Journal articles on the topic 'Social classes – Political aspects – Europe, Western'
To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Social classes – Political aspects – Europe, Western.
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Social classes – Political aspects – Europe, Western.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Evans, Geoffrey. "Class inequality and the formation of political interests in Eastern Europe." European Journal of Sociology 38, no. 2 (November 1997): 207–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975600006949.
Full textAbstract:
Class inequality provides fertile ground for the development of class divisions in political interests. Post-communist societies display evidence of such inequality and — despite expectations to the contrary — of its correlates: high levels of class identification, perceived relative deprivation between classes, and links between class position and economic expectations. These aspects of class formation are in turn accompanied by the endorsement of divergent political programmes by social classes. Marketisation is thus providing the conditions under which classrelated, ‘left-right’ divisions reminiscent of those in Western democracies, structure politics in Eastern Europe.
2
Lengwiler, Martin. "Cultural Meanings of Social Security in Postwar Europe." Social Science History 39, no. 1 (2015): 85–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2015.43.
Full textAbstract:
The emergence of postwar welfare states in Europe is usually understood as a social and political phenomenon, as a social policy to prevent against forms of mass poverty and to grant general social rights and entitlements to populations during a period of rising prosperity. Beyond these sociopolitical aspects, the foundation of systems of social security after 1945 also had important cultural and epistemic implications. The promise of the state to provide a generalized form of security represented an important cultural factor in securing the social and political stability of postwar societies in Europe. This article examines some exemplary aspects of the meaning of social security by tracing their historical roots and their effects on postwar welfare states in Western Europe. In order to chart the various, interconnected cultural meanings of social security, it juxtaposes two institutional contexts in which social security and prevention were discussed: an international organization of social security experts and a Swiss life insurance company with an innovative health promotion service. The article shows how security was seen ultimately as an utopian response to the multiplication of risks and damages through the processes of industrialization and modernization and thus reveals how security served as both a technical concept for managing integrated systems of insurance and an instrument of control and calculation to help administer the economic and social policies of modern societies. By focusing on the example of life insurance, it demonstrates how security acted as an umbrella term for a generalized model of prevention that targeted the specific risks of a modern, middle-class consumer society.
3
Formisano, Ron. "Interpreting Right-Wing or Reactionary Neo-Populism: A Critique." Journal of Policy History 17, no. 2 (April 2005): 241–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2005.0010.
Full textAbstract:
During the 1980s and 1990s in countries across the globe, new populist protest movements and radical political organizations emerged to challenge traditional parties, ruling elites, and professional politicians, and even long-standing social norms. The revolts against politics-as-usual have arisen from many kinds of social groupings and from diverse points on the political spectrum. Through the 1980s, in Western and Eastern Europe, Latin America, Africa, Asia, and North America, populist discontent erupted intermittently. But the end of the Cold War, particularly in Europe, unleashed a torrent of popular movements and political parties opposed to what the discontented perceived as the corruption and deceitfulness of the political classes and their corporate patrons. Some protest movements promoted more democracy, pluralism, and economic opportunity; some expressed intolerance, bigotry, and xenophobic nationalism.
4
Jeannet, Anne-Marie. "A threat from within? Perceptions of immigration in an enlarging European Union." Acta Sociologica 63, no. 4 (January 13, 2020): 343–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0001699319890652.
Full textAbstract:
Scholars have taken a considerable interest in how global immigration to Europe generates public concern, but we still know little about the role that migration from within the European region has in fueling apprehensions. To better understand this, I examine how public attitudes towards immigration have responded to migration following the European Union’s most extensive enlargement along its eastern border in 2004. Using recent advances in multilevel modeling, this article analyzes the longitudinal, cross-sectional relationship between east–west internal European migration on public attitudes towards the economic and cultural aspects of immigration in Western Europe using individual-level data from the European Social Survey (2004–2014). The results demonstrate that growing populations of Central and Eastern European foreigners have contributed to Western Europeans’ perception of immigration as an economic threat, even when taking into account simultaneous immigration from outside Europe. Moreover, the relationship between east–west immigration and an individual’s perception of immigration as a threat is conditional upon their socio-economic status. These findings underscore how within-European immigration in Western Europe has become consequential to the public’s attitudes about immigration more generally.
5
Шовель, Луи. "The Western Middle Classes under Stress: Welfare State Retrenchments, Globalization, and Declining Returns to Education." Мир России 29, no. 4 (September 19, 2020): 85–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1811-038x-2020-29-4-85-111.
Full textAbstract:
Citation: Chauvel L. (2020) The Western Middle Classes under Stress: Welfare State Retrenchments, Globalization, and Declining Returns to Education. Mir Rossii, vol. 29, no 4,pp. 85–111. DOI: 10.17323/1811-038X-2020-29-4-85-111
Following the work of Pierre Bourdieu and Gustav Schmoller before him, the multipolarity of the middle classes between higher and lower, and between cultural and economic capitalsis well acknowledged. This old vision is useful to understand the “middle classes adrift” of the last 20 years in France and Continental Europe. The expansion of the “new wage earner middle class” of the 1960s to 1990s is now an old dream of the welfare state expansion of Western societies, and the European social structure now faces a trend of repatrimonialization”, meaning a U-turn towards a decline in the value of mid-qualified work and an expansion of the return to the inheritance of family assets. This paper addresses three main points. First, a new description of repatrimonialization is useful in the specific European context of middle-class societies. We need a redefinition of the system of middle classes (plural) in the context of the construction and decline of strong welfare states. Second, there are three ruptures in the social trends of the ‘wage earner society’ of the 1960s to 1990s. In this period, economic growth, social homogenization and social protection were major contextual elements of the expansion of ‘the new middle class,’ based on educationalmeritocracy, the valorization of credentialed skills, and the expansion of the average wage compared to housing and capital assets (‘depatrimonialization’). After the 1990s, the rupture and reversal of these trends, with ‘stagnation’, ‘new inequalities’ and ‘social uncertainty’ as new trends, generated a backlash in the “middle class society”. Third, I analyze the demographic and social consequences of these new trends in terms of the shrinking of the middle classes in a context where the inheritance of assets and resources changed the previous equilibrium. Finally, I highlight the importance of addressing the problem of social stability when large strata of the middle class have less interest in the maintenance of the social order.
6
HEISLER, BARBARA SCHMITTER. "Immigrant Settlement and the Structure of Emergent Immigrant Communities in Western Europe." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 485, no. 1 (May 1986): 76–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716286485001007.
Full textAbstract:
Throughout modern history the majority of immigrants have occupied inferior socioeconomic positions and have settled in segregated communities. The migrant workers who came to the advanced industrial countries in Western Europe have had similar experiences. A closer examination of the legal and political circumstances surrounding their unanticipated prolonged presence reveals significant differences between the Western European situation and that encountered elsewhere. The original contract labor system legally provided sending countries with the opportunity to establish networks of organizations and institutions in the countries of destination. Although the sending countries' networks may vary in specifics, each represents an important dimension of that national community and helps to maintain an ideology of return. This, in turn, represents an important force in defining the situation for all participants—host societies, sending countries, and immigrants. The argument that one cannot approach all aspects of the European experience using theoretical models that may be appropriate for other situations is illustrated by examples of sending-country organizations active in the Federal Republic of Germany.
7
Styrkina, Yu. "MODERN MILITARY VOCABULARY IN TEACHING ENGLISH: LINGUISTIC AND SOCIAL ASPECTS OF MASTERING." Aesthetics and Ethics of Pedagogical Action, no. 25 (May 12, 2022): 83–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.33989/2226-4051.2022.25.256654.
Full textAbstract:
The article is devoted to the linguistic and social aspects of mastering English-language military terminology and its relevance in modern life realities. The author offers the development of military vocabulary in foreign language classes, regular acquaintance with news from authentic English-language sources and the preparation of concise political reports on a daily basis. This should help students to activate passive vocabulary in oral speech, as well as keep abreast of events, read news on foreign sites, be able to talk about them in the media and social networks, conduct dialogues with native English speakers on modern topics. The article also notes that due to the large number of people resettled in Europe due to the war, there is a need to conduct dialogues on military issues, generally actively communicate abroad, so the author emphasizes the need to learn and activate the military vocabulary of modern university graduates.
8
Popic, Tamara, and Simone M. Schneider. "An East–West comparison of healthcare evaluations in Europe: Do institutions matter?" Journal of European Social Policy 28, no. 5 (February 13, 2018): 517–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928717754294.
Full textAbstract:
Differences in welfare attitudes of Eastern and Western Europeans have often been explained in terms of legacies of communism. In this article, we explore evaluations of healthcare systems across European countries and argue that East–West differences in these evaluations are explained by differences in the current institutional design of healthcare systems in the two regions. The empirical analysis is based on the fourth round of the European Social Survey, applying multilevel and multilevel mediation analysis. Our results support the institutional explanation. Regional differences in healthcare evaluations are explained by institutional characteristics of the healthcare system, that is, lower financial resources, higher out-of-pocket payments, and lower supply of primary healthcare services in Eastern compared to Western European countries. We conclude that specific aspects of the current institutional design of healthcare systems are crucial for understanding East–West differences in healthcare evaluations and encourage research to further explore the relevance of institutions for differences in welfare state attitudes across socio-political contexts.
9
Kulaga, Maxim. "Consequences of the Radicalization of Migration Policy In Western Europe: Socio-Economic Aspect." DEMIS. Demographic Research 1, no. 3 (September 19, 2021): 78–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/demis.2021.1.3.7.
Full textAbstract:
The problem of regulating migration flows in the European Union has existed for a long time and is becomingmore difficult and complex every year. Due to the complexity of the distribution of migrants among the member countries of the organization, as well as the divergence of domestic interests of individual countries and the pan-European policy vector, internal opposition arises, which is expressed in protests and political initiatives that radicalize society. Such trends are developing especially actively in the countries of Western Europe, the most economically developed and progressive, which have taken over most of the legal migrants who have arrived. The migration policy of Western European countries has undergone a very strong metamorphosis over the past five years. Since the beginning of the migration crisis in 2015, it is possible to trace a significant strengthening and tightening of measures regulating the situation of migrants on the territory of states. It should be noted that during the same period, a new round of development of radical parties followed in many European countries, but it was in Western European countries that radical changes in politics took place. It is quite difficult to determine what impact migrants have on the state of the economy of states, as well as their relations with the indigenous inhabitants of Western European countries. Accordingly, the purpose of this article will be to consider the socio-economic impact of migrants on the countries of Western Europe during the period of radicalization of the policy of the states of the region in the context of the global COVID-19 pandemic. Among the methods used in this study, it is necessary to distinguish empirical and theoretical ones, such as comparison, analysis and synthesis. The sources were considered on the basis of a system-structural approach to the study of complex political and social processes and phenomena, taking into account many aspects of the development of modern society and the political process in the countries. The analysis of the current situation was carried out on the basis of the principles of historicism, cultural and political continuity. The results of this study can be used in the future to form effective methods of countering social conflicts arising as a result of migration.
10
Bartholomew, Robert E. "Tarantism, dancing mania and demonopathy: the anthro-political aspects of ‘mass psychogenic illness’." Psychological Medicine 24, no. 2 (May 1994): 281–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0033291700027288.
Full textAbstract:
SynopsisThis study questions the widely held assumption that the phenomenon known as mass psychogenic illness (MPI) existsper sein nature as a psychiatric disorder. Most MPI studies are problematical, being descriptive, retrospective investigations of specific incidents which conform to a set of pre-existing symptom criteria that are used to determine the presence of collective psychosomatic illness. Diagnoses are based upon subjective, ambiguous categories that reflect stereotypes of female normality which assume the presence of a transcultural disease or disorder entity, underemphasizing or ignoring the significance of episodes as culturally conditioned roles of social action. Examples of this bias include the mislabelling of dancing manias, tarantism and demonopathy in Europe since the Middle Ages as culture-specific variants of MPI. While ‘victims’ are typified as mentally disturbed females possessing abnormal personality characteristics who are exhibiting cathartic reactions to stress, it is argued that episodes may involve normal, rational people who possess unfamiliar conduct codes, world-views and political agendas that differ significantly from those of Western-trained investigators who often judge these illness behaviours independent of their local context and meanings.
11
Supriyadi, Supriyadi. "NILAI ESTETIS MUSIK DALAM RENTANG SEJARAH MUSIK BARAT." Tonika: Jurnal Penelitian dan Pengkajian Seni 2, no. 1 (May 29, 2019): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.37368/tonika.v2i1.39.
Full textAbstract:
The history of Western music, historically, has been changing for a long time; from one period to other period until the present day. In music, the chaging automatically changes its forms, styles, characteristics, harmony, and particularly its aesthetics values. Then, the changing triggers development. Dominantly the development is inluenced by two dominant aspects, i.e. internal aspect and external aspect. The music history said that the period of Middle Ages was influenced by political religion which was placed under Chatolic church authorization. Renaisance period was influenced by spirit of individualism and humanism, and also enthusiasm of anthropocentrism. The Barock era was shadowed by the political changing in Western Europe. The Classic dan Romantic period was shaded by the passion of territorial expansion and nationalism that was marked by Franch Revolution. After World War I and II the social changes were determined by the development of technology. It becomes significant factor. In musicology context, the development of technology has created several new music instruments. The relationship between internal and external aspect occurs correlative and the aesthetics values in music has been influenced by several aspects above. The existence of music is not caused by itself, but it influenced by another aspects.
12
Lee, Sang-Dong. "Hungary’s Cultural Sector According to the Political Changes: Focusing on the Trends and Aspects of Hungarian Literature." Korea Association of World History and Culture 63 (June 30, 2022): 81–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.32961/jwhc.2022.06.63.81.
Full textAbstract:
This article aims to find the basis for claiming cultural homogeneity with Western Europe from a historical point of view. Additionally, by studying Hungarian literature, the article reveals characteristics of European culture during the transition to a post-socialist system such as political democratization, privatization and the establishment of the ownership system. The formation of civil society is also discussed. Social thoughts vividly shown in literature is a significant feature of Hungarian literature in the 20th century. For example, realism in the 19th century only exposed inequality and corruption in society but had no idea about initiating a revolution. However, in the 20th century, the direction of this revolution became apparent, and literature based on the socialism-based revolution emerged. Simultaneously, refusal and resistance to tradition were features of literature in the 20th century, and literature applying scientific analysis also appeared. However these tendencies captured the ideological viewpoint, and in terms of the form and style, it was more confusing and divisive than earlier days.
13
Bulatov, A., A. Gabarta, and E. Sergeev. "Global Financial Centers as Channels for International Labor Migrant Inflow into Cities of Europe." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 10 (2021): 122–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-10-122-132.
Full textAbstract:
Europe is the leading region of international immigration (after Asia). Most of immigrants to Europe are directed to its cities, particularly to global ones. One of the typical characteristics of global cities is the availability of global financial centers. In this paper, an attempt is made to investigate the role of global financial centers as channels of international labor migration to the cities of Western and Eastern Europe. The research is pursued on the basis of global cities’ concept, with special attention to the pulling effects of global financial centers. London, Dublin, Amsterdam, Frankfurt, Warsaw are taken as cities for research. The investigation is focused on such aspects of global financial centers as their impact on composition and dynamics of labor migration to the above mentioned cities, influence of this workforce on business and social life of the cities, adaptation problems of migrants in the cities of their accommodation. The authors come to a conclusion that Brexit will not radically diminish the pulling effect of London global financial center for qualified immigrants, though some international companies will continue moving from London to continental financial centers and partially to Dublin. Another conclusion is that cosmopolitan environment is important for qualified migrants to global financial centers including the extent of English, high level of living and culture conditions, freedom of movement. Some comparisons of those global financial centers with Moscow are made in the final part of the paper. On the authors’ opinion, the position of Moscow global financial center is dual from the point of international labor migration. On the one hand, economic and political aspects (low growth rates, Western sanctions, high volatility of ruble) as well as cultural aspects (insufficient extent of English) hamper its development. On the other hand, in the last years, Moscow has been lifting in the ranking of global financial centers without high immigration of foreign qualified labor, like Warsaw and Dublin. Acknowledgements. The article has been supported by a grant of the Russian Science Foundation. Project no. 19-18-00251.
14
Bonoli, Giuliano, and Bruno Palier. "How do welfare states change? Institutions and their impact on the politics of welfare state reform in Western Europe." European Review 8, no. 3 (July 2000): 333–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700004944.
Full textAbstract:
In the 1980s and 1990s West European welfare states were exposed to strong pressures to ‘renovate’, to retrench. However, the European social policy landscape today looks as varied as it did at any time during the 20th century. ‘New institutionalism’ seems particularly helpful to account for the divergent outcomes observed, and it explains the resistance of different structures to change through past commitments, the political weight of welfare constituencies and the inertia of institutional arrangements – in short, through ‘path dependency’. Welfare state institutions play a special role in framing the politics of social reform and can explain trajectories and forms of policy change. The institutional shape of the existing social policy landscape poses a significant constraint on the degree and the direction of change. This approach is applied to welfare state developments in the UK and France, comparing reforms of unemployment compensation, old-age pensions and health care. Both countries have developed welfare states, although with extremely different institutional features. Two institutional effects in particular emerge: schemes that mainly redistribute horizontally and protect the middle classes well are likely to be more resistant against cuts. Their support base is larger and more influential compared with schemes that are targeted on the poor or are so parsimonious as to be insignificant for most of the electorate. The contrast between the overall resistance of French social insurance against cuts and the withering away of its British counterpart is telling. In addition, the involvement of the social partners, and particularly of the labour movement in managing the schemes, seems to provide an obstacle for government sponsored retrenchment exercises.
15
Lederhendler, Eli. "Classless: On the Social Status of Jews in Russia and Eastern Europe in the Late Nineteenth Century." Comparative Studies in Society and History 50, no. 2 (April 2008): 509–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417508000224.
Full textAbstract:
In this paper I examine the economic and political factors that undermined the social class structure in an ethnic community—the Jews of Russia and eastern Europe at the end of the nineteenth century. Compared with the documented rise and articulation of working classes in non-Jewish society in that region, Jews were caught in an opposite process, largely owing to discriminatory state policies and social pressures: Among Jews, artisans and petty merchants were increasingly reduced to a single, caste-like status. A Jewish middle class of significant size did not emerge from the petty trade sector and no significant industrial working class emerged from the crafts sector. Historians have largely overlooked the significance of these facts, in part because they have viewed this east European situation as a mere preamble to more sophisticated, modern class formation processes among immigrant Jews in Western societies, particularly in light of the long-term middle-class trajectory of their children. Those historians interested in labor history have mainly shown interest in such continuity as they could infer from the self-narratives of the Jewish labor movement, and have thus overstated the case for a long-standing Jewish “proletarian” tradition. In reassessing the historical record, I wish to put the Jewish social and economic situation in eastern Europe into better perspective by looking at the overall social and economic situation, rather than at incipient worker organizations alone. I also query whether a developing class culture, along the lines suggested by E. P. Thompson, was at all in evidence before Jewish mass emigration. This paper is thus a contribution to the history of labor—rather than organized labor—as well as a discussion of the roots of ethnic economic identity.
16
Lancaster, Caroline Marie. "Not So Radical After All: Ideological Diversity Among Radical Right Supporters and Its Implications." Political Studies 68, no. 3 (September 2, 2019): 600–616. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321719870468.
Full textAbstract:
Radical right voters and parties are often characterized as conservative and traditionalist on issues of gender, sexuality, and morality. Common wisdom is that they reject the progressive sociopolitical shifts that began in the 1970s and early 1980s. However, some radical right parties, such as the Dutch Party for Freedom, maintain moderate positions on morality issues. Are radical right supporters still traditionalist? Latent class analysis applied to European Social Survey data from 10 West European countries reveals that radical right supporters belong to three ideologically distinct classes. The fastest growing group is the sexually-modern nativists, who make up about 45% by 2016. Contrary to extant literature, traditionalism no longer appears to be a major motivation for today’s radical right. Instead, immigration and nationalism are now the core common concerns for radical right supporters in Western Europe. This development may be due to the Euro crisis and the migration crisis, which have increased the salience of national borders.
17
Voronchenko, Tatiana, Olesya Kovrizhnykh, and Ekaterina Fyodorova. "LITERARY TEXT AS A SOURCE FOR UNDERSTANDING CONFLICTS IN CONTEMPORARY REALITY (POLITICAL VIOLENCE AND TERRORISM)." CBU International Conference Proceedings 3 (September 19, 2015): 341–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.12955/cbup.v3.622.
Full textAbstract:
Political violence in the modern world is developing in many ways and in forms that are more radical than ever before. In the second half of the last century, and the start of this current one, the ethno-social conflicts (terrorism being the most extreme) have been one of the most pressing global issues of our time.Various aspects of ethno-social conflict, with terrorism as an extreme form of political violence, are now the subject of artistic interpretation for contemporary authors. The study of literary text for understanding conflicts in the contemporary reality is significant, since writers consider certain factual material in their works. These writers strive to emphasize and describe personal and social layers of ethno-social conflicts, to reveal their peculiarities and consequences.This study compiles a theoretical framework for the study of literary text as a source for understanding the conflicts of contemporary reality. It uses a complex approach that provides a profound analysis of causes and effects, and the nature and content of political and ethno-social conflicts, including the principles of political studies and comparative literature.The authors of this present study conclude that the great concern of the world’s writers about ethno-social issues and conflicts is the inter-ethnic and inter-cultural contradictions that closely connect to the crisis of multiculturalism in the USA and Western Europe. Contemporary writers focus on themes, like the islamization of Europe, inter-confessional conflicts, total changes in inter-ethnic relations, fragmentation of the single universal cultural space, and social and cultural transformation leading to conflicts. Examples include Andrei Volos’ Maskavskaya Mecca, and Elena Chudinova’s The Mosque of Notre Dame. Some authors ponder over the terrorism as an extremist reaction to social injustice or inner personal, cultural, and religious contradictions, as seen in John Updike’s Terrorist and Don DeLillo’s Falling Man.
18
Damurski, Lukasz. "E-Participation in Urban Planning." International Journal of E-Planning Research 1, no. 3 (July 2012): 40–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijepr.2012070103.
Full textAbstract:
Simple observation of planning practices in Eastern and Western Europe reveal a substantial gap in citizen participation between the post-socialist societies and the highly developed countries. This gap was created recently during the continent’s history and is reflected in an uneven distribution of social capital and democratic attitudes. During the last 30 years Western societies developed their civic consciousness and improved their democratic procedures; while citizen activities in the East was constrained by socialist regimes, then dissipated by the system transformation and only now is slowly reviving. How can social and political distance? Development of ICT (Information and Communication Technology) tools seems to stimulate social cohesion of European countries. The Internet creates new forms of social life, giving new opportunities for citizen involvement and strongly influences public decision-making systems. Examples of e-participation in planning from both sides of the continent suggest that this gap is not necessarily as big as it appears to be. This article compares online participation tools offered in Poland and Germany. Analyzing three complimentary aspects of e-participation in planning: “transparency,” “spatiality,” and “interactivity.” The results are expressed further in the article.
19
Kostyleva, Aleksandra. "The perception of “new” immigration in different strata of American society (late XIX – early XX centuries)." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 3 (March 2020): 33–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2020.3.33099.
Full textAbstract:
The subject of this research is the factors that led to formation of a negative image of “new” immigration and the occurrence of anti-immigrant moods in the United States in the last decades of the XIX – beginning of the XX centuries. The author examines the social interaction processes between the local Anglo-Saxon population and the representatives of the so-called “new” immigration from Asia and South-Eastern Europe, which replaced the traditional labor immigration from Western and Northern Europe. Special attention is given to studying the origins of hostility and xenophobia towards migrants manifested in different strata of US society – the representatives of working and middle class, academic and cultural intelligentsia, and political elite. The author concludes that all social classes showed antagonism towards the “new” immigration. Although, the rhetoric on immigration varied depending on affiliation to one or another social segment. Working and middle class were concerned about competition on the job marker, social tension and nonconformity of immigrants to the image of the “ideal American”; while the ruling elites adhered to the ingrained in public discourse idea of Anglo-Saxon supremacy, which later on became the foundation for restrictionist policy towards migrants who were trying to get established in their land.
20
Khachaturyan, Nina. "Phenomenon of “Publicity” in the State as in the Higher Form of Political Organization in Medieval Europe." ISTORIYA 13, no. 1 (111) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840018999-7.
Full textAbstract:
The article is concern with functional analysis of medieval “publicity” as a phenomenon. “Publicity” is presented as an integral part of the medieval statehood in Western Europe and its functional processes. This stage and form of the state building in contemporary historiography is closely associated with the concept of Etat Moderne. The phenomenon of “publicity” is examined in its two fundamental aspects. The first aspect is defined by medieval potestary polycentrism. The second aspect is underlined by practices and ideas of medieval parliamentarism. Actually in historical knowledge “publicity” is percepted as a key frame for existing communities with its legal and customary norms. The article defines «publicity» as a substantial principle of “person-society” dilemma. The author looks at phenomenon of publicity not only as a crucial factor which defines main developments of the medieval statehood but also as a particular stimulus which shapes main vectors of institutional dynamics. The scope and subsequent capacity of such a dynamics tends to increase while institutionalized power is growthing. The transformation of the medieval power institutions spreads under direct influence of complexifying dialogue of the supreme power with different social groups.
21
Sargeant, Lynn M. "High Anxiety: New Venues, New Audiences, and the Fear of the Popular in Late Imperial Russian Musical Life." 19th-Century Music 35, no. 2 (2011): 93–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ncm.2011.35.2.93.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Russia's social and economic transformation at the beginning of the twentieth century was accompanied by profound cultural and artistic transformation. In particular, Russian cultural elites struggled to control and contain what they saw as threats to Russia's national culture. At the same time, however, they sought ways to bring the working classes into a closer cultural accord with educated society. Although these efforts continued a long process of intelligentsia efforts to shape Russian society by controlling the development of “the people,” industrialization and urbanization had already begun to fundamentally restructure the relationship between the educated and popular classes. In musical life, the intelligentsia struggled with two somewhat contradictory impulses: first, to simultaneously protect musical and song traditions from the threat of contamination by new urban genres; and second, to develop “rational recreations” that would appeal to the peasantry and the urban working classes. To those ends, they created, among other activities, accessible (obshchedostupnyi) concerts, temperance choirs, and singing classes in a wide variety of locations across the Russian Empire. These musical projects were part of a much larger, somewhat utopian effort by educated society to create an ideal Russia by eliminating its supposed social, cultural, economic, and political backwardness relative to Western Europe. Nevertheless, the consequences for Russian musical life proved significant. Not only did these efforts lay the moral and intellectual foundation for Soviet-era interventionist and utopian cultural policies, but they also in the short term significantly diversified and democratized musical life in the last decades of tsarist rule.
22
Aleksandrova-Zlatanska, Svetlana, and Desislava Zheleva Kalcheva. "Alternatives for Financing of Municipal Investments - Green Bonds." Review of Economic and Business Studies 12, no. 1 (June 1, 2019): 57–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/rebs-2019-0082.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe perspective of global climate change emerges as a significant political, economic, financial and social issue. Scientific researches show that the accumulated carbon dioxide (CO2), released by the industry and agriculture, together with the contribution of man-made greenhouse gases leads to a rise in the temperature of the earth's surface. Traditional sources of financing capital expenditure, such as own revenues and bank financing have proved to be extremely insufficient. At the same time, not only traditional municipal needs, such as costs for street, road, bridge, school construction etc., but also the need of investments related to climate change have been on the rise. The purpose of this article is to examine and analyze alternatives for financing climate change-related municipal investments. The subject of the research is green bonds and the so-called Subnational Pooled Financing Mechanisms, which have already gained popularity in Western Europe but are not yet well known in Eastern Europe. The positive aspects and opportunities that the green bond market reveals as well as the barriers to this type of financing are assessed and an analysis of the practice of bond financing in Europe is made.
23
PROKOPOVYCH, MARKIAN. "Introduction." Urban History 40, no. 1 (December 19, 2012): 28–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926812000612.
Full textAbstract:
Eastern Europe has recently received much attention from scholars irrespective of diverse focus and specialization, and the special section of this distinguished journal is yet another proof that the region remains an extraordinarily interesting place for research and analysis. Scholarly interests have, however, often been related to the emergence, establishment and eventual demise of state socialism in this heterogeneous place, the horrors of World War II and the profound transformations that swept through its many old-new countries during recent decades. The predominance of political, social and intellectual history, as well as sociology and political science, and scholarly interpretations of the condition of modernity in Eastern Europe come therefore as little surprise. This methodological apparatus at hand, significant aspects of the region's development during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries have sometimes been overlooked, while others appeared teleological. Within the traditions of both Western and Eastern European academia, the region has until recently been perceived as having followed a very distinct, special path to modernity characterized in a variety of ways as arrested development, Sonderweg and backwardness. At the same time, the profound change that occurred in these diverse territories as part of a European and in fact global process of modernization during the nineteenth and the early twentieth centuries has often not been given its true significance in relation to its later historical development. An array of recent post-colonialist responses that have fundamentally reshaped the history of the modern ‘Third World’ have touched Eastern Europe only in passing, Hence, an occasional intellectual indecisiveness as to how to analyse the region's development in a greater historical context, as is immediately evident in the diversity of names ascribed to its supposedly different geographical areas – Eastern Europe, East Central Europe, Central Europe, Mitteleuropa and South-East Europe, to name but a few – each with their own political and ideological bias.
24
Senchenko, Mykola. "Organizational weapons and their latent impact to the social and communication space." Вісник Книжкової палати, no. 2 (February 26, 2020): 18–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.36273/2076-9555.2020.2(283).18-23.
Full textAbstract:
A distinctive feature of modern geopolitics is not a direct intervention in the internal affairs of another state, but a consistent, latent influence on its weakest aspects of life, with a gradual increase in pressure, which leads to destabilization of the situation. Through the use of "managed chaos" and "soft power" strategies, the organizers achieve significant success with minimal cost of resources and resources and provide an external illusion of non-involvement in the ensuing chaos. The paper deals with the aspects of the use of organizational weapons (OW) and "colored revolutions" to overthrow governments of the world and to form power in them, controlled by the aggressor. It was emphasized that the organizational weapons are based on special organizational management reflection technologies. They are an ordered set of methods (models, programs, strategies, procedures, forms) for the implementation of constantly improving management decisions. The constituent parts of OW are: organizational information weapons, organizational financial, organizational, administrative, organizational, organizational, educational, organizational and other types of weapons. The mechanisms of "color revolutions" — a new type of political technology for changing political power are analyzed. Most often, this is a series of mass street protests of the population, which ends with the overthrow of the political regime, such as in a number of countries of Eastern Europe, the post-Soviet space, Southeast Asia, North Africa, without military participation. The strategies of "indirect action" and "soft power", which serve as important tools for the destruction of statehood and reformatting of geopolitical spaces, are considered. Today these are the most effective means of geopolitical struggle in the international arena, which is actively used by the establishment of Western powers to destroy or weaken real and potential adversaries.
25
Surguladze, V. Sh. "Many Faces of Fascism: Attempt of Comprehension of the Concept." Humanities and Social Sciences. Bulletin of the Financial University 9, no. 4 (December 4, 2019): 57–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.26794/2226-7867-2019-9-4-57-62.
Full textAbstract:
In the context of rising social inequalities and worsening problems associated with the need to establish a cross-cultural dialogue between representatives of different civilisations, of particular urgency is a new understanding of the socio-political phenomenon of fascism. In the political sense of the word fascism as an expression of the right socio-political orientation remains relevant and should be comprehensively investigated, especially in conditions when the radicalization of the society’s structures has serious grounds — the growth of social inequality; unemployment; the deterioration of the criminal situation; a significant influx of immigrantsrepresentatives of a different cultural environment; the activation of political and social groups willing to use radical rhetoric to achieve their own goals and come to power. The radicalization of the political environment in Ukraine and other countries, the racial problems in the United States caused by the unprecedented influx of immigrants, the growth of ultra-right sentiments in Western Europe, the challenge posed to the world by the Islamic State (prohibited organization in Russia) — all these facts suggest that fascism as a radical ideological direction and political practice does not lose its relevance, and under certain circumstances may well become a political practice again. The author attempts to systematise approaches to understanding the concept of fascism, represent a summary of different aspects of the fascism phenomenon.
26
Liu, James H., Petar Milojev, Homero Gil de Zúñiga, and Robert Jiqi Zhang. "The Global Trust Inventory as a “Proxy Measure” for Social Capital: Measurement and Impact in 11 Democratic Societies." Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology 49, no. 5 (April 13, 2018): 789–810. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022022118766619.
Full textAbstract:
The Global Trust Inventory (GTI), conceptually assessing trust in others ranging from close interpersonal relationships to relationships with government and financial institutions as a whole, was administered to representative online samples in 11 democratic states ( N = 11,917 from Europe, the Americas, and New Zealand). A seven-factor solution had configural, metric, and reasonable scalar invariance in multi-group confirmatory factor analysis. Using latent profile analysis, individual-level measures of trust were derived that complement existing measures of social capital in their impact and implications. Western societies had proportionately more people with high propensity to trust, Catholic/European intermediate, and Latin American societies the least. A High Trust Profile had virtues associated with social capital: greater participation in political discussion, greater elaboration of political thinking, more community engagement, less prejudice, and greater participation in elections. A Low Trust Profile exhibited opposite tendencies. Demographically, high trust was associated with higher self-reported social status, home ownership, older age, and political conservatism. A more complex set of relationships differentiated two intermediate profiles, dubbed Moderate and Low Institutional Trust. Conceptually, the GTI operationalizes a holistic view of trust as a “synthetic force” that holds various aspects of society together, ranging from interpersonal to institutionalized relationships.
27
Салем, Д. Н. "The Middle East as a reserve for migration to Western countries and the migration center in Asia." Grani 22, no. 4 (June 26, 2019): 25–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/171940.
Full textAbstract:
Migration is the most common social phenomenon in the modern world. First of all it helps people to improve their financial situation and living conditions. Besides, the decision on migration can be taken due to the unstable safety in the country. The paper presents the migration process from and to the Middle East, in particularly the process of emigration to Western Europe (mainly illegal emigration of refugees, emigration of elite and religious minorities). Moreover, it shows the migration process to the countries of the Middle East, especially in the context of economic migration in the Persian Gulf, taking into consideration features, forms, sources and consequences of this phenomenon. The main hypothesis of the presented concept is the assumption that migration directly affects international relations and is often associated with risk. The issue of migration in many Western countries has become an important and urgent issue related to security and terrorism. Therefore, the European Union began to perceive the flow of illegal migrants as a source of risk that could be a threat to European safety. One should realize that analyzed phenomenon affects almost all aspects of the functioning of society. Moreover, we should emphasize the inestimable economic potential brought by immigrants, especially because of the society aging in Western Europe. Consequently, it is necessary to establish agreements between EU countries and countries-exporters of immigrants, not only on a bilateral basis, but also at a multilateral level. In the countries of emigrants there is no elaborated migration policy, besides there are no signs of improvement in the political, economic and social situation in the Middle East – on the contrary the situation is worsening, that will certainly contribute to an increase of emigrants who want to leave the region.
28
Syrri, Despina. "The Story of Staro Sajmište Concentration Camp, Produced/Producing Europe." European Review 20, no. 1 (January 4, 2012): 23–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798711000287.
Full textAbstract:
This article aims at considering the story of the Belgrade Staro Sajmište Second World War concentration camp, as it unfolded since October 2007. At that point, it captured national and international headlines, as a range of actors rallied to ban the private use of this memory place for a concert by a British pop group. The article concentrates on patterns of construction of memory(ies), space and transfers of knowledge as well as power as the Staro Sajmište story is ‘uncovered’ to the public in mainstream mass media. The focus of inquiry extends beyond the official realm of memory to media representations as central aspects of contemporary manifestations of collective memory. The article intends to explore the construction of narratives, public discourse and identities that directly impact democratic practice and citizenship in the wake of the radical social and political change that Serbia has experienced in the recent past and during the Western Balkans European Union accession process. It demonstrates that the multiple (hi)stories and fractured mnemonic genealogies of Staro Sajmište produce, and are themselves produced by, the narrative of European participation and integration, in an interplay between different discursive layers, such as the national narrative, the international and European narrative and the local Jewish narrative, as well as practices of spatial reconstruction and consumerism. The article is informed by understandings of the Balkans as a space that is inside and outside Europe in many senses, traversed by flows of people, funding and ideas/imaginaries of Europe and European-ness, concretised in specific projects and the relations that constitute them.
29
Krekó, Péter. "The Birth of an Illiberal Informational Autocracy in Europe: A Case Study on Hungary." Journal of Illiberalism Studies 2, no. 1 (2022): 55–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.53483/wcjw3538.
Full textAbstract:
While the institutional aspects of the illiberal shift in Hungary since 2010 have received notable scholarly attention, less analysis has dealt with the informational aspects of this de-democratization trend. In this article, I apply the concept of “informational autocracy” to Hungary to explain the way in which the Orbán government has been able to achieve the kind of hegemonic rule in that has also helped Orbán’s Fidesz party win their fourth straight election. The article briefly explains how the Hungarian media infrastructure (the “hardware”), was built up, and what are the dominant narratives—especially the conspiracy theories—that the regime is propagating (the “software”). The efficiency of Orbán’s informational autocracy in shaping public opinion is explained through specific cases in which the government could easily shore up its popularity by manipulating information, such as during the pandemic and after the start of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. The article argues that Hungarian informational autocracy combines strategies and techniques that are imported from Western liberal democracies—with plenty of inspiration coming from the recent example of the United States, and with narratives and conspiracy theories that are imported from Eastern autocracies.
30
Dunaevskiy, Evgeniy. "ARCHITECTURAL AND CONSTRUCTIVE FEATURES OF ORTHODOX CHURCHES OF THE WESTERN UKRAINIAN DIASPORA." Urban development and spatial planning, no. 78 (October 29, 2021): 173–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.32347/2076-815x.2021.78.173-191.
Full textAbstract:
As the title implies the paper deals with the architectural and design features of the Orthodox Churches of the Western Ukrainian Diaspora, the principles of their placement in the development of cities and towns. The purpose of the publication is to study the Orthodox architecture of the Ukrainian diaspora, to determine the main stages of formation, development of Orthodox Church building outside Ukraine.
The article spotlights a number of political, economic and social circumstances that have forced many Ukrainians to travel to other countries. The four largest waves of immigration have been identified. The importance of religion in the formation of the Ukrainian diaspora, which united immigrants, helped to organize their cultural and artistic aspects of life; revive traditions; to study the native Ukrainian language and be in the circle of like-minded people. Thus, Ukrainian Orthodox church architecture developed and became outside the ethnic Ukrainian lands.
At the moment, there is a lack of sufficient scientific base that covers the sacred development of the Ukrainian diaspora, especially Orthodox church architecture. The article presents scholars who have studied the architecture, art, culture and Orthodox shrines of the Ukrainian diaspora.
The article examines countries such as Canada, the United States, Australia and Western Europe. The author identifies architectural and design features and urban planning principles based on four architectural and spatial types.
Such stylistic trends as: eclectic were common; "Citation" of a certain style of architecture or "stylization"; creative reworking of historical styles of Ukrainian architecture "stylization"; modernist-abstract, which is characterized by geometrization and continuous simplification of form. To illustrate these statements, the author of the article developed diagrams and tables.
In conclusion, the purpose and objectives of the publication based on the studied temples were revealed. About 180 Orthodox churches in Canada, 60 churches in the United States, 12 Orthodox churches in Australia and sacred buildings in Western Europe of the Ukrainian diaspora were analyzed.
31
Vergani, Matteo, and Ana-Maria Bliuc. "The Language of New Terrorism: Differences in Psychological Dimensions of Communication in Dabiq and Inspire." Journal of Language and Social Psychology 37, no. 5 (January 10, 2018): 523–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0261927x17751011.
Full textAbstract:
We investigate differences in the psychological aspects underpinning Western mobilisation of two terrorist groups by analysing their English-language propaganda. Based on a computerised analysis of the language used in two English-language online magazines circulated by Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) and al-Qaeda (i.e., Dabiq and Inspire), we found significant differences in their language—the ISIS’ language being higher in authoritarianism and its level of religiousness. In a follow-up experimental study, we found that being high in religiousness and authoritarianism predicts more positive attitudes towards the language used by ISIS, but not towards the language used by al-Qaeda. The results suggest that ISIS’ propaganda may be more effective in mobilising individuals who are more authoritarian and more focused on religion than that of al-Qaeda. These findings are consistent with the behaviour observed in recent homegrown terrorist attacks in the United States and Europe.
32
Fusco, Fabiana. "Plurilingualism and Language Contact in Friuli Venezia Giulia: The State of the Research." Quaderni d'italianistica 40, no. 1 (May 5, 2020): 165–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/q.i..v40i1.34160.
Full textAbstract:
As a crossroads between Eastern and Western Europe, throughout its history Friuli Venezia Giulia has always been a strategic political and economic site and has had several rulers (German patriarchs, Venetians, etc.). Consequently, the language of the ruling classes usually differed from that of the common people. Friulian was mostly considered the language of the lower classes and restricted to non-official and familiar circumstances. This attitude still persists today towards Italian, the official language, and some people feel uncomfortable using Friulian on official and formal occasions. Friulian speakers can, however, be considered bilingual speakers of Italian and Friulian. In fact, the use of Friulian, also in official contexts has always been an outstanding cultural and social issue which has raised very strong feelings both in favour of and against it. This essay presents and discusses plurilingualism and language contact in Friuli Venezia Giulia and focuses on the relations among the Friulian language and the other historical minorities (such as the Slovene and the German idioms) and the ‘new’ minorities (the so-called immigrant languages). It also describes the important language contact phenomena between Friulian and Italian which constitute an interesting sociolinguistic reality since the two languages are not always in opposition. The aim is to present a sociolinguistic study which wants to be a useful tool for measuring and assessing the state of languages in the Friulian community. It can also provide crucial information to those who are concerned with linguistic policy and planning, by offering hints that will enable them to develop appropriate actions within this protected territory.
33
Knyazeva, Svetlana. "THE PROBLEM OF THE EU INTEGRATION OF THE BALKAN COUNTRIES AND THE EU ENLARGEMENT IN THE CONTEXT OF THE VALUE MODEL OF THE EUROPEAN UNION." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 2 (2021): 176–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.02.08.
Full textAbstract:
The article examines a wide range of the problems associated with the boundless enlargement of the European Union which makes it possible to place the Balkans in the context of general European development. To become a member of the EU is the important goal of the post-socialist countries of the Balkans/South-Eastern Europe. Bulgaria, Romania, and the post-Yugoslavian states of Slovenia and Croatia became full members of the EU. Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, North Macedonia and Albania are still at different stages of integration into the European community. This accession is the logical completion of the processes of social, political, economic and legal transformation of the Balkan countries, in which they themselves and the European Union as a whole and its individual member states are interested for reasons of geopolitics and geoeconomics. However, the accession to Europe (or the return to Europe) of the Balkan states with their authoritarian and socialist past includes not only the reform of the economic, political and legal systems, but also a change in value orientations. While in the states of the so-called «founding fathers» of the EU a Western European corporate civic identity is being formed, in the countries of the former Eastern Europe and the Balkan region, ethnic identity remains remains largely in the mainstream of public consciousness. The author examines axiological, ideological and psychological aspects of the accession of post-socialist countries to the EU, and also analyzes specific foreign policy problems associated with this process and the role of regional international organizations in the «europeanization» of the Balkans and in the settlement of ethnic and interstate conflicts in the region that still remain acute. Negative tendencies, first of all - the strengthening of populist sentiments and the coming to power of politicians reflecting these sentiments, pose challenges and threats not only to the European Union, but also to Russia.
34
Andreev, Ivan A. "“Soft power” as perceived by foreign analysts: moving towards operationalizing the concept." VESTNIK INSTITUTA SOTZIOLOGII 11, no. 3 (2020): 143–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/vis.2020.11.3.667.
Full textAbstract:
This article is dedicated to the issue of operationalizing the concept of “soft power”, which was introduced into the discourses of social sciences and practical politics by American political analyst Joseph Nye. The main aspects of the issue are examined on the example of the widely popularized, and consequently bearing considerable political resonance, studies carried out by the British PR-agency Portland Communications, which is known for annually publishing “soft power” ratings of the world’s leading countries (the Top-30 Soft Power list), as well as analytical reports on the topic. The methodology proposed by said agency can basically be considered the first ever serious attempt at operationalizing the term “soft power”. This article comprehensively reveals the specifics of their methodology. The author describes how exactly it is constructed, while providing a detailed characterization of the indicators and sub-indicators it uses, and while showing how exactly it is used in actual research. Based on the conducted analysis, both the strong and weak points of the operationalization developed by Portland Communications are determined. In particular, the article highlights the well-known randomness when it comes to choosing indexes, defining their significance and the degree of their contribution to the end result. At the same time, the author points out the ideological nature of the methodology used by western countries to put together their “soft power” ratings. A defining characteristic of these ratings is putting emphasis on such parameters that would give western countries, especially the USA and Great Britain, the opportunity to garner the most points. Meanwhile certain vital forms of exercising soft power were not adequately represented, namely those which are not currently possessed by the US or Western Europe (for example, issues associated with the political influence of religious ideas and values were completely neglected). As a result, the trends identified based on the methodology in question appear to be rather questionable in many cases. The article also substantiates the need for developing new methods of describing and evaluating soft power, which would provide a more comprehensive and objective representation of the political experience of countries not belonging to the western world, including Russia.
35
Navickaitė, Marija. "UŽSIENIO LIETUVIŲ KORESPONDENCIJA NELEGALIOJE LIETUVIŲ SPAUDOJE XIX A. PABAIGOJE – 1904 METAIS." Res Humanitariae 30 (December 29, 2022): 253–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.15181/rh.v30i0.2464.
Full textAbstract:
At the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century, Lithuanians who had left for Western Europe and the United States were confronted with a new, modern world, where numerous diaspora centres with a press and organisations formed, and everyday life went on, relations with foreigners developed, and social activities evolved. Conflicts of a religious nature also arose, and the search for a national identity, political differentiation and other processes developed. These aspects of the new life were reflected in various forms in Lithuania as well, one of which was correspondence in the public sphere, in the press. The correspondence not only provided knowledge about Lithuanians in various countries, but also painted a picture of the diaspora and the environment in which they lived. The purpose of this paper is to find out what kind and content of correspondence by Lithuanians who emigrated to the West is found in the illegal Lithuanian press published in Lithuania Minor until 1904, and what trends in the new modern life are revealed in the content of communication from the USA, Great Britain and France.
36
Knieža, Skirmantas. "The Intrinsic and Extrinsic. Latinitas in the Research of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania." Literatūra 62, no. 3 (December 14, 2020): 93–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/litera.2020.3.6.
Full textAbstract:
This paper analyses the reception of Latin language and culture in the research of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. It focuses on the works of various disciplines – social and cultural history, literary research, art criticism, etc. – and seeks to identify the recurring themes, symbols and topics that comprise homogenous narratives and interpretations. They consolidate the findings of different fields of study and thus allow to analyse the Latinitas of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania as an integral part of the political community’s identity.The symbols of Latin language and culture can be identified as a basis for a Shift from oral to written culture. It conveys the ideas of order and organisation, as it transforms customary law into a codified one, a natural religion into that based on Scripture, etc. It alters the society as well, mainly because writing and written culture marks a shift in identity and behaviour. Also, by focusing on social and educational aspects, the Shift marks an institutional change, which permeates the developments of the state and society as a whole.The multipolar cultural field of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania is described by four cultural models – Polish, Lithuanian, Ruthenian, and Latin. The metaphor of Interaction shows how Latin culture and language is seen as one of the four ideological alternatives that legitimize the state, dynasty and sovereignty.Thirdly, the metaphor of Tension depicts Latinitas as part of the dichotomy between Eastern and Western civilizations by expressing the symbolical content of the latter. This narrative also emphasizes the internal confessional disputes inside the Western Church, and by exploiting the specific understanding of the Renaissance humanism, it becomes a means to understand sociocultural conflicts of the Early Modern state.The interpretation of Latinitas as a communication channel is nested under the metaphor of Medium. Works in this category usually portray Latin language as an expression of a social, economic, political, etc. status quo, which differs in each European state. Latin culture thus helps to articulate national interests and identity, and enables the cultural exchange among the Western countries as well.Finally, by emphasizing the poor literacy of the society and only limited possibilities to learn Latin and acknowledge its cultural code, researchers portray Latinitas as a Secret. The speakers and writers of Latin form a hermetic group, possessing the knowledge of a cultural matrix inaccessible to others. The dignity of Latin language also strengthens the status of vernacular languages, and thus accumulates the process of identity formation.These five narratives exemplify how Latinitas is embedded within the economic, political, and cultural activities of the society. It also depicts the different ways by which it becomes an integrating principle of the identity of the intellectual and political classes in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. It provides an account of Roman descent, sustains the claim for political sovereignty, and indicates the civilizing process. By adopting those five different narratives, researchers may further analyse Latinitas not only as a separate cultural layer, but as a part of social identity as well.
37
Trubina, Elena. "The Global East and the Globe." Sotsiologicheskoe Obozrenie / Russian Sociological Review 19, no. 3 (2020): 102–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1728-192x-2020-3-102-129.
Full textAbstract:
The article is a detailed response to the text by Martin Müller “In Search for the Global East”, written on the basis of the experience of a scientist specializing in post-socialist realities, and included in the global circulation of social and humanitarian knowledge. It deals with the possibility of reflection of the place of the post-socialist part of the world in the world as a whole, from the point of view of a community formed by those who live in the post-socialist space and those who explore different aspects of post-socialist life. The genealogy of discussions about the Global South and the Global North, which are fundamental for such disciplines as geography (political, economic, and human) and urban studies, as well as the formation of the conceptual link of “development = the global South” in the political history of the second half of the twentieth century and in the intellectual history of this period is discussed. It is argued that the Global South is actively discussed in the global debates of geographers, urbanists, and historians. It also occupies a prominent place in transnational, big stories about what is happening in the world, and with the world. At the same time, the post-socialist world (Müller proposes the name “Global East” for it) occupies an insignificant place in these narratives. “Development” (no matter how different and controversial it may be) in relation to that part of the “global” which is comprised from Eastern Europe, Russia, and Central Asia, is understood as a task of national governments, and which must be solved by following Western recipes. The article explains the reasons for the lack of understanding of what this region means today, as well as the difficulties of conducting and popularizing research about it, in particular, the ongoing post-colonial decentralization of the West as a privileged place of knowledge production. The conclusion of the article is that much more research is needed in which different perceptions of the global are compared, including the ones generated in/by the “Global East”.
38
Stoika, Viktoriia. "Integration of Islamic banking in the national banking sector: foreign experience." SHS Web of Conferences 65 (2019): 09004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20196509004.
Full textAbstract:
The rules of banking management in Muslim countries are based on the Sharia Law, that is, a set of rules and laws relating to the management of the economy, social, political and cultural aspects of Islamic society. Sharia Law also prohibits the conclusion of immoral transactions and endorses social justice, which is ensured through the distribution of risks and returns, and the implementation of social investment. In the context of economic globalization, this phenomenon is already quite distinguished and is considered a worthy competitor to the traditional banking system. Features of Islamic banking institutions activities become their advantages in comparison with traditional banking institutions. That is why Islamic banks have become active participants in the global financial market, despite the specific nature of their operations and the difficulties of their adaptation to international practice. Islamic banking has spread not only in the developed countries of Western Europe, but also in Central Asia. The study of the process of Islamic banks activities in the financial markets of such countries as Great Britain, Germany, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan allows us to identify two forms of their functioning: establishment of Islamic windows by banking institutions of these countries and direct entry of banks that originate from Islamic countries. The experience of the above-mentioned countries regarding the integration of Islamic banking into the national financial sector has shown, first of all, the need to develop an appropriate regulatory framework, to form an appropriate infrastructure, to conduct awareness-raising activities, to strengthen international cooperation with investor countries.
39
Klemenovic, Jasmina, and Sladjana Zukovic. "Civic education and religious education in the function of democratization of education in the Republic of Serbia." Zbornik Instituta za pedagoska istrazivanja 45, no. 2 (2013): 464–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zipi1302464k.
Full textAbstract:
Starting from the socio-political context of changes that have affected the education systems of Eastern European countries, the authors summarize the specific nature of the process of democratization of education in Europe at the turn of the century. The paper analyzes the purpose of democratization of education and of introduction of Civic Education and Religious Education classes in the education system of the Republic of Serbia, observing the idea that education may serve as a generator of social changes, and stating that school is an important support pillar in promoting and accepting the values of the community, as well as in personal growth and the development of every individual. The presented theoretical concepts are supported by the summary of results of empirical studies that have been focused on the analysis of the pedagogical aspects of the implementation of teaching these subjects at the secondary level of education from the perspective of teachers, pupils and parents. Based on the insight into the topic, the authors suggest searching for a ?common tangent? in Civic Education and Religious Education teaching process via an open and tolerant dialogue of participants of both subjects, which would enable the exchange of experiences, attitudes, and opinions of pupils, as well as coinciding and permeating of spiritual and democratic values as a foundation for further democratization of school in general.
40
Ніколенко, В. В. "V. K. Lypynsky’s sociological thought: constitutional state, hetmanat, the grainproducing class." Grani 22, no. 4 (June 26, 2019): 74–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/171945.
Full textAbstract:
The article presents the sociological aspects of the scientific heritage of V. K. Lipinsky. Emphasis is placed on the great theoretical and practical contribution of V. K. Lipinsky to the processes of creating an independent Ukrainian state. The priority attention of the scientist to the use of sociological, political, and historical methods of scientific knowledge is noted. Certain research questions that were in the center of his attention are underlined, namely: the effective construction of state institutions; consolidation and solidarity of the Ukrainian society; patriotism education; development of traditions of the Ukrainian Cossacks; compromise interaction; the social significance of common historical experience; respect for human dignity; guaranteeing the rights and freedoms of the average citizen, as well as effective local self-government, social harmony and understanding, the development of civil and military institutions. It was noted that, in the opinion of V. K. Lipinsky, the integrating function, primarily the consolidation and solidarity of various social groups of the population into the Ukrainian political nation, is able to realize with the help of the legal hetman state; national elite; Ukrainian culture; Ukrainian state language, as well as the development of a class of grain growers, that is, free, enterprising people who effectively work on their own land. The active sociopolitical activity of V.K. Lipinsky, in particular, as one of the organizers of the Ukrainian Democratic Party of grain-growers, was recorded. The functioning of the party focused on the solution of the social contradictions of the whole society, and above all the peasants. It is emphasized that the scientist was constantly looking for ways to solve the problems of the impoverishment of the Ukrainian village, the lack of effective rural education, the lack of full attention to the professional activities of the rural teacher. At the same time, the main directions of modernization of Ukrainian society are presented, taking into account the modernization experience of successful countries of Western Europe and North America. It is noted that the practical paradigm consisting of at least three phenomena has become the basis for effective transformations: 1) the relevance (dichotomy) of the economic and social; 2) internal locus of psychological control of the average citizen; 3) the presence of European emancipative values in the public space.
41
Hoffman, Lily M. "Professional Autonomy Reconsidered: The Case of Czech Medicine under State Socialism." Comparative Studies in Society and History 39, no. 2 (April 1997): 346–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001041750002065x.
Full textAbstract:
The opening of the formerly closed, state socialist societies of East Central Europe has provided the opportunity to bring new empirical evidence to bear upon models of profession-state relations developed in pluralist western societies. The classic view of Tocqueville and Durkheim has been that professions are an intermediary group linking individuals and the state. Although not always explicitly stated, this model served as the basis for scholarly work on the professions in the post-World War II period, where it (more or less) fit the image of a differentiated pluralist society. Most work on the professions was based on the Anglo-American case.But even in the United States, state support was more central to maintaining professional authority than was originally thought. Without explicitly discarding the model, Freidson (1970) introduced a distinction between corporate and technical (clinical) autonomy that provided a way out of the paradox he identified, that both aspects of professional autonomy are protected by the state. Corporate autonomy refers to the political power of the organized profession to define the social and economic context of professional work, and clinical autonomy, to the control of decision making in the workplace. Testing his hypothesis on the United States, the United Kingdom, and the Soviet Union, Freidson argued that despite differing degrees of corporate autonomy, the medical profession retained clinical control of decision making, the core of professional autonomy, even in the extreme case of the former Soviet Union.
42
OVIECHKINA, Olena. "Operating relations in the post-industrial and transitive economy." Economics. Finances. Law, no. 12/3 (December 29, 2020): 26–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.37634/efp.2020.12(3).5.
Full textAbstract:
The paper is devoted to an in-depth study of the capitalist private property of adherents of various currents and schools. It is emphasized that the internal contradictions of private property, which are concentrated in the relations of exploitation, are actively studied by the authors of neoliberalism, neo-institutionalism, and analytical Marxism. The paper shows that most of the works of Western scholars deny the phenomenon of economic exploitation in the post-industrial model of capitalism. The conclusions of domestic scholars about the absence of economic and non-economic coercion to work of hired workers in debilitated, transitive economies are criticized. Based on the theoretical analysis of works devoted to the objective study of new aspects of the relationship between employers and employees, the existence of such non-economic forms of exploitation is proven: psychological, political, axiological, social. The paper considers the main tools of non-economic exploitation, which include euphemisation and speculation in the interests, motives, feelings, consciousness, preferences and even passions of people. The consequences of euphemisation and speculation as tools of non-economic coercion to work, excessive consumption, the introduction of consumerist psychology are revealed. The economic purpose of the most popular socio-political technologies for manipulating the conscious and subconscious behavior of society, groups, individuals in the interests of the ruling classes is clarified. It is shown that these instruments of influence are actively used in various national models of capitalism. The mechanism of total manipulation of behavior, consciousness, psychology of people who are involved in the processes of production, marketing and consumption is considered. It is shown that total manipulation includes a set of non-economic forms of influence on people's decision-making, beneficial to the state, direct employers, financial and commercial structures not only nationally but also globally.
43
Drozdowski, Mariusz R. "Ruś – Ukraina, Białoruś w Pierwszej Rzeczypospolitej." Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne, no. 16 (August 14, 2019): 341–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pss.2019.16.20.
Full textAbstract:
The reviewed book is the eleventh in the series devoted to the “Culture of the First Polish Republic in dialogue with Europe. Hermeneutics of values”. This series is the aftermath of an interesting research project, whose aim is both to comprehensively present the cultural relations of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth with Europe, as well as to recognize the ways and forms of mutual communication of literary, aesthetic, political and religious values. In addition, it aims to present in a broad comparative context the structure of Early Modern culture of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Apart from the introduction, the book contains the dissertations of 11 authors originating from various scientific centers in Poland and abroad (Toruń, Białystok, Vilnius, Venice, Padua, Cracow, Poznań, Rzeszów) and representing different research specialties: philology, history, and history of art. The general and primary goal of the text it is to analyze various aspects of the Ruthenian culture of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, both in its dynamic connection with the Polish-Latin culture and the processes occurring in Eastern European Orthodoxy after the fall of the Byzantine Empire and in connection with the strengthening of the Moscow state. The key issues developed in the volume relate essentially to: values of the Ruthenian culture, some of which coincide or are identical to those recognized by Western-Polish citizens of the Commonwealth, while depend on the centuries old tradition of Eastern-Christian culture.The articles focuses on the values displayed in the Orthodox and Uniate spheres and around the polemics between them, punching with axiological arguments. The most frequently and basic problems that were raised are: determinants of identity, faith (religion), language (languages), social status, origin; the policy of rulers, the problem of ecclesiastical jurisdiction; tradition and change in culture – biblical studies, patristics, liturgy, theology; printing, translations, education; apologetics and polemics, preaching, iconography; a renewal program for the clergy that was to become the vanguard of the renewal of the entire Eastern Church; Bazylian Uniate ( Greek- Catholic) clergy: the idea of cultural integration, education, translation and publishing.
44
Mishchanyn, V. V. "Methodology of the research of the Transcarpathia Sovietization in 1944–1950." Rusin, no. 64 (2021): 223–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/64/11.
Full textAbstract:
The article analyzes the modern methodology of the Transcarpathia Sovietization research in 1944–1950. Though there are individual (N. Makara, V. Mishchanyn) and collective monogrpahs (N. Makara, R. Ofitsinsky), it is too early to speak about a serious methodological base to present the causal links of this process. A better understanding of Sovietization in Transcarpathia requires studying the historical and geographical space. A contemporary researcher should go beyond the narrowed framework of the regional approach in the study of the Sovietization in Transcarpathia and compare its post-war transformations with those in Western Ukraine, Belarus, the Baltic Republics, Central and Eastern Europe (A. Applebaum) using the methodology of comparative analysis. The epistemological approach employed by P.R. Magocsi can be used to study the historical specificity of the region with its multi-ethnicity, multiculturalism, multiconfessionality (S. Makarchuk). The Ukrainian emigration was rather critical of the post-war policy of the Soviet regime. In particular, V. Markus defines the entry of Transcarpathia into Soviet Ukraine as annexation. The Encyclopedia of Ukraine published in the 1950s and 1980s in Canada analyzes many aspects of Sovietization in the Ukrainian SSR. A contemporary researcher should clearly understand such concepts as “totalitarianism” (H. Arendt), “Sovietization”, “socialist version of modernization” (S. Gavrov), “transit”, “transformation”, etc. The article also points out some errors of scholars studying the problems of Sovietization in the region. Thus, the problem of Sovietization of Transcarpathia is still under development. Its multifaceted nature requires interdisciplinary approaches using the tools of history, economics, law, statistics, political science, social science, ethnology, and cultural studies.
45
Debicki, Bart J. "Forgotten contributions to scientific management: work and ideas of Karol Adamiecki." Journal of Management History 21, no. 1 (January 12, 2015): 40–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jmh-09-2013-0043.
Full textAbstract:
Purpose – This paper aims to present the work and contributions of Karol Adamiecki in comparison with Frederick Winslow Taylor and discusses the various contexts in which both scholars conducted their research. The purpose of this study is bring to light some of the main accomplishments of Adamiecki and contribute to the discussion of reasons why the work of some scholars draws wide acclaim, while similar work of others remains unnoticed. Design/methodology/approach – The background for the discussion is the work and ideas of Karol Adamiecki, a Polish engineer and manager, whose methods and findings were similar to those of Frederick Taylor and are contemporary, and, in some cases, precede those of the Father of Scientific Management. The methodology used in this study is a review of the original work of Adamiecki and Taylor to find the true meaning and purpose behind their writings, as well as a review of relevant literature regarding the context of the realities in which both scholars constructed their research. Findings – The concepts and inventions of Karol Adamiecki are, in many aspects, similar to those of Frederick Taylor and his followers. Several factors are identified and discussed which may have influenced the varied level of recognition of conceptually similar ideas evolved in different parts of the world. These factors are, among others, the socio-political reality of Eastern Europe and Poland under the influence of Russia and the Soviets as compared to that of the USA and the Western World and the support of various interest groups and government institutions, as well as the impact of the academic circles. Research limitations/implications – In today’s world of globalization reaching all aspects of life, it is necessary to recognize and acknowledge the developments emerging in different settings, regions and cultures. Furthermore, the social and political realities in which research is constructed may impact the future acceptance, dissemination and popularity of the findings and authors. Originality/value – Although some research exists outlining the work of Adamiecki, this study contributes to the body of historical management knowledge by focusing on the main accomplishments of Adamiecki based on his original writings and placing his accomplishments in a historical context in comparison to Taylor, thus analyzing the reasons for the lack of wider acclaim for Adamiecki’s contribution to scientific management.
46
Serzhant, Liudmyla. "Bauhaus and the Ceramic Art of the 20th Century (On the Issue of the Style Evolution of Ukrainian Porcelain and Earthenware)." Folk art and ethnology, no. 3 (July 30, 2022): 37–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/nte2022.03.037.
Full textAbstract:
An attempt is made in the article to trace the revolutionary influence of the ideological program of the German Bauhaus An attempt is made in the article to trace the revolutionary influence of the ideological program of the German Bauhaus school (1919–1932) on the art of ceramics, to show the general historical, social and political contexts, the change of the cultural and artistic paradigm in European art after the First World War and to mark some points of contact in the cultural and artistic processes of Western Europe and Ukraine in the first half of the 20th century. The purpose of this article is to highlight the history and achievements of the ceramic workshop of this school, the theoretical foundations of its activity, the highlight the history and achievements of the ceramic workshop of this school, the theoretical foundations of its activity, the organization of the educational process, which are not too well known to Ukrainian researchers. The school has practiced are volutionary method of teaching artists and designers whose task is to create a harmonious living space for a person, which contributes to the spread of functionalism. In the 1920s and 1930s the formation of a national style in the art of Ukrainian ceramics has taken place due to the interaction of two factors – the folk pottery tradition and the innovative influences of European stylistic trends. Mezhyhiria Artistic Ceramic Technical College has become one of the centers of this development. Its program is similar to the Bauhaus program in many aspects. An attempt to reveal some common approaches in the organization of work of two educational institutions and their significance in the formation of the modernist stylistics of ceramic art, in particular porcelain and earthenware of the mid-20th century is made.
47
Fomin, S. "Multi-vector Foreign Policy of Uzbekistan as an Important Means of Solving the Socio-economic Problems of the Country." Problems of World History, no. 16 (December 16, 2021): 175–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2021-16-8.
Full textAbstract:
The article elucidates the internal problems of Uzbekistan among which one should mention the problem of poverty, mass unemployment, shortage of arable land and water resources, serious ecological problems. To a high degree these problems have been caused by a rapid growth of population. Uzbekistan tries to solve these problems by means of liberal market reforms and the multi-vector foreign policy developing political, economic and trade relations at the same time with different countries, in particular with China, the USA, the EU, Turkey, South Korea, Russia and other countries-members of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). It was shown that volumes of trade of Uzbekistan with the Western countries as well as the level of Western investments remain at least now not high. The conclusion is drawn that for the USA Uzbekistan presents the interest mainly in geopolitical, military and strategic aspects, especially now after the US troops left Afghanistan. The EU is more than the USA interested in developing the trade and economic relations with Uzbekistan. The new agreement between Uzbekistan and the EU on enlarged partnership and cooperation will create more favorable conditions for economic cooperation and trade, growth of European investments into economy of Uzbekistan. Nevertheless it seems that the factor of geographic remoteness of Uzbekistan from Europe will not make it possible for the EU countries to occupy the same place in external economic links of Uzbekistan as the countries-neighbours such as China, Russia and other countries-members of the EAEU. It is shown that China is the most important trade and economic partner of Uzbekistan. China considers Uzbekistan as the important transit country with transport corridors indispensable for transportation first of all of Chinese goods to the countries of Europe and other regions of the world. The Chinese investments into economy of Uzbekistan are constantly growing. The Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), in particular Russia and Kazakhstan, is also the most important trade and economic partner of Uzbekistan. Besides, Russia is the biggest labour market for millions of Uzbek migrant workers. Within the EAEU the common labour market was created, migrant workers who are citizens of the countries-members of the EAEU enjoy the social rights of the country of stay and may freely move over territories of the countries-members of the EAEU. This fact is especially important for Uzbekistan which is interested in improving living conditions of its migrant workers. Besides, as the facts show, the economic integration within the EAEU does not prevent the governments of the countries-members of the EAEU from developing intensive political and economic relations with different countries. Taking into account the complex of acute socio-economic, ecological and demographic problems facing Uzbekistan it seems that in the future one cannot completely exclude the possibility of membership of Uzbekistan in the EAEU especially if such a membership does not prevent the Uzbek government from pursuing the multi-vector foreign policy. The parliament of Uzbekistan approved the decision to obtain the status of observer at the EAEU. The EAEU granted this status to Uzbekistan in December 2020.
48
Vaišnys, Andrius. "Transformation of Communist Media Content and Public Space According to the Discourse ‘39Pact: Exiting the “Labyrinth” as an Act of Communication." Informacijos mokslai 90 (December 28, 2020): 53–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/im.2020.90.50.
Full textAbstract:
This text is about one of the longest processes of political communication, which, decades on, influences politicians of various generations of the Central, Eastern and Western Europe, contents of media and self-awareness of the audience. The process isn’t over yet, this is obvious not only from the document adopted by the EP but also from an international political rhetoric. Analysis of consequences of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact signed on 1939 in media (D’39Pact) and related national and international decisions is the axis of information conflict between the East and the West concerning thousands of fates. Those thousands of people had and still have different historical narratives – some people justified the Pact and implemented it, others were fighting for the elimination of its consequences, yet others fell victims to it, with a death toll estimated in the millions. But not everybody’s narratives are based on true arguments.Let’s look at the way the system of propaganda collapsed and the public opinion was transformed in countries of Central and Eastern Europe in 1988-1989. Moving from a lie to (hopefully) the historical truth. Review of consequences of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact was the main axis of such transformation (protection of environmental and cultural valuables, choice of one’s viewpoint, legislative requirements and other rights were contextual aspects of this axis). During this period in the previously mentioned region the control of public space was on the decline.This view will be based on a single thematic discourse: the provision of consequences of the 1939 Treaty of Non-aggression between Germany and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and criticism in communist model media of Lithuania and neighbouring countries. It may be called D’39Pact.D‘39Pact in general has several narratives (it may also be seen from the EP Resolution), but taking into consideration the interpretation of Jurgen Habermas’s Communicative Action, the analysis of transformation of 1988-1989 two of them would suffice, one of which is that of the authorities of the USSR and the other one – that of its opponents. Let’s call opponents USSR dissidents, protestors, underground press (samizdat) and press of public movements which was published legally.Narrative of the USSR authorities: the treaty was the inevitable and no annexes (secret protocols) exist.Narrative of the opponents: based on secret protocols of the treaty, the USSR and Nazi Germany divided the countries and destroyed their political, military, cultural elite and finally – their population of various social layers.Medias, as the main participant of the public space, most clearly disclose the collision of such narratives and transformation in D‘39Pact. The purpose of the article is to discuss the circumstances of transformation of MMPT from the historical perspective and of the public space and come across the factors, which influenced the strongest role of MMPT interpretative accomplishments. Considering the way out of the “labyrinth” regarding the D’39 Pact, we see some similarities with the situation that now exists in Russia.
49
Syhyda, L., and A. Bondarenko. "World food security: current state." Galic'kij ekonomičnij visnik 71, no. 4 (2021): 151–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.33108/galicianvisnyk_tntu2021.04.151.
Full textAbstract:
Food security is directly related to nutrition and public health. It concerns the availability of food needed by people, its accessibility to consumers, including financial aspects of accessibility, the food utilization in sufficient quantity and quality to ensure full life, and stability, i.e. the ability to resist the negative changes that occur in food supply chains. Food security is a causal path that begins with production and leads to consumption, going through stages of stabilization and stress management. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to consider the essence of food security and investigate its level by the analysis of world rankings. Consequently, the Global Food Security Index, which measures the level of food security in four areas – food affordability, food availability, food quality and safety, and natural resources and resiliencies considered in this paper. According to this ranking, the first three places are occupied by the countries of Western Europe – Finland, Ireland, and the Netherlands. Except European countries, top 15 countries also include Israel, Japan, the United States of America, Canada, and New Zealand. Ukraine ranks 54th out of 113 countries. Positive changes occur only in the group «quality and safety». The rest of the groups of food security indicators for Ukraine show negative trends. In particular, in the group «food availability» indicators of «food security and access policy commitments» and «political and social barriers to access» decreased by more than thirty percent comparing with the previous year. Additionally, Global Hunger Index is considered. This index is based on four indicators – undernourishment, child wasting, child stunting, and child mortality. Despite the tendency of index improvement by the regions of the world, its value is particularly dangerous for the countries of Africa South of the Sahara, and South Asia. For Ukraine, the value of this indicator is less than 5, since 2006. This fact classifies Ukraine as a low-risk area. Accordingly, the analysis shows that currently the second goal of the Sustainable Development Plan – «Zero Hunger», is unattainable by 2030.
50
Syhyda, L., and A. Bondarenko. "World food security: current state." Galic'kij ekonomičnij visnik 71, no. 4 (2021): 151–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.33108/galicianvisnyk_tntu2021.04.151.
Full textAbstract:
Food security is directly related to nutrition and public health. It concerns the availability of food needed by people, its accessibility to consumers, including financial aspects of accessibility, the food utilization in sufficient quantity and quality to ensure full life, and stability, i.e. the ability to resist the negative changes that occur in food supply chains. Food security is a causal path that begins with production and leads to consumption, going through stages of stabilization and stress management. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to consider the essence of food security and investigate its level by the analysis of world rankings. Consequently, the Global Food Security Index, which measures the level of food security in four areas – food affordability, food availability, food quality and safety, and natural resources and resiliencies considered in this paper. According to this ranking, the first three places are occupied by the countries of Western Europe – Finland, Ireland, and the Netherlands. Except European countries, top 15 countries also include Israel, Japan, the United States of America, Canada, and New Zealand. Ukraine ranks 54th out of 113 countries. Positive changes occur only in the group «quality and safety». The rest of the groups of food security indicators for Ukraine show negative trends. In particular, in the group «food availability» indicators of «food security and access policy commitments» and «political and social barriers to access» decreased by more than thirty percent comparing with the previous year. Additionally, Global Hunger Index is considered. This index is based on four indicators – undernourishment, child wasting, child stunting, and child mortality. Despite the tendency of index improvement by the regions of the world, its value is particularly dangerous for the countries of Africa South of the Sahara, and South Asia. For Ukraine, the value of this indicator is less than 5, since 2006. This fact classifies Ukraine as a low-risk area. Accordingly, the analysis shows that currently the second goal of the Sustainable Development Plan – «Zero Hunger», is unattainable by 2030.