2001, no. 2 (2001): 1–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.14214/sf.sfm2.
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Owing to the internationalisation of the forestry debate and forest policy, there is growing need to conduct comparative forest policy research at an international scale. This research compares environmental confl icts in forestry in seven cases during 1984–1995. The cases include Finland, France, Minnesota USA, Norway, Pacifi c Northwest USA, Sweden and West Germany. The research is based on the notion that each society has its own ‘cultural’ ways of producing and managing environmental confl icts in forestry, depending on the social, political, economic, and resource characteristics of the society. The purpose of the study is to describe these confl ict cultures, to identify and analyse the societal aspects that impact them, and to discuss the implications of understanding confl icts as cultural phenomena. The research is based on focused interviews of multiple actors related to forest management and protection. For the data analysis, a ‘hermeneutic’ (interpretative and understanding) approach is introduced to Qualitative Comparative Analysis, the use of which has been dominated by causal applications. As a result of the analysis, models of confl ict cultures and confl ict management strategies are constructed. The model of confl ict cultures indicates three basic dimensions of confl ict culture, and defi nes how they are related to each other. These dimensions are mild vs. intense confl icts, separatist vs. co-operative relations between actors and stability vs. change in forest resource policy and use. The model of confl ict management strategies indicates to what extent the different cases place emphasis on interactive vs. institutional confl ict management, and the management of confl icting (sub)cultures within the society vs. the confl ict culture of the society.
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Kranz, Jerzy. "Wollt ihr den totalen Krieg? Legal, Political, and Moral Aspects of the Resettlement of German Population." Polish Review of International and European Law 7, no. 2 (August 17, 2020): 9–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/priel.2018.7.2.01.
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Germany had started the Second World War in an intentional and conscious manner, obviously being aware that every action can have unpredictable and unwanted consequences. The Potsdam decisions were taken by the Great Powers after assuming supreme authority in Germany. They constituted a manifestation of the Allies’ rights and responsibilities. The territorial changes of Germany and the transfer of population were part of the general regulation of the effects of the Second World War. These decisions were not a simple matter of revenge. They must be perceived in a wider political perspective of European policy. The resettlement by Germany of ethnic Germans to the Reich or to the territories it occupied constituted an instrument of National Socialist policy. This German policy turned out in 1945 to be a tragic irony of fate. The resettlement decided in Potsdam must be perceived in the context of German legal responsibility for the war’s outbreak. The individual perception of the resettlement and individual guilt are different from the international responsibility of the state and from the political-historical responsibility of the nation. In our discussion we made the distinction between the individual and the collective aspect as well as between the legal and historical/political aspect. We deal with the guilt of individuals (criminal, political, moral), the international legal responsibility of states, and the political and historical responsibility of nations (societies). For the difficult process of understanding and reconciliation between Poles and Germans, the initiatives undertaken by some social circles, and especially the church, were of vital importance. The question of the resettlement became a theme of numerous publications in Poland after 1989. In the mid 1990s there was a vast debate in the media with the main question of: should we apologize for the resettlement? Tracing a line from wrongdoing/harm to unlawfulness is not easy. In 1945 the forcible transfer of the German population was an act that was not prohibited by international law. What is significant is that this transfer was not a means of war conduct. It did not apply to the time of a belligerent occupation, in terms of humanitarian law, but to a temporary, specific, international post-conflict administration. Maybe for some people Potsdam decisions will always be seen as an illegal action, for others as an expression of strict international legal responsibility, for some as a kind of imperfect justice, and still for others as an opening of a new opportunity for Europe.
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Reimann, Mareike, Charlotte Katharina Marx, and Martin Diewald. "Work-to-family and family-to-work conflicts among employed single parents in Germany." Equality, Diversity and Inclusion: An International Journal 39, no. 5 (June 6, 2019): 513–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/edi-02-2019-0057.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine whether and how employed single-parents differ from parents in two-parent families in their experience of work-to-family conflict (WFC) and family-to-work conflict (FWC). Looking at job-related as well as family-related demands and resources, this research investigated to what degree these demands and resources contribute to differences in WFC and FWC, how their relevance in predicting conflicts varies between single parents and other parents and the role of compositional differences in work and family demands and resources. Design/methodology/approach Cross-sectional linear regression analyses were applied to analyze a random sample of employees in large work organizations in Germany. The sample included 3,581 parents with children up to the age of 25, of whom 346 were single parents. Findings The results indicated that single parents face more FWC, but not more WFC, than other parents. For all parents, job demands such as overtime, supervising responsibilities and availability expectations were associated with higher levels of WFC, whereas job resources such as job autonomy, support from supervisors and flexible working hours were associated with lower levels of WFC. In predicting FWC, family demands and resources played only a minor role. However, results provide only scant evidence of differences between single parents and other parents in terms of the effects of job and family demands and resources. Originality/value This study offers interesting insights into the diversity of WFC and FWC experiences in Germany. It provides first evidence of the impact of job and family demands and resources on both directions of work–family conflicts among employed single parents as a specific social group.
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Oseev, A. A., and F. A. Dudueva. "The peculiarity of ethno-social relations in the Russian labor market: attitude towards immigrants in Russia (on the example of Moscow). Comparative analysis with countries of Western Europe." Moscow State University Bulletin. Series 18. Sociology and Political Science 26, no. 4 (December 31, 2020): 185–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.24290/1029-3736-2020-26-4-185-204.
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In developing the topic of ongoing research and already published works, the article reveals the peculiarity of ethno-social conflicts on the labor market in Russia (for example, Moscow). The state of ethno-social conflicts in the labor market is analyzed from the perspective of the socio-psychological paradigm of conflict management (L. Coser, C. Wright, K. Lorenz, A. Kharitonov and others). It is shown that the problem of interethnic tension is quite relevant for today's Russia.The article shows the attitude of the local population of Moscow towards labor migrants (positive and negative consequences of migration), their attitude to the dynamics of labor migration, and to cases of negative attitudes towards labor migrants. The frequency, causes, spheres of life in which the respondent was a direct participant, and how to resolve them are shown. Reasons that divide people of different nationalities. A comparative analysis of attitudes towards immigrants in Russia, the UK, Germany and France is given.
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Frotveit, Maryna, and Shkodych Anna. "CONCEPTUAL PRINCIPLES OF RESEARCH OF THE PROBLEMS OF ADAPTATION AND INTEGRATION OF MUSLIM FEMALE REFUGEES IN GERMANY." Skhid, no. 2(1) (April 30, 2021): 31–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.21847/1728-9343.2021.2(1).230076.
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The article is devoted to the processes of Muslim women fleeing to Germany. In the article, the authors consider the Muslim women fleeing to Germany in conditions of increased conflict in their countries of origin as a separate type of refugees. An attempt has been made to characterize the psycho-social condition of refugee women who arrived in Germany and to determine their qualitative and quantitative characteristics. The authors paid attention to what factors affect their involvement in society. Our study has proved that refugees are a separate component of German society because they directly affect the demographic and socio-economic situation in Germany. Ensuring the stable and effective socio-economic development of Germany with the involvement of all categories of the population is directly related to the implementation of public policy. The study of the gender aspects of refugees may help to identify key issues, the solution of which will facilitate the rapid adaptation and integration of Muslim refugees in German society, and, in prospect, to actively involve them in the development of German society.The results of the study helped in the analysis of the integration and adaptation processes of Muslim refugees as a separate part of refugees. Women refugees are a more vulnerable category of refugees, so they can be easily manipulated and abused. Identifying problems during integration may help to improve mechanisms for the protection of refugees and asylum seekers.In this article, the authors focused on the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the reception and adaptation of refugees, as well as the establishment of new rules to meet the basic needs of refugees in shelters, the lack of which is unsanitary norms and the impossibility of distancing. The COVID-19 pandemic has changed the decision-making process and refugee reception procedures, so the analysis of the challenges points to weaknesses in human rights mechanisms for refugees.
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Kopp, Kathrin S., and Katja Liebal. "Conflict resolution in socially housed Sumatran orangutans (Pongo abelii)." PeerJ 6 (July 31, 2018): e5303. http://dx.doi.org/10.7717/peerj.5303.
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BackgroundPeaceful conflict resolution strategies have been identified as effective mechanisms for minimising the potential costs of group life in many gregarious species, especially in primates. The knowledge of conflict-management in orangutans, though, is still extremely limited. Given their semi-solitary lives in the wild, there seems to be barely a need for orangutans to apply conflict management strategies other than avoidance. However, because of the rapid loss of orangutan habitat due to deforestation, opportunities to prevent conflicts by dispersion are shrinking. Additionally, more and more orangutans are brought into rehabilitation centres where they are bound to live in close contact with conspecifics. This raises the questions of whether and how orangutans are able to cope with conflicts, which are inevitably connected with group life.MethodsObservational zoo-studies provide a valuable method to investigate such potential: in zoos, orangutans usually live in permanent groups and face the challenges of group life every day. Therefore, we observed a group of six socially-housed Sumatran orangutans at the Dortmund Zoo, Germany, both in their spacious outdoor enclosure in the summer and in the less spacious indoor enclosure in the winter. During 157.5 h of observation, we collected data on aggressive interactions, third-party interventions and post-conflict affiliations. We applied the post-conflict/matched-control observation (PC/MC) and the time rule method to investigate the occurrence of reconciliation and post-conflict third-party affiliations.ResultsWe recorded a total of 114 aggressive interactions (including conflicts in the context of weaning and of male sexual coercion). As expected, we found an increase of both open conflicts and peaceful conflict resolution under less spacious conditions. In accordance with previous reports, we observed interventions by initially uninvolved individuals. Whereas we found no clear evidence for post-conflict third-party affiliations, we were able to demonstrate the occurrence of reconciliation among orangutans.DiscussionNotwithstanding the small sample size and the explorative character of our study, we found evidence that orangutans possess a potential for prosocial conflict resolution. When living in groups and under conditions in which dispersion is no longer an option, orangutans are capable to flexibly apply strategies of conflict resolution to cease open conflicts and to repair the potential social damage of aggressive interactions. These strategies are similar to those of other great apes.
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Khrishkevich, Tatiana. "Right-wing Extremist Organizations of Modern Germany: Attempts to Revise History as a Threat to Social Cohesion." Metamorphoses of history, no. 23 (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.37490/mh2022235.
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The article presents an analysis of the activities of right-wing extremist organizations in Germany aimed at revising the results of the Second World War. Historical revisionism has become a central place of propaganda for German legal extremism since the 1970s. Its goal is not to generate new scientific knowledge, but to be aimed solely at an ideologically motivated rethinking of historical facts. They present events, creating the impression of an unbiased study of a historical source in a little-informed community. In accordance with their worldview, right-wing extremists deny the guilt of Germany in unleashing the Second World War, transferring it to the victorious powers. In modern Germany, the number of supporters of neo-Nazi groups has increased, which is a blow to social cohesion. In order to counteract this, significant work is being carried out by the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution, the police and other State structures. A special role is being played by research activities. In 2020 A research institute of social cohesion was established on the basis of eleven higher educational institutions and research institutions. It is a structure funded by the Federal Ministry of Education and Research, located in ten different lands. Almost 200 scientists from different research teams are developing practical proposals that will help solve the social problems of our time, using empirical research and large-scale comparisons. Among the topics that are analyzed and become the basis for the development of practical proposals, the themes of conflict, polarization and populism, as well as anti-Semitism and hate crimes occupy a prominent place.
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Mösslang, Markus, and Torsten Riotte. "INTRODUCTION." Camden Fifth Series 37 (December 2010): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960116310000114.
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This fourth volume of the editorial series British Envoys to Germany comprises the last sixteen years of the German Confederation, between the Dresden Conferences of 1851 and the war between Prussia and the majority of the other member states in 1866. Many historical accounts of German politics of the years 1851 to 1866 are influenced on the one hand by the legacy of the revolutionary events of 1848–1849 and on the other hand by the dissolution of the Confederation and Bismarck's unification of a German nation-state dominated by Prussian policies and politics. While the early 1850s can be seen as a period of ‘reaction’ and a negative response to popular social and political demands, the remainder of the period is generally discussed in terms of the struggle for mastery in Germany, particularly the political and ultimately military conflict between Prussia and the Austrian Empire. However, the envoys’ correspondence questions teleological accounts of the time between Dresden and Königgrätz. Throughout the 1850s and 1860s, British diplomatic representatives reported on all matters regarding the German states and the German Confederation. In addition to international affairs and bilateral relations, the dispatches also cover German politics, its federal dimensions, and the policies and societies of the federal states. Like other contemporary sources, the envoys’ reports provide strong evidence that the period 1851–1866 should be seen as more than just a time of transition between revolution and unification. In fact, the multifaceted views of British diplomatic representatives to Germany provide a much broader picture and substantiate the demand for understanding the time between 1851 and 1866 in its own right.
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Grossmann, Volker, and Holger Strulik. "Optimal Social Insurance and Health Inequality." German Economic Review 20, no. 4 (December 1, 2019): e913-e948. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/geer.12198.
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Abstract This paper integrates into public economics a biologically founded, stochastic process of individual aging. The novel approach enables us to quantitatively characterize the optimal joint design of health and retirement policy behind the veil of ignorance for today and in response to future medical progress. Calibrating our model to Germany, our analysis suggests that the current social insurance policy instruments are set close to the (constrained) socially optimal levels, given proportional contribution rates for health and pension finance, the equivalence principle in the pension system, and a common statutory retirement age. Future progress in medical technology calls for a potentially drastic increase in health spending and a higher retirement age without lowering the pension contribution rate. Interestingly, from an ex ante point of view, medical progress and higher health spending are in conflict with the goal to reduce health inequality.
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Neu, E., M. Michailov, J. Foltinova, C. Luetge, H. Schumitz, and G. Weber. "On social psychiatry: Psychopathology of German justice on example of resident houses (RH)." European Psychiatry 64, S1 (April 2021): S709. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/j.eurpsy.2021.1879.
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IntroductionSocial PSYCHIATRY is essential for solutions of RH-conflicts leading to immense psychic&medical problems-[2a-e,3]. Millions tenants in Europe: Germany-54.3%/Austria-30.2%/France-25.3%/GB-24.1%/Italy-12.9%/Slovenia-4.5%. German journals reflect catastrophic situation of tenant-lessor conflicts-[3].ObjectivesREFERENCES: [1a]-Luetge,Ch et-al(ed): Experimental Ethics, Basingstoke:Palgrave-Macmillan,2014. [1b]-Pegoraro,R (Chancellor Academy/Vatican-City) «Arzt und Christ» 38:3-55,1992; EACME-2017-Barcelona AB:p.129-130. [2]-Michailov,M.Ch, Neu,E, Welscher,U et-al: [2a]-Psychology: EFPA-2019-Moscow AB:p.1529,1530,1549. IUPsyS-2008-Berlin Int.J.Psychol. 43/3-4 p.154,248,615,799. [2b]-Psychiatry: EPA-2020-virtual/Madrid, Eur.Psychiatry 63S:EPP0834/5+EPV0581/1470; EPA-2019-Warsaw 56S:S689; EPA-2018-Nice 48/S1:S623&567&662. WPA-2019-Lisbon, E-Poster WCP19-2137/-1822/-1839: 2018-Mexico-City, Abs.-Book WCP18-0584/-0625/-0643/-0654. 2011-Buenos-Aires, AB:PO1.200. [2c]-Philosophy&Law: IVR-2019-Lucerne Progr.Book:p.114-116. FISP-2018-Peking Abstr.Book(AB)1348-50,1373-4,1420; -2013-Athens AB464-5/503-4/766. EACME-2017-Barcelona/MedEthics) AB73-74/125-126. [2d]-Psychosomatics: ICPM-2017-Peking AB:ID: 648493/648895/647749/648878; -2005-Kobe, JPsychosomRes 58: 85-86. [2e]-Physiology: DPG-2019 (German-Austrian-Suisse Soc.) Acta-Physiol., 227/S719, A03-3,A03-4,A03-9,A04-4,A05-1. IUPS-2017-Rio-de-Janeiro, AB:ID977; IUPS-2009-Kyoto, J.Physiol.Sci. Proc-IUPS-Vol.XXII/Springer,p.249. [3]-German-journals-“tz”-München, 14.02.2019, 15.02.17, 06.12.16/p.10, 18.10.16/p.10. Süddt.Zeitung-no172/p.30, 2017. Bild-14.12.2018/p.12. Mü.-Merkur-14./15.12.2019/no289/p.33.MethodsPsychological-medical-social observations-[2a,e].ResultsComplex interaction of social-natural factors (micro-ecology/apartments) are demonstrated by conflicts tenants-lessors (RH-Munich). Conflicts conc. high-rents, luxurious repair, cause dangerous psychoneurological diseases: anxiety-neurosis-insomnia-depression,etc., esp. in patients/seniors with cardio-vascular pathology. Defect-doors&radiators&windows (air-currents) induce respiratory-diseases, defect-illumination causes accidents (neuro-orthopaedic diseases: commotio-cerebri,etc.). Examples for impossible situation in German-RH: After 47years annihilation of RH-contract (tenant-woman 74years); over 4.5years lessor tries to eliminate 2scientists from RH, living-working 40/50years (one invalid, other 86years, both with complex pathology) by justice-terror; RH-contracts of tenants 90years with dementia&blind-senior (90years) are annihilated. RH-conflict leads to lethal consequences of 73 year tenant-[3].ConclusionsSOCIAL PSYCHIATRY could help millions of tenants injured by RH-conflicts-[2a-c,1a,b] by (a)-psychotherapy&education considering “total symptoms of mind-body, acc. to Emperor AKIHITO during ICPM-2005-Kobe-[2d], (b)-education of RH-administrators incl. philosophical/psychological/psychiatric-examination, (c)-foundation of „house-councils“ for „RH-industry“ counteracting psychopathological/-somatic diseases. This way will be supported UNO-Agenda21 for better health/education/ecology on global-level.DisclosureNo significant relationships.
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Forlot, Gilles. "Thierry Bulot (ed.), Langue urbaine et identité (Langue et urbanisation linguistique à Rouen, Venise, Berlin, Athènes et Mons). Paris & Montreal: L'Harmattan, 1999. Pp. 235. Pb Euros 19.85." Language in Society 31, no. 3 (July 2002): 466–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404502260297.
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This book proposes to examine how the development of the city is intrinsically connected with language interactions and social norms. How can one account for social behaviors in urban settings without explaining why such behaviors are specifically urban? The studies collected here aim at expounding how five cities – Rouen (France), Venice (Italy), Berlin (Germany), Athens (Greece), and Mons (Belgium) – are places of tension, conflict, and community sharing through the use of dialectal or sociolectal language varieties.
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Kühne, Olaf. "Landscape Conflicts—A Theoretical Approach Based on the Three Worlds Theory of Karl Popper and the Conflict Theory of Ralf Dahrendorf, Illustrated by the Example of the Energy System Transformation in Germany." Sustainability 12, no. 17 (August 20, 2020): 6772. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12176772.
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On the basis of Karl Popper’s Three Worlds Theory, a theoretical approach to landscape can be derived, which includes the physical foundations of landscape (Landscape 1), the individual construction and emotions drawn from and placed upon landscape (Landscape 2), and social conventions regarding landscape (Landscape 3). These three landscape dimensions are connected via Landscape 2, which also provides an approach for the systematic investigation of the relations between the dimensions. Ralf Dahrendorf’s conflict theory in turn serves as a theoretical framework for when the different connections develop in a conflictual way and how these can be regulated. Dahrendorf sees a principled productivity of conflicts, providing they are settled fairly. On the basis of the conditions he has developed for just such a conflict settlement, the implementation of the energy system transformation is examined against the background of its consequences for the landscape, with the result that essential conditions for an orderly settlement of conflicts are not fulfilled, thereby contributing to the polarization of society.
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Job, Hubert, Sarah Bittlingmaier, Marius Mayer, Eick von Ruschkowski, and Manuel Woltering. "Park–People Relationships: The Socioeconomic Monitoring of National Parks in Bavaria, Germany." Sustainability 13, no. 16 (August 11, 2021): 8984. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13168984.
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Questions about park–people relationships and the understanding and handling of the conflicts that may result from the creation and management of national parks in the surrounding area are prerequisites for both successful park management and sustainable rural tourism development. This paper analyzes the roles that research may play in relation to park–people relationships in the context of the two oldest German national parks located in Bavaria. The different fields of action of national parks are used to identify the potential for conflict, using detailed case studies from the Bavarian Forest and Berchtesgaden National Parks using quantitative population surveys carried out in 2018. The overall attitude towards both national parks is overwhelmingly positive, with trust towards park administrations and the perceived economic benefits from rural tourism being the attitudes most strongly correlated to the overall level of park–people relationships. Nevertheless, some points of contention still exist, like the ecological integrity approach towards strict nature conservation and related landscape changes (e.g., deadwood cover). A comparison over time shows in both cases that the spatial proximity to the protected area negatively influences people’s attitudes towards the parks, but less so than in the past. Recommendations for national park management include communicating proactively and with greater transparency with locals and decision-makers, to identify conflicts earlier and, where possible, to eliminate them. Furthermore, developing a standardized method to monitor park–people relationships in Germany is a must and would benefit integrated approaches in research and management based on conservation social science.
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Sammartino, Annemarie. "The New Socialist Man in the Plattenbau: The East German Housing Program and the Development of the Socialist Way of Life." Journal of Urban History 44, no. 1 (July 1, 2017): 78–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0096144217710231.
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This article argues that the importance of housing and the urban environment in East Germany in the second half of its existence grew in tandem with a new vision of socialist society and the means that the state should employ to create it. The East German Housing Program, inaugurated in 1971, made space the primary category in which individual and social transformation was envisioned, replacing the pedagogical processes that had originally stood at its heart. In doing so, architects and urban planners drew on three strands of urban planning that have often been seen in conflict in other contexts: the Soviet concept of the Mikroraion or socialist neighborhood, the modernist housing ensemble of Le Corbusier, and the new urbanism of Jane Jacobs.
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Schroer, Timothy L. "Alexander Vazansky. An Army in Crisis: Social Conflict and the U.S. Army in Germany, 1968–1975." American Historical Review 126, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 831–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhab281.
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Friedrich, Beate, Sarah Hackfort, Miriam Boyer, and Daniela Gottschlich. "Conflicts over GMOs and their Contribution to Food Democracy." Politics and Governance 7, no. 4 (October 28, 2019): 165–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v7i4.2082.
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The use of genetically modified organisms (GMOs) embodies a specific vision of agricultural systems that is highly controversial. The article focuses on how conflicts over GMOs contribute towards food democracy. Food democracy is defined as the possibility for all social groups to participate in, negotiate and struggle over how societies organize agricultural production, thereby ensuring that food systems fulfil the needs of people and sustain (re)productive nature into the future. EU agricultural policy envisages the coexistence of agricultural and food systems with and without GMOs. This policy, which on the surface appears to be a means of avoiding conflict, has in fact exacerbated conflict, while creating obstacles to the development of food democracy. By contrast, empirical analysis of movements against GMOs in Germany and Poland shows how they create pathways towards participation in the food system and the creation of alternative agricultural futures, thereby contributing to a democratization of food systems and thus of society–nature relations. Today, as products of new breeding techniques such as genome editing are being released, these movements are gaining new relevance.
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Lehner, Thomas, and Fabio Wasserfallen. "Political conflict in the reform of the Eurozone." European Union Politics 20, no. 1 (January 21, 2019): 45–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116518814338.
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The negotiations on the reforms of the Economic and Monetary Union were highly conflictual. This article analyses the dimensions of conflict that structured these negotiations. Using several dimension-reduction methods, we conduct an in-depth analysis of the ‘EMU Positions’ dataset, which codes the positions of all EU member states over a broad range of fiscal, financial, economic, and institutional integration proposals. The empirical findings show that the political contestation in the reform of the Eurozone is one-dimensional between advocates of fiscal transfer and discipline. On this one-dimensional scale, we identify three broader coalitions, while Germany and France lead the two opposing groups. This conflict structure provides a setting conducive to the constant (re-)negotiation of compromises. We conclude the analysis with a discussion of several implications.
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Musa, Ibrahim. "Ethnic Conflict in World Politics." American Journal of Islam and Society 14, no. 3 (October 1, 1997): 95–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v14i3.2273.
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Thi publication comes at a time when unprecedented bloody ethnic conflictnot only dominate the global media and international politics, but also numb theworld's conscience. Bosnia Herzegovina, Somalia, Rwanda, Burundi, EastTimor, Chechnia, Kashmir, and Kurdistan are some of the famous landmarkswhere entire countries and communities are caught up in the web of ethnic conflict.In other instances, ethnic conflict is gradually becoming a feature ofnational life. It is not at all unfamiliar to hear reports of ethnic conflict in India(Hindu-Muslim riots), Germany (violence against immigrant Turks), France(anti-Arab right-wing nationalist fervor and the Muslim scarf issue), the UnitedStates (Los Angeles riots after the Rodney King trial) and Great Britain (Muslimand government standoff over Salman Rushdie's Satanic Verses).Gurr and Harff have written a useful book that tries to make sense of the causesof ethnic conflict in different parts of the world. It deals with the issue in thecontext of rapid changes in the world order; the emergence of ethnopoliticalgroups or ethnoclasses; the struggles for either autonomy or pluralism by variousethnic and social groups; the challenges that ethnopolitics poses to the international.legal and political systems; and the effect of this on communitiesdemanding ethnic rights. It also attempts to provide a framework for analysis ...
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Szporluk, Roman. "Soviet Domestic Foreign Policy: Universal Ideology and National Tradition." Nationalities Papers 22, no. 1 (1994): 195–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/00905999408408317.
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At the turn of the century a major social, economic and political transformation was taking place in Russia, which at the time was a vast trans-continental empire extending from Warsaw in the west to Vladivostok in the east. Many rival currents of thought and various political movements presented their solutions for Russia's political, social and ethnic conflicts. In 1917, adherents of one Marxist current, the Bolsheviks, seized power in Russia and after a prolonged and extremely bloody Civil War consolidated their regime in the early 1920s. Among the nations of the world Russia alone adopted as its guide for the solution of its problems and conflicts Marxist ideology, invented about seventy years earlier in Germany, an ideology that its founders thought offered a solution for all of the important problems of humanity at large. For, indeed, Marxism was a comprehensive system of thought, which claimed to explain the entire history of humanity and to offer a vision, a scientific blueprint, for humanity's future. In that blueprint the phenomena of conflict, power, and politics were to make room for totally new principles of social organization: solidarity, cooperation, and a rational management of resources and people, i.e., planning.
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Blecking, Diethelm. "German-Polish Relationships in the Field Of Sport – From the Long Century to the Present Day – an Overview." Physical education, sport and health culture in modern society, no. 4(48) (December 30, 2019): 9–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.29038/2220-7481-2019-04-09-13.
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Topicality. The development of sports and physical education have become one of the important instruments for the economic modernization and development of civil society in Poland and Germany. Sport discourse between Germans and Poles before World War I is a discourse of alienation and national conflict between the сountries. Despite the difficulties of post-war formation, countries were able to develop and intensify sports activities, which became key in establishing cultural and social relations, integrating them into the European space. The aim of the research is to determine the international nature and specificity of German-Polish sports relations through a historical and legal analysis of their origin and formation on the European continent. The following research methods were used in the paper: analysis of literary sources in sports and physical education, methods of comparative analysis, systematic approach, historical method. The results of the research. A retrospective analysis of sports, in particular the football experience of Germany and Poland in the post-war period and to the present, showed its importance in the development of international relations of both countries, as evidenced by a sufficient number of sports games, competitions, football matches, and as a result – reaching mutual understanding between peoples and successful bilateral cooperation. Conclusions. In the postwar period, the factors that led to an increase the role of sports and physical culture in society were preserved in Germany and Poland. At the same time, the tendency to intensify the intervention of state structures, political parties, public and regional organizations in spreading physical culture and using it for their own interests, including as a means of ideological influence, was clearly manifested. Physical education developed in close dependence on the political and economic conditions of these countries. At the same time, democratic transformations in Eastern Europe have led to the emergence of new trends in physical education and sport.