To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Social Conditions – history – Yugoslavia.
Journal articles on the topic 'Social Conditions – history – Yugoslavia'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Social Conditions – history – Yugoslavia.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Pope, Jill. "Spectral fabulations: Belgrade drag performances refashioning socialist memories." Memory Studies 16, no. 1 (February 2023): 85–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/17506980221141606.
Full textAbstract:
This article explores how drag performers in late postsocialist Belgrade refashion memories of socialist Yugoslavia, queering memory by disrupting the linear temporality of the postsocialist transition and challenging the erasure of the city’s socialist Yugoslav past. Belgrade is home to a thriving drag community, including a growing group of performers who engage with memories of socialist Yugoslavia, drawing on its diverse legacy from costumes, ideologies and cultural production. Analysing performance material from two of these drag identities – Gospođa Pereca and Novoslovenka – I argue that drag performers could be considered spectral fabulations, which emerge in the haunted landscape of postsocialist Belgrade, a city characterised by political depression, particularly for its LGBTQ+ community. Confronting literature on hauntings and queer performance, spectral fabulation sees drag identities in Belgrade as posthuman apparitions who use socialist memory to disrupt teleological understandings of history as well as to imagine utopian futures, which actively work against the conditions of political depression in the city. This ultimately points to the indeterminacy of the postsocialist transition, containing the potential form for both political depression and queer futurities.
2
Bjažić Klarin, Tamara. "Constructing the world of equal opportunities: The case of architect Vladimir Antolić." Journal of Modern European History 18, no. 4 (July 30, 2020): 474–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1611894420944840.
Full textAbstract:
Discourse in the field of architecture and urban planning remained essentially the same in Croatia from the 1930s until the Second World War, and then until the mid 1950s, despite radically changing socio-political systems. This should be credited to Zagreb-based ‘salaried architects’. In the 1930s, they pointed to a major social problem—the substandard living conditions present throughout the country. Questioning the implementation of projects and plans within liberal capitalism, some even entered politics. In post-war socialist Yugoslavia, the circumstances radically changed. Reviewing these pre-war and post-war stages as a single process, this article highlights to the contributions of architect Vladimir Antolić (1903–1981), one of the first trained urban planners in Croatia and a member of International Congress of Modern Architecture. It will demonstrate how his work on the Zagreb Regulation Plan helped to define key issues of urban planning practices in Yugoslavia and show the significance of the so-called European ‘periphery’ in the modern movement’s narrative.
3
Mitrovic, Milovan. "The Serbian idea in an era of confused historical consciousness." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 134 (2011): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1134001m.
Full textAbstract:
This paper, represents a hypothetical consideration of the phenomenology of the Serbian national idea, within the traumatic circumstances of the breakup of the Yugoslav state at the end of the 20th century, when the Serbian national issue was reopened in an exceptionally unfavorable geopolitical context for the Serbian people. The author specifically analyzes the ideological and political factors behind the Serbian confusion with the theoretical framework of Agnes Heller's critical interpretation of history, which speaks of the 'confusion of historical consciousness' that began with World War I and was magnified by the Holocaust, Hiroshima, the Gulag and the European concentration camps. The author of this article adds the great Powers' Balkan interventions during the world wars to their dishonorable historical legacy, ending with their role in the creation and the breakup of Yugoslavia, at the expense of the Serbian people. The conclusion contains an appeal for a more rational national self-consciousness, founded in positive Serbian tradition and real insights into the social conditions that determine the processes in today's Serbian society and its environment.
4
Vukotic-Lazar, Marta, and Mirjana Roter-Blagojevic. "The First National Hygiene Exposition in Belgrade in 1933." Srpski arhiv za celokupno lekarstvo, no. 00 (2022): 30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/sarh210429030v.
Full textAbstract:
The paper is about the First National Hygiene Exposition in Belgrade in 1933. It was one of the most significant events and an important part of the cultural policy in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia at that time. It was also the last one in a series of great events under the high patronage of King Alexander I Karadjordjevic. In order to make research in the novelties the exposition introduced, the thus far unpublished archival material has been studied along with the situation drawings of the complex and the restaurant, photo documentation and the exposition presentation in the newspapers of the time, as well as the published material. The aim of the paper is to emphasize the significance of the exposition, its dominant health and education concept with regard to social improvements for the benefit of the general public, all in the context of the period and under conditions it was organized. The paper also aims at presenting a comprehensive view of the exposition impact on the history of the Serbian and Yugoslav medicine, as well as the modernization of the society on the whole. The paper also includes the hitherto unpublished archival material, plans, photographs, brochures' front pages and so on.
5
Ahmetović, Amir. "Elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina for the Constitution assembly of the Kingdoms of Serb, Croats and Slovenes and the transformation of social splits into political divisions." Historijski pogledi 3, no. 4 (December 30, 2020): 66–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2020.3.4.66.
Full textAbstract:
Based on the available literature, social division is defined as a measure that separates community members into groups. When it comes to Bosnia and Herzegovina and its population who spoke the same language and shared the same territory, the confessional (millet) division from the time of Turkish rule, as a fundamental social fact on the basis of which the Serbian and Croatian national identity of the Bosnian Catholic and the Orthodox population remained in Bosnia and Herzegovina even after the departure of the Austro-Hungarian administration in 1918. Historical confessional and ethnic divisions that developed in the Ottoman and Austro-Hungarian periods became the key and only basis for political and party gatherings and are important for today's Bosnia and Herzegovina segmented society. The paper attempts to examine the applicability of the analytical framework (theory) of Lipset and Rokan (formulated in the 1960s) on social divisions in the case of the elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina for the Constituent Assembly of the Kingdom of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs in 1920? Elements for the answer can be offered by the analysis of the relationship between the ethno-confessional affiliation of citizens, on the one hand, party affiliation, on the other and their acceptance of certain political attitudes and values on the third side. If there is a significant interrelation, it could be concluded that at least indirectly the lines of social divisions condition the party-political division. The political system, of course, is not just a simple reflex of social divisions. One should first try to find the answer to the initial questions: what are the key lines of social divisions? How do they overlap and intersect? How and under what conditions does the transformation of social divisions into a party system take place? The previously stated social divisions passed through the filter of political entrepreneurs and returned as a political offer in which the specific interests and motives of (ethnic) political entrepreneurs were included and incorporated. After the end of the First World War, ethnic, confessional and cultural divisions were (and still are) very present in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The key lines of division in the ethnic, confessional and cultural spheres, their development and predominantly multipolar (four-polar) character through changes in the forms and breadth of interest and political organization have influenced political options (divisions) and further complicating and strengthening B&H political splits. The concept of cleavage is a mediating concept between the concept of social stratification and its impact on political grouping and political institutions and the political concept that emphasizes the reciprocal influence of political institutions and decisions on changes in social structure. Thanks to political mobilization in ethno-confessional, cultural and class divisions, then the "history of collective memory" and inherited ethno-confessional conflicts, mass political party movements were formed very quickly in Bosnia and Herzegovina as an integral part of the Kingdom of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs ( Yugoslav Muslim organization, Communist Party of Yugoslavia, Yugoslav Democratic Party, Croatian Farmers' Party, Croatian People's Party, Farmers' Union, People's Radical Party ...). The lines of social divisions overlap with ethnic divisions (Yugoslav Muslim Organization, Croatian Farmers' Party, Croatian People's Party, Farmers' Union, People's Radical Party ...) but also intersect them so that several ethnic groups can coexist within the same party-political framework (Communist Party of Yugoslavia). The significant, even crucial influence of party affiliation and identification on the adoption of certain attitudes speaks of the strong feedback of the parties and even of some kind of created party identity. The paper discusses the first elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina organized during the Kingdom of SCS and the formation of Bosnia and Herzegovina's political spectrum on the basic lines of social divisions.
6
Popović, Jovan P. "Normative Regulation: Significance, Place, Roles and Protection of Private Archival Material and Private Archives with a View on the Regulation in the Republic of Serbia and Montenegro." Atlanti 28, no. 1 (November 12, 2018): 167–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.33700/2670-451x.28.1.167-178(2018).
Full textAbstract:
In addition to public-state archives, as a rule, there are private and special archives in each state. The laws regulate who their founder is, what conditions are necessary for the establishment and operation of the archives, what governing bodies are and what their competencies are. In the period of transition, in the countries of socialist organization, there was a real „boom“ for purchasing companies, when state and social ownership was transitioning into private. A large number of companies experienced bankruptcy and liquidation institutes. However, the achival material of these subjects remained normatively unprotected. In this paper, the author deals with short legal definitions and the history of the creation of private archives at the time and after transitional relations, on the territory of the former Yugoslavia, with a special emphasis on the legal arrangements in the states of Serbia and Montenegro, with the aim of regulating the laws and by-laws protection and use of this material as closely as possible.
7
Però, Davide. "Next to the Dog Pound: Institutional Discourses and Practices About Rom Refugees in Left-Wing Bologna." Modern Italy 4, no. 2 (November 1999): 207–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532949908454830.
Full textAbstract:
SummaryThis article examines the institutional discourses and practices that have characterized the process of incorporation of a group of Rom refugees from the former Yugoslavia in Bologna, the ‘showcase’ of the Italian Left. Following an anthropology of policy approach, the article provides insights into both the conditions of refugees in Italy and the relationships which exist between the political Left and the ‘new’ immigrations. This is done by showing how the discourses and the practices of the Left can be oppressive and how such oppression is not merely due to an inescapable macro-structural order of things but has local ‘origins’, too. Thus it is argued that if social justice is still a priority in the political agenda of the mainstream Left in Italy, as is claimed, then the Left has some rethinking to do in order to avoid its entanglement and responsibility in processes of oppression and domination in the context of migration.
8
Hetemi, Atdhe. "Student movements in Kosova (1981): academic or nationalist?" Nationalities Papers 46, no. 4 (July 2018): 685–703. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2017.1371683.
Full textAbstract:
The 1980s caught Albanians in Kosova in interesting social, political, and psychological circumstances. Two diametrically opposed dogmatic dilemmas took shape: “illegal groups” – considerably supported by students – demanded the proclamation of the Republic of Kosova and/or Kosova's unification with Albania. On the other side of the spectrum, “modernists” – gathering, among others, the political and academic elites – pushed for the improvement of rights of Kosovars guaranteed under the “brotherhood and unity” concept advocated within the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY). This paper outlines the nature of demonstrations that took place in March and April 1981 and the corresponding responses of political and academic elites. Stretching beyond symbolic academic reasons – demands for better food and dormitory conditions – the study points to the intense commitment of the students to their demands, often articulated in nationalistic terms. Was it inevitable that the structure of the SFRY would lead to those living in Kosova as a non-Slavic majority in a federation of “Southern Slavs” to articulate demands for national self-rule? It is necessary to highlight these political and social complexities through analytical approaches in order to track the students' goals and to reexamine assumptions behind the “modernist” agenda. In that vein, the paper analyzes the conceptual connections and differences between student reactions and modernists' positions during the historical period under discussion here.
9
Vukčević, Nemanja. "Geopolitical Aspect of Migration in the Post-Yugoslavian Chronotope: a Historical Sociology Approach." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University. Series: Political, Sociological and Economic sciences 2020, no. 4 (January 12, 2021): 454–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2500-3372-2020-5-4-454-467.
Full textAbstract:
Migration processes are complex phenomena. They are consequences of international political movements and power redistribution, which makes it possible to study them in their geopolitical aspect. The article contains a detailed review of historical sociology, substantiated by geopolitical examples from Ancient Rome, Byzantium, Ottoman Empire, World Wars I and II, etc., against the post-Yugoslavian chronotope. The research was based on the methods of historical sociology, as well on the principle of unity of logic and history. The author drew analogies between the abovementioned historical events and the contemporary migration crisis in post-Yugoslavian countries in order to forecast its possible outcome and prevent a social collision. The paper focuses mostly on the case of the Republic of Serbia. Migration management should take into account that history repeats itself: if certain conditions always produce the same result, it is only logical to expect this result next time the same conditions occur. In sociology, this approach remains poorly represented, even though it can produce reliable and long-term solutions in migration management, unlike short-term and superficial ad hoc measures. Previous decisions have led to the ghettoization of migrants, which threatens to escalate into a social conflict. Therefore, achievements of historical sociology can offer a new approach to this problem.
10
Vukliš, Vladan. "Retracing Labor in Yugoslav Socialism . Reflections on Research and Archival Approaches." Südosteuropa 68, no. 1 (May 26, 2020): 25–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2020-0002.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis study merges two perspectives, the historiographical and the archival, in order to capture and analyze key elements relating to issues encountered in records-based research into the labor history of Yugoslav socialism. In combining ongoing historiographical (social and labor history) and theoretical (archival science) research with auto-ethnographic, practice-based reflections, the author outlines several observations, facts, and propositions, which may be of help to both researchers and archivists. The essay accepts the recent resurgence of Yugoslav labor history as a premise upon which it discusses key problems relating to fieldwork, local and historical case study research, obstacles relating to communication and information, as well as pressing issues in the field of the archival profession, upon which it elaborates possible strategies and practical solutions to remedy the current conditions.
11
Petrović, Tanja. "Fish Canning Industry and The Rhythm of Social Life in the Northeastern Adriatic." Narodna umjetnost 57, no. 1 (June 19, 2020): 33–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.15176/vol57no102.
Full textAbstract:
The article discusses the social world formed around canneries in small coastal and insular towns in the northeastern Adriatic. Although associated with hard, unpleasant labor and demanding work conditions, the fish canning industry, particularly in the period of late socialism, offered a framework in which a meaningful social life was organized and lived. In this way, the local impact of canneries reached much beyond providing financial means to its employees. To understand the social meaning of fish canning in the Yugoslav Adriatic, the article focuses on the relationship between the now largely vanished local fish canning industry and tourism that is increasingly becoming the dominant (and the only) source of income for local communities. Lefebvre’s concept of rhythmanalysis proves to be a productive lens to view the complex and often ambiguous relationship between the two industries, and to narrate the history of fish canning through the senses – what was seen, heard, smelled, felt. These intense, embodied, sensorial memories caution us that the dominant claims and narratives which interpret the replacement of industry with tourism (and other tertiary sector activities) as a necessary, inevitable and desirable developmental step should not be taken for granted.
12
Novaković, Dragan. "RELATIONSHIP OF THE ISLAMIC COMMUNITY IN THE SOCIALIST YUGOSLAVIA TOWARDS THE PUBLISHING ACTIVITY AS A MODERN METHOD OF INFORMATION." ARAB AND ISLAMIC WORLD - THE VIEW FROM INSIDE 2, no. 1 (June 1, 2008): 159–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj0201159n.
Full textAbstract:
The analysis concerned indicates that the publication activity deployed by he Islamic Comunity has obtained the remarquable results. They had begun rather modestly and cautiously, under permanent consultations with various state and ideological commissions, to print basic religious literature, caracterised by the oldfashioned subjects and poor graphic presentation. Making use of all the liberal phases of social development of the period conerned, the management of the Islamic Community kept gradually getting out of the control in the publication fi eld of activity. The institutional shaping up of the Nonaligned Nations Movement had controbuted thereto, as well as the changed foreign policy orientation of the country and good relations Yugoslavia had established with the majority of Islamic countries. The personnel educated at the best Islamic Universities, had begun promoting new standards in that fi eld upon their return to the country, characterised by setting deeper Islamic foundations to all the subjects under study, by eff orts to study the actual problems in an inter-disciplinary way, as well as by the modern marketing access thereto, all of the same having for a goal the books to reach the end user – the ordinary believers. Following up this new strategy, the Islamic Comminity within the FRY, becomes marked by the end of this period. by publication of a larger number of the good quality books, which developed, thanks to the renowned authors, the way of presentation of their material, their actuality and modern graphic design, into the irreplaceable material for all the interested to get acquainted with the up-to-date achievements of the Islamic theology and with the attitude of the Islamic scientists concerning various actual problems or the history of this great religion. After having successfully overcome the opposition from the offi cial state authorities and solved certain organisational and proff essional problems, the holy Islamic book of Koran, was translated into the Srbo-Croatian language. Upon publication of the fi rst edition thereof, all state interefrence had ceased, due to the then adopted attitude than the Islamic believers were entitled to their own copy thereof and the Islamic Community, in its capacity of their representative, was entitled to organise both the printing and distribution of the Koran. Translation of the Koran into the Albanian language meant the achievement of a strategic goal in addition to the religious and cultural one, because in such a way the second largest group of the Islamic believers in Europe, had got the possibility to get acquainted with the basic and binding principles of their faith in their mother tongue. A large number of various newspapers and magasines have been started thanks to the great eff orts deployed by all the Islamic Community structures. In time, the editorial offi ces and journalists they employed, had acquaired the necessary experience, and thanks to the decisions and subsidiaries from the Republican offi cials and to the activities of the members of the Ulema (Islamic religious institution) at the fi eld, all these newspapers and magasines achieved a high number of copies according to the criteria of that period. By their devoted work within the Djemat (Religious Committee), the immams had succeeded to attain the goals, previously by the supreme bodies within the Islamic Community in Yugoslavia, i.e. that every Muslem house should prosess a copy of an Islamic newspaper. By way of making them reading only this sort of the press, edited by the persons under direct control and infl uence of the top people from the religious institutions, the conditions had been created to estrange the Islamic believers in a very large measure, from the multinational and multi-religious environment in which they lived.
13
Ahmetović, Amir. "Social and political divisions in Bosnia and Herzegovina after the 1990 elections." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 5 (May 31, 2021): 163–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.5.163.
Full textAbstract:
Bosnia and Herzegovina represents a very suitable experimental space for the analysis of integrative policy in the conditions, war and long-lasting crisis, of a devastated society which, due to the challenges of history, is deeply divided. In such a space, applying the analytical model designed and used by Seymour Lipset and Stein Rokan, the paper deals with the detection of social divisions that underlie party preferences in the 1990 elections for the Assembly of the Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Analyzes of pre-election and post-election activities of political entities show the existence of an important link between ethno-confessional characteristics and attitudes on political issues and party preferences, which in accordance with the used theoretical model creates preconditions for talking about social divisions that have turned into party divisions. It can be determined that they are bh. political parties formed, with all their specifics, on the basic lines of Bosnia and Herzegovina social divisions. In the analysis of the relationship between social and political space and the influence of the structure of society on political relations and divisions, it is possible to determine that party divisions and divisions, their segmentation and polarization are conditioned, above all, by the depth and dynamics of fundamental Bosnia and Herzegovina social divisions. The divisions that emerged in the pre-election period of 1990 (we can conditionally define them as divisions communism vs anti-communism) were pushed into the background in the first post-election year and priority was given to the split that S. Lipset and S. Rokan defined as the center-periphery split. (or the territorial-cultural split as, after adaptation, Professor Nenad Zakošek called it). The second part of the paper presents an overview of the most important political parties in the 1990 elections and continues to examine the applicability of S. Lipset and S. Rokan's theory of turning social divisions into party divisions, this time in the first year of ethno-confessional parties in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Analyzing the basic lines of historical ethnic and confessional divisions in Bosnia and Herzegovina society and in the sphere of political (sub) system through indicators such as: predominant (ethnic, confessional, linguistic, cultural and regional) identifications, the relationship between ethno-confessional and civil, the relationship to the rights and freedoms guaranteed in Bosnia and Herzegovina. According to the Constitution, the attitude towards different solutions to the state question (remaining in the common state of Yugoslavia vs. the independent Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina) tested the hypothesis that historical lines of ethno-confessional splits represent the basic determinant of political goals. It can be seen that the territorial-cultural divide (primarily in the form of center-periphery conflict) is actually a kind of complete split, given that it is a split that involves conflict between stable social groups (residents of the center and periphery but also members of different ethnic and confessional communities). In the Bosnia and Herzegovina case, these are (ethnic and confessional) communities that have different views on the most important issues of the social organization of the common state, which results in open conflict on the political scene in the form of voting for different political options, which can be transformed by ethnopolitical elites. (very easily) into various forms of violence against others and different in the territory that is under their political (and police) control.
14
Vukliš, Vladan. "Writing social history of socialist Yugoslavia: the archival perspective." Archival Science 17, no. 1 (October 4, 2016): 55–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10502-016-9269-5.
Full text
15
Dobrivojevic, Ivana. "Od krize do krize. — Životni standard u Jugoslaviji 1955–1965." Contributions to Contemporary History 56, no. 1 (May 25, 2016): 145–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.51663/pnz.56.1.09.
Full textAbstract:
FROM CRISIS TO CRISIS. LIVING STANDARD IN YUGOSLAVIA 1955-1965The author of this paper examines living standard and living conditions of the citizens of Yugoslavia from the turning point in economic politics (1955) to economic reform (1965). Special attention is devoted to the efforts of the Party to conduct more rational investment policy, decrease levelling of wages, increase standard, liberalization, economic difficulties, constant deficit, as well as relative poverty of the largest number of Yugoslavs. Sources have been used from the Archives of Yugoslavia and relevant periodicals and literature.
16
Vučetić, Radina, and Olga Manojlović Pintar. "Social History in Serbia: The Association for Social History." East Central Europe 34-35, no. 1-2 (2008): 369–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-0340350102023.
Full textAbstract:
This review essay provides a brief overview of the research and publication activity of the Udruženje za društvenu istoriju/Association for Social History, an innovative scholarly organization established in 1998 in Belgrade, Serbia. The association promotes research on social history in modern South-Eastern Europe, with a focus on former Yugoslavia, and publishes scientific works and historical documents. The driving force behind the activity of the association is a group of young social historians gathered around Professor Andrej Mitrović, at the University of Belgrade. Prof. Mitrović’s work on the “social history of culture” has provided a scholarly framework for a variety of new works dealing with issues of modernization, history of elites, history of ideas, and the diffuse relationship between history and memory. Special attention is given to the Association’s journal, Godišnjak za društvenu istoriju/Annual for Social History, which published studies on economic history, social groups, gender issue, cultural history, modernization, and the history of everyday life in the nineteenth and the twentieth centuries. Methodologically routed in social history, these research projects are interdisciplinary, being a joint endeavor of sociologists, art historians, and scholars of visual culture.
17
Tilly, Charles. "Citizenship, Identity and Social History." International Review of Social History 40, S3 (December 1995): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000113586.
Full textAbstract:
With appropriate lags for rethinking, research, writing and publication, international events impinge strongly on the work of social scientists and social historians. The recent popularity of democratization, globalization, international institutions, ethnicity, nationalism, citizenship and identity as research themes stems largely from world affairs: civilianization of major authoritarian regimes in Latin America; dismantling of apartheid in South Africa; collapse of the Soviet Union, the Warsaw Pact and Yugoslavia; ethnic struggles and nationalist claims in Eastern Europe, Asia and Africa; extension of the European Union; rise of East Asian economic powers. Just as African decolonization spurred an enormous literature on modernization and political development, the explosion of claims to political independence on the basis of ethnic distinctness is fomenting a new literature on nationalism.
18
Begović, Marko. "Athletes in Socialist Yugoslavia, 1945–1992." International Journal of the History of Sport 38, no. 10-11 (July 24, 2021): 1109–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09523367.2021.1973442.
Full text
19
Latham, Judith. "Roma of the Former Yugoslavia*." Nationalities Papers 27, no. 2 (June 1999): 205–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/009059999109037.
Full textAbstract:
Throughout Central and Eastern Europe, the collapse of communism has led to an unleashing of ethnic strife and a worsening of the economic conditions of the Roma, who by any measurement occupy the lowest rung of the social ladder. In the former Yugoslavia, the situation has been aggravated enormously by war, rampant nationalism, forced emigration, ethnic cleansing, and economic sanctions. The nearly four-year war in the region took a heavy toll on all the successor states except Slovenia.
20
Sunčič, Mitja. "Biography and social change: industrialists and the Communist revolution in Yugoslavia." European Review of History: Revue europeenne d'histoire 19, no. 5 (October 2012): 809–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2012.719011.
Full text
21
Zajc, Marko. "Razumevanje jugoslovanstva v Sloveniji (in Slovenije v jugoslovanstvu) v začetku osemdesetih let." Contributions to Contemporary History 56, no. 2 (November 9, 2016): 129–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.51663/pnz.56.2.07.
Full textAbstract:
The paper attempts to present the important discussions on nationalism, Slovenianism and Yugoslavism from the early 1980s and call attention to the (inter)dependence of nationalism (and its perceptions) and the social system and social issues. It lays out reasons for the historical study of nationalism/the national question in Slovenia and Yugoslavia in the early 1980s. The paper presents a critical overview of the established periodisation of the 1980s in Slovenian public opinion and history and sketches out the basic contours of the period in question. The main part of the paper is the analysis of different attitudes towards the national question in the League of Communists of Yugoslavia. The conclusion establishes a connection between the interpretation of the national question and the interpretation of social property in the late self-management period.
22
Zvijer, Nemanja. "Movie treatment of social past in "post-Yugoslavia"." Socioloski godisnjak, no. 11 (2016): 21–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/socgod1611021z.
Full textAbstract:
The break-up of socialist Yugoslavia caused, among other things, the dissolution of a common past of people who lived on that territory. Newly independent states were needed a new past for creating a new collective identities. This need caused a powerful wave of reinterpretation of history but also the specific attitude towards the recent socialist past. As these processes have had a relatively wide scale, that also reflected on popular culture, what can be seen in the case of films, as one of the most important segments of popular culture. In this regard, it will be considered the ways in which treated socialist past in terms of criticism or nostalgia in films made during the last decade of the twentieth century in the countries formed after the breakup of socialist Yugoslavia.
23
Antonovic, Jelena. "Aging of rural population in Yugoslavia." Stanovnistvo 37, no. 1-4 (1999): 73–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/stnv9904073a.
Full textAbstract:
Mass migration to urban areas constitutes the basic direct factor of the decline in rural population of Yugoslavia in the second half of the 20th century. Due to the characteristic migration patterns by age and sex, they have had a substantial impact on the change in age structure of rural population towards rapid demographic ageing. By inducing decline in fertility and an increase in mortality, the newly formed age structure is increasingly becoming one of the basic factors to further decline in population, or even the major factor to rural depopulation in the majority of regions. The paper analyzes changes in age structure of rural population in the FR of Yugoslavia and across its republics and provinces during the period from 1961 to 1991. The conditions prevailing during the last census (1991) are particularly highlighted. The author points to distinct differences in ageing of urban versus rural populations, and considerable regional differences at the achieved level of demographic age. Based on the main demographic age indicators (the share of five-year and larger age groups, average age, ageing index and movement in major age-specific contingents), the author concludes that the process of population ageing had taken place in both rural and urban populations, but was more intensive in villages (higher share of the aged, higher index of ageing and higher average age) during the period under review. The author points to distinct ageing of rural population in all republics and provinces. It was most prominent in central Serbia and Vojvodina, while being quite slow in Kosovo and Metohia and recorded mainly in between the last two censuses (1981-1991). Likewise, Kosovo and Metohia constitute the only major region of Yugoslavia in which rural population in 1991 is still demographically younger than the population in urban settlements. Rural versus urban population ageing was much more intensive in other major regions of the country, both from the base and from the apex of the age pyramid. In view of the minimal differences in fertility and mortality levels by type of settlement (particularly in central Serbia and Vojvodina), the author argues that the inherited age structure constitutes the main cause of rapid acceleration in rural population ageing in low fertility regions.
24
Zelenović, Ana. "Theorizing feminist art in socialist Yugoslavia." Genero, no. 24 (2020): 71–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/genero2024071z.
Full textAbstract:
Since there were plenty of feminist discourses in Yugoslavia, from "women question" discourse of the Party and the government to academic research of sociologist, philosophers, and anthropologists and later feminist activism, there is a need to rethink the possibilities of theory and history of feminist in socialist context. This research aims at connecting different feminist theories with various artistic practices that might have a feminist character. This paper aims to give the analysis of subjects, forms, and meanings of feminist and queer artworks from 1968 till 1990. Considering feminist and queer theories, social, historical, political, and cultural context of socialist Yugoslavia, the paper offers one possible history of feminist art, maps its ideas and forms, and presents the methodological problems that this kind of attempt carries.
25
Antolović, Michael. "Writing History under the «Dictatorship of the Proletariat»: Yugoslav Historiography 1945–1991." Revista de História das Ideias 39 (June 16, 2021): 49–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/2183-8925_39_2.
Full textAbstract:
This paper analyzes the development of the historiography in the former socialist Yugoslavia (1945–1991). Starting with the revolutionary changes after the Second World War and the establishment of the «dictatorship of the proletariat», the paper considers the ideological surveillance imposed on historiography entailing its reconceptualization on the Marxist grounds. Despite the existence of common Yugoslav institutions, Yugoslav historiography was constituted by six historiographies focusing their research programs on the history of their own nation, i.e. the republic. Therefore, many joint historiographical projects were either left unfinished or courted controversies between historians over a number of phenomena from the Yugoslav history. Yugoslav historiography emancipated from Marxist dogmatism, and modernized itself following various forms of social history due to a gradual weakening of ideological surveillance from the 1960s onwards. However, the modernization of Yugoslav historiography was carried out only partially because of the growing social and political crises which eventually led to the dissolution of Yugoslavia.
26
Silverstein, Sara. "The Periphery is the Centre: Some Macedonian Origins of Social Medicine and Internationalism." Contemporary European History 28, no. 2 (December 17, 2018): 220–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777318000498.
Full textAbstract:
A new and important model for international health originated in the 1920s as a rural health project in the Macedonian region of Yugoslavia. Thus, the involvement of international organisations in social stability and human security did not follow the Great Depression of the 1930s, as has been argued. In fact, the redefinition of the League of Nations’ mandate began with its Health Organisation in the 1920s, growing from local health projects. These initiatives adapted principles of social medicine to address the challenges of constructing egalitarian democratic states in the agrarian peripheries of post-imperial Europe.
27
Rakonjac, Aleksandar. "Implementacija sovjetskih ekonomskih metoda u jugoslovensku privredu: industrija i rudarstvo (1945−1947)." Tokovi istorije 29, no. 2 (August 30, 2021): 65–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2021.2.rak.65-86.
Full textAbstract:
The end of the Second World War in Yugoslavia opened a number of issues related to the organization of the economy. Regarding the concept of building the economy and society, the Yugoslav communists had a clear vision of the future structure even before the end of the war. Strong political reliance on the Soviet Union, determined by the war alliance and ideological closeness, decisively influenced the choice of the economic model that was to be implemented in Yugoslavia. The transition to the Soviet-type command economy, with the aim of mastering and applying Soviet experiences in Yugoslav conditions, took place with the wholehearted help of the USSR. This paper will analyze how the methods from the Soviet economic practice were implemented in industry and mining during the two-year period of economic restoration.
28
Shakhin, Yurii. "Informal Ties in Party-State Bureaucracy of Yugoslavia." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 67, no. 3 (2022): 847–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu02.2022.311.
Full textAbstract:
The article investigates informal ties among the Yugoslav party-state bureaucracy in 1945–1965 in order to identify their influence on the disintegration processes in Yugoslavia. Interaction through unofficial channels was based on solid social-cultural preconditions and played a significant role in the life of the country. Informal ties could be formed due to military service or employment, family or friendship connections, but ties of compatriot character are most fully represented in the sources. They were lined up on a vertical basis in accordance with the existing administrative-territorial division and were predominately used to achieve some kind of material benefits. Until the early 1950s, compatriot ties could be used both in the interests of the center and subordinate regions, but afterwards only the latter option remained, so they quickly turned into a mechanism of lobbying regional interests in central bodies. Compatriot ties were closely intertwined with parochialism and particularism and fueled by the mood of the masses. For example, there were difficulties in nominating candidates of non-local origin during elections. There were politicians who did not follow the requests of their compatriots, but presumably they were in minority. Since the 1950s, there had been a tendency to institutionally include compatriot ties in the governing bodies, in particular, the principle of proportional regional representation had been established in state and party bodies. Already in the early 1960s this course undermined the efficiency of the central government. To which extent this result was determined by the role of compatriot ties system or other factors has yet to be researched, but it can be stated that the system of informal ties became one of the factors in the disintegration of Yugoslavia.
29
Jaksic, Bozidar. "Roma between discrimination and integration: Social change and the status of Roma." Filozofija i drustvo, no. 19-20 (2002): 333–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid0209333j.
Full textAbstract:
Roma are a highly dispersed ethnic communicate. After international protectorate was established in Kosovo. Roma have become the most numerous ethnic minority in Yugoslavia. When discrimination against and integration of Roma people are concerned, it has to be kept in mind that thus far Roma have been exposed most often to negative discrimination, while integration for them has often meant de facto assimilation. As positive discrimination of minority groups in a society is also a viable option, the approach to the 'Roma issue' basically implies a strategic shift in the conduct of all state institutions and other social factors - from negative to positive discrimination, and from assimilation towards genuine integration of Roma. The basic approach suggested by this author is the one that enables Roma to be equal citizens of this country. The circles of poverty hi which Roma population finds itself are increasingly deeper. However, the realm of poverty is spreading across the entire space of Yugoslavia. Pauperization prevails. The devastation of living conditions for all citizens of Yugoslavia, i.e. of Serbia and Montenegro, except for the narrow circle of war profiteers and people involved with power centers, has been underway for over a decade. Middle classes have disappeared from the social scene, while many families have dropped to the sub-proletarian zone of poverty.
30
Egorova, Maria A. "ON THE SOCIAL FUNCTIONS OF THE VARIANTS OF THE SERBO-CROATIAN LANGUAGE." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. "Literary Theory. Linguistics. Cultural Studies" Series, no. 2 (2021): 85–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2686-7249-2021-2-85-116.
Full textAbstract:
The issue of the status of languages that emerged on the basis of the Serbo-Croatian language after the collapse of Yugoslavia remains relevant until now. The standard Serbo-Croatian language arose in the 19th century as a common language of Serbs, Croats, Bosnians and Montenegrins and existed in two main variants, “western” and “eastern”, from the very outset. These variants were close enough to maintain free communication, and at the same time, each variant had symbolic significance as a marker of the corresponding ethnic group. This article provides an outline of the history of the Serbo-Croatian language from its origin to the collapse of Yugoslavia in the light of two social functions of the language, communicative (language as a means of exchanging information) and symbolic (language as a symbol of national identity).
31
Palmberger, Monika. "Nostalgia matters: Nostalgia for Yugoslavia as potential vision for a better future." Sociologija 50, no. 4 (2008): 355–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc0804355p.
Full textAbstract:
Nostalgia for Yugoslavia is a social phenomenon which prevails in present-day Mostar as well as elsewhere in the Yugoslav successor states. Even if attempts are made by the elites of local politics to erase traces of the Yugoslav past (especially in Croat dominated West Mostar), a good part of Mostar's population still nostalgically remembers that period. Until recently, nostalgia has been neglected as a subject of research in the social sciences and has been acknowledged - if at all - only as a phenomenon oriented towards the past. Recent studies, however, have emphasized a utopian character of nostalgia. It is particularly interesting to further investigate this aspect in the context of post-socialism. This paper discusses the selected narratives of two women whom I encountered during my fieldwork conducted between 2005 and 2008, and their relationship to Yugoslavia. It is shown that differences in their narratives can be related to their nationality and family backgrounds, but to the same degree - if not more so - to their age and the stage in life they are in. At the end of the paper I shall tackle the question whether nostalgia for Yugoslavia can hold as a potential vision for a better future and, if so, under which conditions.
32
Brlić, Ivan. "The Life and Decline of a Planned Industrial Town." Review of Croatian history 16, no. 1 (August 1, 2020): 125–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.22586/review.v16i1.11295.
Full textAbstract:
This paper discusses the emergence, existence, and fate of a planned, systematic town in a passive region of the then Federal People’s Republic of Yugoslavia – later renamed to Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia – in the period after World War II. The author critically assesses the reasons for the creation and construction of a modern town at the locality of Lički Osik in central Lika. The town was entirely dependent on and shared the same fate with the military industrial facility “Marko Orešković”, as it was built to support its production. Economic, social, and cultural ups and downs marked the half-century existence of this town, defining both its uncertain present and its promising future. Based on unpublished archival documents from that period, the author has reconstructed the reasons and modes of existence of the planned military enterprise as well as the associated town, which remains emblematic as an unrealistic and misunderstood economic development project in this part of Croatia.
33
Pogačar, Martin. "Music and Memory: Yugoslav Rock in Social Media." Southeastern Europe 39, no. 2 (August 9, 2015): 215–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-03902004.
Full textAbstract:
This article argues that after the disintegration of Yugoslavia, Yugoslav rock music lost little cultural value and is still a prominent trigger of vernacular memories of the socialist Yugoslav past, as well as a vehicle of socio-political commentary in post-Yugoslav contexts. In this view, music is understood as a galvaniser of affective relationships to that past and to post-Yugoslav presents. In the first part of the article, the author discusses the theoretical and practical implications of digitally mediated music as immersive affective environments, working within the framework of media archaeology and a digital archives approach. It is argued that Yugoslav rock has retained its potency and appeal, where today, in a post-Yugoslavia context, it presents an outlet for the recomposition of musical preferences through nostalgia and opposition to the post-1991 socio-political developments. In the second part of the article, focusing on Facebook and YouTube, the author investigates how Yugoslav rock has been reframed in social media and how fragments of the country’s past are reframed in digital media environments. A qualitative multimodal discourse analysis is employed here to investigate a selection of fan pages of rock musicians and bands.
34
Boskovic, Dusan. "Intellectuals in power: Social patterns in the formative years of second Yugoslavia." Filozofija i drustvo 22, no. 3 (2011): 121–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid1103121b.
Full textAbstract:
Political history of the Second Yugoslavia was continuously sacral, while secularization mainly took place within the arts? domain. The Cominform (Informbiro) and split with the SSR opened up a space for greater freedom of creativity (Kardelj, Djilas, Segedin) and for the abandonment of the socialist realism and its attempt to control the content of art (Zogovic). A third position on literature was promoted by Vladan Desnica.
35
Krasniqi, Gëzim. "Socialism, National Utopia, and Rock Music: Inside the Albanian Rock Scene of Yugoslavia, 1970–1989." East Central Europe 38, no. 2-3 (2011): 336–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633011x597199.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis study examines the nascent Albanian rock scene in Kosovo in the 1970s and 1980s. It argues that the rock scene represented both a subcultural movement as it “deviated” from the prevailing Albanian culture in Yugoslavia (and Albania, as well), introducing new forms of expression, as well as a countercultural movement within the larger Yugoslav space for it conveyed political messages which challenged the predominant political order in Yugoslavia. As a cultural phenomenon embedded in a specific socioeconomic and geopolitical context, the Albanian rock scene in Kosovo, although relatively short-lived, initiated important changes in the cultural and social life of Kosovo.
36
Gibas-Krzak, Danuta. "The Development of Muslim Nation in Bosnia and Herzegovina." Review of Croatian history 16, no. 1 (August 1, 2020): 177–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.22586/review.v16i1.11491.
Full textAbstract:
The main goal of this article is to show the conditions and circumstances of the formation of Muslim nation in communist Yugoslavia and the increase of its significance during and after the civil war 1992-1995. Furthermore, author presents the characteristics of contemporary nationalism, and distinguishes specific Balkan nationalism, which is often chauvinistic, ahistorical, militant and exclusive, of ethnocultural character. The identity of Bosnian Muslims originated from belief that their origin, language and culture related to Bosnia and Herzegovina, which makes them different from the Turks and other Islamic nations living in the Ottoman Empire. The genesis of forming Muslim nation in Yugoslavia is interpreted in various ways by the researchers. There is a hypothesis that it has been developed thanks to activity of young people who convinced Josip Broz Tito that such decision would reduce tensions between the Serbs and Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina. According to the Author, Muslim inhabitants of Bosnia and Herzegovina can’t be a separate nation, above all, since the followers of Islam were nationally indifferent, and their cultural legacy is completely different than Serbian and Croatian legacy.
37
Pirjevec, Jože. "Slovenes and Yugoslavia 1918–1991." Nationalities Papers 21, no. 1 (1993): 109–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999308408260.
Full textAbstract:
On December 1, 1918, as Regent Alexander proclaimed the creation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, the latter entered the new state under pressure from manifold motives. Besides the desire for Slavonic solidarity, there was also a more prosaic need that made them take that step. Following the disintegration of the Habsburg monarchy, in which they had lived for centuries, they emerged in the international political arena completely alone and inexperienced “as political children.” They had no borders confirmed by history, and no army apart from a handful of volunteers. For a neighbor, they had victorious Italy with the London Treaty in its pocket, in which the Great Powers promised it a large portion of Slovene territory for its participation in the war. The only power which it was possible to rely upon at that moment was Serbia, which, in turn, dictated its own conditions for the unification. The future state was to become a monarchy under a Karadjordjevich dynasty and was to be centrally structured, irrespective of the ethnic and historical distinctions among various “tribes” making up the new state. The fact that the three constituent entities of the Kingdom were lowered to the level of tribes is clearly indicative: it proclaimed the belief in the existence of a single South-Slavic nation which, although cleft into three branches by events in the past, was to reach its initial unity again, in line with the principle: one state, one nation.
38
Andrejević, Danica. "Literary projection of the disintegration of Yugoslavia." Napredak 2, no. 3 (2021): 115–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/napredak2-35161.
Full textAbstract:
The research of the poetic and cultural meaning of literature from the 1990s to the present moment can, in the culturological context, be conducted within the social, historical and anthropological sphere as well as the general culture of remembrance. The literary projection of the dissolution of Yugoslavia in this case spans the last three decades of development of Serbian literature. In this paper we apply an interdisciplinary approach to interpretation, in accordance with the author's aspects. The basic theoretical framework consists of points of view of various characters who in monologues or within other narrative forms of literary discourse, articulate their position on the tragic ruptures within the state, family, being. Selected prose statements are structural-poetic and semanticaxiological messages of different authors and characters. About twenty novels of all generations of authors are included, which more or less explore the topic of the last civil war in the Balkans. The model of citation characteristic of the theme is contrasted by the varying subjective attitudes of the characters, ideologically colored or politically correct. Excerpts were selected exclusively on the basis of their literary value. Writers react more intensely, freely, and emotionally to the tragic reality and war apocalypse. Their literary projections can be classified as the engagement of critical intellectuals who neither provoked nor participated in the tragic historical events. Thus, literary discourse, however politicized or even subversive, is not political discourse in a literary text. The writers do not engage in documentary mimesis but an artistic projection of reality and the literary transformation of that reality into a kind of new historicism, as Greenblatt says. According to Derrida's theory of difference, each writer expresses a different presence in the world. Thus, Serbian writers interpret the disintegration of Yugoslavia and its consequences three decades later in an authentic, unique, and specifically relevant way, valuable not only for the history of literature but also for history in general and the social context of our chronotope.
39
Cvikić, Sandra. "In Between Factual Truth and Social Construction." Review of Croatian history 17, no. 1 (2021): 149–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.22586/review.v17i1.14935.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of this paper is to provide an insight into how knowledge about dr. Franjo Tuđman was internationally created, namely the international context in which scientists and experts have produced factual truths about Croatia’s First President’s leadership, his role and accountability in the events that have marked the violent disintegration of former Yugoslavia, Croatia’s war of defense, and democratic transition. Developed discourse of the international scholarship about Yugoslav wars of disintegration and Croatia’s painful democratic transition is analyzed to determine how and in what way Dr. Franjo Tuđman is represented in selected publications available to the author of this paper. International scholarly production under the review is rather multidisciplinary with a variety of approaches, methodologies and theories providing rich data which in this case is studied juxtaposed to dominant transitional justice discourse framework. Such qualitative sociological research tries to deconstruct international scholarly context in which factual truths about dr. Franjo Tuđman were socially constructed by scholars and experts. Even though not always framed under the umbrella of transitional justice scholarship, developed discourse is Even though not always framed under the umbrella of transitional justice scholarship, developed discourse is nonetheless analyzed through critical lenses of social constructivism and approached in post-modernist sociological manner.
40
Falina, Maria. "Narrating democracy in interwar Yugoslavia: From state creation to its collapse." Journal of Modern European History 17, no. 2 (April 1, 2019): 196–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1611894419835750.
Full textAbstract:
This article examines the narratives of democracy in interwar Yugoslavia. It starts with the premise that the commitment to democracy in the immediate post-war period was deep and sincere as it was seen as an answer to domestic and international political challenges. The article focuses on how democracy was understood and narrated, and maintains that virtually every political actor engaged with the idea and/or practice of democracy, thereby making it a subject of an important debate. Thus, democracy was at the time as significant a concept and theme as was nationalism, which usually receives more attention in historical analysis. Such issues as national self-determination, the establishment of the state, and the symbolic place of Yugoslavia among well-established European nations impacted the way democracy was debated. At the same time, local political actors used claims to possess better expertise in democracy to back up specific ideological and national projects. Finally, socio-economic issues emerged in the later half of the period to complement the national considerations. A significant difference in the narratives of democracy as understood primarily in political terms and the narrative of democracy that emphasizes its social and economic dimension emerged towards the late 1930s.
41
Obradović, Marija. "From Revolutionary to Clientelistic Party." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 27, no. 3 (June 17, 2013): 376–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325413486582.
Full textAbstract:
Recent reinterpretations of the history of socialist Yugoslavia, which broke up at the time of the collapse of communism in Eastern Europe (1989–1991), have revived old and opened new controversies concerning the character and policy of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ) at the time of the establishment of the Federal People’s Republic of Yugoslavia (FNRJ) following the Second World War. One of them credits the “absolutization” of Josip Broz Tito’s charisma for the establishment and functioning of KPJ rule. The main aim of this article is to challenge such claims by providing an analytical account of the formative years of socialist Yugoslavia based upon primary archival sources. These sources illustrate that rather than Tito’s omnipotence, the decisive factor in the functioning of KPJ power was the clientelistic structure of hierarchical party and state organization. This paper argues that the establishment of clientelistic group-rational behavioral patterns in the KPJ structure and state organization drove the institutionalization of loyalty between the patron, the Politburo of the Central Committee of the KPJ (KPJ CC Politburo), and the client, the communist nomenklatura, an organized social network of party cadres occupying all significant functions in the society. The social origin of the members of the nomenklatura, that is, the new worker-peasant class organized at the level of federal units, was the basis for the legitimacy and functioning of KPJ power from 1945 through 1952. The revolutionary authority of the KPJ, which had been won through the partisan anti-fascist people’s liberation struggle during the Second World War, legitimized itself in this period through clientelistic structural dynamics in the political system of a “people’s democracy.” In order to explore these arguments, this article applies a generic-structural historical analysis to the dynamics of the social and political KPJ structures in 1945–1952 Yugoslavia.
42
Gibas-Krzak, Danuta. "Participation of Allah's Warriors in the War in Former Yugoslavia (1992 - 1995)." Review of Croatian history 17, no. 1 (2021): 483–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.22586/review.v17i1.19696.
Full textAbstract:
The main aim of this paper is to show the participation of mercenaries in the war in former Yugoslavia who fought on the Muslim side. The author presents the thesis that they were recruited to participate in the defense of Muslim community, which they believed was threatened by Serbs. However, their goal soon became to conduct jihad. Muslim mercenaries, also known as warriors of Allah (warriors of God) or Garibi, often proved to be cruel and committed war crimes. Among them were veterans of the war in Afghanistan, the Mujahideen. After the end of hostilities, many of God’s warriors remained in the Balkans, and their settlement brought a lot of negative changes to the social and political life of the region. The Garibi contributed greatly to the strengthening of influence of Islamic states and institutions in the Balkans, as well as to the development of Wahhabi sects supporting terrorism.
43
Dimić, Natalija. "CONNECTING TRADE AND POLITICS: NEGOTIATIONS ON THE RELEASE OF THE GERMAN PRISONERS OF WAR IN YUGOSLAVIA AND THE FIRST WEST GERMAN-YUGOSLAV TRADE AGREEMENT OF 1949/1950." Istorija 20. veka 39, no. 2/2021 (August 1, 2021): 333–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2021.2.dim.333-352.
Full textAbstract:
After repatriations were officially over in January of 1949, around 1,400 German prisoners remained in Yugoslavia on charges of war crimes. Yugoslavia’s foreign political shift westward following the Cominform Resolution of 1948, paved the way for establishing productive economic, as well as political and cultural cooperation with West Germany. The first trade agreement between the two states was signed in December of 1949. In the next four months, the West German Government attempted to pressure the Yugoslav side to release the remaining German prisoners by not ratifying the agreement. Eventually, in April of 1950, the two sides reached an unofficial agreement, according to which the Yugoslav side would release its prisoners gradually and improve their living conditions, while the West Germans would ratify the trade agreement and agree to negotiate long-term economic cooperation. The last transport of German prisoners arrived from Yugoslavia in March of 1953.
44
Alfirevic, Djordje, and Sanja Simonovic-Alfirevic. "Urban housing experiments in Yugoslavia 1948-1970." Spatium, no. 34 (2015): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/spat1534001a.
Full textAbstract:
In the period from 1948 to 1970 urban housing architecture in Yugoslavia had a distinctly experimental character as it strived intensively towards research and establishment of new architectural patterns and values that would mark the period of economic growth of the country. In conditions of mass housing construction, initiated by the devastated urban housing fund after the Second World War, significant influx of population to towns and the state directed its socialist aspirations at alloting every family acceptable living space. The period of the so-called ?directed housing construction?, whose imperative was to establish the limits of existential minimum in collective housing, maximal space ?packing? and optimal functionality of flats, at the same time represents the most significant period in the development of housing architecture in Yugoslavia. The architects focused their interests in housing in mainly three directions: a) the creation and application of new prefabrication systems, b) innovative application of modernistic patterns in aestheticization of architecture and c) experimenting with space units which will enable a higher level of privacy in high-density housing conditions. The first direction of research emerged in the context of post-war housing construction of a wide scope, which encouraged the advance of technological research in areas of prefabrication and practical application of achieved results on the whole territory of Yugoslavia. The second direction dealt with architectural planning which was strictly subordinated to social and ideological sphere with domineering socialist monumentalism and artistic and sculptural approach to architecture. The third was related to experimental tendency with new urban housing patterns which aimed to search and find more pragmatic, humane solutions within mass high-density housing constructions which were the first to utilize and show examples of ?double-tract? buildings. These were primarily realized in Serbia, as continuation of tendencies first expressed in activities of ?Belgrade School of Housing?.
45
Bonfiglioli, Chiara. "Women's Political and Social Activism in the Early Cold War Era: The Case of Yugoslavia." Aspasia 8, no. 1 (January 1, 2014): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/asp.2014.080102.
Full text
46
Savelli, Mat. "‘Peace and happiness await us’: Psychotherapy in Yugoslavia, 1945–85." History of the Human Sciences 31, no. 4 (October 2018): 38–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0952695118773951.
Full textAbstract:
Previous accounts of psychiatry within Communist Europe have emphasized the dominance of biological approaches to mental health treatment. Psychotherapy was thus framed as a taboo or marginal component of East European psychiatric care. In more recent years, this interpretation has been re-examined as historians are beginning to delve deeper into the diversity of mental healthcare within the Communist world, noting many instances in which psychotherapeutic techniques and theory entered into clinical practice. Despite their excellent work uncovering these hitherto neglected histories, however, historians of the psy-disciplines in Eastern Europe (and indeed other parts of the world) have neglected to fully consider the ways that post-World War II psychotherapeutic developments were not simply continuations of pre-war psychoanalytic traditions, but rather products of emerging transnational networks and knowledge exchanges in the post-war period. This article highlights how psychotherapy became a leading form of treatment within Communist Yugoslavia. Inspired by theorists in France and the United Kingdom, among other places, Yugoslav practitioners became well versed in a number of psychotherapeutic techniques, especially ‘brief psychotherapy’ and group-based treatment. These developments were not accidents of ideology, whereby group psychotherapy might be accepted by authorities as a nod to some idea of ‘the collective’, but were rather products of economic limitations and strong links with international networks of practitioners, especially in the domains of social psychiatry and group analysis. The Yugoslav example underscores the need for more historical attention to transnational connections among psychotherapists and within the psy-disciplines more broadly.
47
Bakić-Hayden, Milica. "Nesting Orientalisms: The Case of Former Yugoslavia." Slavic Review 54, no. 4 (1995): 917–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2501399.
Full textAbstract:
This paper introduces the notion of “nesting orientalisms” to investigate some of the complexity of the east/west dichotomy which has underlain scholarship on “Orientalism” since the publication of Said's classic polemic, a discourse in which “East,” like “West,” is much more of a project than a place. While geographical boundaries of the “Orient“ shifted throughout history, the concept of “Orient” as “other” has remained more or less unchanged. Moreover, cultures and ideologies tacitly presuppose the valorized dichotomy between east and west, and have incorporated various “essences” into the patterns of representation used to describe them. Implied by this essentialism is that humans and their social or cultural institutions are “governed by determinate natures that inhere in them in the same way that they are supposed to inhere in the entities of the natural world.” Thus, eastern Europe has been commonly associated with “backwardness,” the Balkans with “violence,” India with “idealism” or “mysticism,” while the west has identified itself consistently with the “civilized world.“
48
TATIN GOURIER, Jean-Jacques. "MEMOIRE DES BALKANS, MEMOIRES DES FRANCE(S) : VERS LA RECONNAISSANCE DE MEMOIRES PLURIELLES ET NON EXCLUSIVES." La mémoire et ses enjeux. Balkans – France: regards croisés, X/ 2019 (December 30, 2019): 33–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.31902/fll.29.2019.3.
Full textAbstract:
MEMORY OF THE BALKANS, MEMORIES OF FRANCE(ES): TOWARDS RECOGNITION OF MULTIPLE AND NON EXCLUSIVES MEMORIES The contemporary approach to memorial memory in France is quite different from the one applied in the 1990s in the countries of the former Yugoslavia. Nevertheless, the authors of the article have tried to compare them, relying primarily on the concept represented by Pierre Nora in the work of Les Lieux de mémoire, as well as on the distinction the author makes between the notions of memory and history. A certain tradition of national memory was imposed through the educational system in the Third Republic in France. But, in the early 1960s, the historical researches largely contributed to the differentiation from the traditionalist approach of interpreting history as a national novel: history was increasingly recognized as a social and anthropological discipline and the issues of an epistemological (history of history), theoretical and methodological nature were highlighted accordingly. The attention of researchers and a wide readership stays occupied by controversy over the interpretation of contemporary events (WWII, decolonization). In the wake of the brutal events of the 1990s, which resulted in the rebirth of different entities from the former Yugoslavia, the main antithesis of the place of memorial memory (which applies only to Yugoslavia / which refers to new, national entities) has, in some ways, been transformed. And the transformation was quite unbalanced, given that the commemoration of memorial events by the newly-created states is, above all, a matter of political choice. Each newly formed state asks its own questions: What has been deleted? What came to light and at what cost? How did each state instrumentalize its historical memory in the specific context? Keywords: Memorial memory, France, Former Yugoslavia, Balkans, history, nationalism / we
49
Kovic, Milos. "Knowledge or intent: Contemporary world historiography on Serbs in 19th century." Sociologija 53, no. 4 (2011): 401–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc1104401k.
Full textAbstract:
The fall of the Berlin Wall and the destruction of Yugoslavia brought about a complete change of the political and social context in Europe and in the world. Consequently, history, as a scholarly discipline, was also significantly transformed. In this wider context, the interpretations of the Serbian 19th century experienced far-reaching revision. Thus, it is necessary to scrutinize the main topics of the debate on 19th century Serbian history in the contemporary world historiography, as well as to examine the main causes of this academic revision.
50
Radojicic, Mirjana. "Mile Savic as an interpreter of the recent south Slavic past." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 162 (2017): 303–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1762303r.
Full textAbstract:
The subject of this paper is the interpretation of the recent South Slavic past given in the works of Mile Savic, a Serbian philosopher and social theorist, who recently passed away. The wars for territorial heritage of the former Yugoslavia, the aggression of the NATO alliance on the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, the project of Euro-Atlantic integration of Serbia - are just some of the most significant thematic points of that interpretation. By providing an exhaustive analysis of Savic?s attitudes to these and kindred phenomena of the recent political and social history of the region, the author concludes that, in a large mosaic of knowledge of a ?time rich in misfortunes? (Tacitus), the piece attributed to it by this Serbian philosopher, who left the intellectual and life stage too early, will be, by all means, among the most significant and precious ones.