Journal articles on the topic 'Social classes – Majorca (Spain) – History'

Based largely on primary sources, this article concentrates on the Liberal administration led by Count Romanones between December 1915 and April 1917. This is regarded as a crucial moment in the country's transition from elite to mass politics. The social and economic impact of the First World war brought about massive economic dislocation and social distress that in turn generated unprecedented levels of popular mobilization against the regime. Intertwined with domestic uproar, the country was polarized by the question of neutrality. Alienated from the ruling classes by his pro-Allied stance, Romanones was not only the target of a fierce campaign to oust him but also presided over the acceleration of existing movements of social and political protest. At his fall in April 1917, he left behind a storm of discontent and turmoil that threatened to bring down the entire political order.

This is a study of landlordism, agricultural labourers, and the State of Andalusia in southern Spain. This region, a classical case of landlordism, deviates from the typically West European agrarian structure dominated by the family farm. Andalusia's history centers on the conflict over land between a majority of landless peasants and a minority of powerful landlords, which was one of the main causes of the Spanish civil war. This study deals with two periods covering nearly fifty years of this latifundist system and its conflictridden relations of production. It examines the freezing of the agrarian structure for nearly forty years by the dictatorship of Francisco Franco and the adaptation of social and agrarian policy for the next ten years by the socialists. In other words, this is the story of how the agricultural laborers of Andalusia were transformed in less than one-half century from “peasants without land” to “clients of the welfare state” dependent on the social policies of the state.

The very first Article of the 1931 Spanish constitution declared ‘Spain is a democratic republic of workers of all classes’ and that ‘The powers of all its organs derive from the People’. But who were those workers, those People? This populist nationalism was key in legitimizing the Second Spanish Republic and in many of its political and cultural projects, but the state did not develop a clear image of the people. This should come as no surprise, since the ‘People’ was a contested concept in the 1930s, appropriated by different political parties and groups. How were Spaniards supposed to visualize themselves then? Who embodied the Spanish nation in the 1930s, and how was it represented? In this article, I show how different social actors – the state, photographers, the illustrated press – developed varying images of the ‘People’, focused either on the rural population or urban dwellers, who were supposed to play an important role in defining the new Republican nation. These photographic representations offer a window on to the complexities of the intersection between nationalism, populism, and social and political conflict in 1930s Spain, and how the nation was built through printed culture.

The authors considered historical and topical issues of the international division of labor (MRT). The analysis and parallel of MRI data by ancient scientists, researchers, scientists and experts of the XVIII, XIX, and XXI centuries. On the example of the European Union countries Greece, Spain and Portugal, the analysis of GDP, wages and unemployment as key indicators that characterize the economy of countries is carried out. The historical «cycle» of social structures is given and the dynamics of the ratio of the upper (B), middle (C) and lower (H) classes is shown. It shows the current problems of world markets, taking into account sanctions, trade wars and the consequences of the pandemic. Prospects for the national division of labor (NDT) are defined.

Modern Mexico is the latest volume in the ABC-CLIO Understanding Modern Nations series, which aims to provide concise topical reference sources in a thematic encyclopedia format focusing on representative countries of world regions. Recent volumes in the series cover China and Spain, with forthcoming volumes planned for Japan and Russia. Each volume includes thematic chapters on Geography, History, Government, Economy, Religion, Social Classes and Ethnicity, Gender, Education, Language, Art, Music, Food, and other cultural subjects. In addition to the thematic coverage in these areas, series volumes include “A Day in the Life” of typical people in the country and appendices covering terminology, economic and social data, and a reference bibliography.

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to analyze the circumstances that have conditioned the development of education in Spain from the enlightenment to the present day. Design/methodology/approach – Multidisciplinary scientific approach that combines the interpretation of the legal texts with the revision of the doctrinal and theoretical contributions made on the issue. Findings – From the beginning of the nineteenth century, the history of education in Spain has been marked by constant fluctuations between the reactionary instincts, principally maintained by the Catholic Church and the conservative social classes, and the progressive experiments, driven by the enlightened and the liberals first, and the republicans and the socialists later. As a consequence of that, the fight for finishing with illiteracy and guaranteeing universal schooling underwent permanent advances and retreats, preventing from an effective modernization of the Spanish educative system. On the one hand, renewal projects promoted by teachers and pedagogues were inevitably criticized by the ecclesiastical hierarchy, obsessed with the idea of preserving the influence of religion on the schools. On the other hand, successive governments were weak in implementing an educational policy which could place Spain at the level of the other European and occidental nations. Originality/value – At the dawn of the twenty-first century, although the country has overcome a good part of its centuries-old backwardness, increasing economic difficulties and old ideological splits keep hampering the quality of teaching, gripped by neoliberal policies which undermine the right to education for all. The reading of this paper offers various historical clues to understand this process.

AbstractThis article explores the relation between transatlantic immigration and wealth accumulation in late colonial Mexico City, the chief destination for transatlantic emigrants from Spain. In contrast to the prevalent focus in the literature on networks and transatlantic ties, I argue that economic mobility and thus entry into the upper classes of colonial society depended on the social background of immigrants in their home regions in the peninsula. Human capital rather than social capital was the key determinant explaining why certain regional groups, notably the Basques, succeeded economically as merchants and miners, challenging traditional notions of networks and interconnectedness in Atlantic history and beyond. The findings are grounded in quantitative datasets of Spanish immigrants, overcoming both the biases of anecdotal sources and the methodological intricacy of disentangling the causal relationship between wealth accumulation and social ties.

This paper considers the reception and growth of sport in Spain in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, a period during which the new activity developed from a novelty into part of the national culture. I focus on who exactly gravitated to sport and why, to explain this growth and ground that explanation in the larger national and regional history. Several factors and early groups spurred Spanish interest in sport including the movement to ‘regenerate’ the country around the turn of the century, the support from the medical community, and organizations such as the Institución Libre de Enseñanza and the Federación Gimnástica Española. Sport was also attractive to the emerging urban, Spanish middle classes who embraced it as a form of conspicuous consumption and for whom sport served a similar social purpose as art in cities such as Barcelona. In the 1910s and 1920s, the masses also became receptive to sport and football in particular for various reasons. In particular, clubs created local identities that drew in members and allowed teams to serve as community leaders, like Athletic de Bilbao and F.C. Barcelona do today.

Background/Context Throughout history, a country's economic and military strength has influenced its times of cultural splendor and the rise of famous intellectuals and artists. Spain has been an exception to this. At the turn of the 20th century, a surprising series of events that no one could have predicted occurred. At the time, Spain had recently lost the last of its overseas colonies. A few years later, the Moroccan War was also a failure. All these events sent Spain into a state of confusion and provoked strong political tensions within the country: popular uprisings, street fights, and a general state of economic, political, and military weakness. Simultaneously, the cultural and intellectual scene developed a fascinating degree of momentum. Spain became the cradle of some of the world's foremost painters, poets, writers, and intellectuals, such as Picasso, Machado, Lorca, and Buñuel. Among them, the Catalan pedagogue Ferrer i Guàrdia (1859–1909), who was important in the libertarian tradition of popular culture, became a world figure with his educational project, the Modern School. This project was specifically aimed at the lowest social classes so that they would have access to a scientific, democratic, quality education, thereby developing their skills in a society where education was limited to the upper classes and contributing educational development to improve social conditions. Both his project and Ferrer i Guàrdia himself were persecuted and attacked until he was finally sentenced to death in October 1909. Purpose This goal of this study was to analyze Ferrer i Guàrdia's indefatigable fight for an egalitarian, high-quality pedagogical project. Specifically, the figure of Ferrer i Guàrdia was analyzed in the context of a socially and militarily decadent country, which led to his defamation, persecution, and death—in contrast with the international impact and prestige he achieved. Research Design This research was based on historical methods, specifically drawing on analyses of literature review, historical documents, books, and articles (both scientific articles and newspaper articles from the time) regarding the life and work of Ferrer i Guàrdia and the historical context in which he lived. Findings/Conclusions The article concludes with a summary of the great current value of Ferrer i Guàrdia's libertarian approach to education, which consisted of transforming education to provide high-quality learning for all regardless of socioeconomic class.

In the last years, the population in Catalonia has increased in nearly a million people due to the arrival of immigrants from outside Spain. This new situation has created a challenge for the educational system and the acquisition and use of Catalan in schools. In order to ensure that Catalan continued to be the main language in schools, the Catalan government initiated a program whose main objectives are social cohesion and providing support for the acquisition of Catalan for students who incorporate late to the educational system. The so-called aules d’acollida are classes where Catalan for academic and conversational purposes is taught to those students who do not have enough knowledge of Catalan to be in a regular class. This paper provides results on the acquisition of Catalan by the students who attended the aules d’acollida in year 2005-06. All students attending aules d’acollida in primary and secondary schools in Catalonia took two tests that evaluated the acquisition of Catalan and school integration/adaptation. The results show that a) students achieved better results in comprehension skills than in production skills, b) the fewer hours the students spent in the aules the higher the proficiency they achieved, and c) students who had a Romance language as their L1 obtained better results than student who spoke non-Romance languages.

Hydroclimatic risks and adaptive capacity are not distributed evenly in large river basins of federal countries, where authority is divided across national and territorial governments. Transboundary river basins are a major test of federal systems of governance because key management roles exist at all levels. This paper examines the evolution and design of interstate water allocation institutions in semi-arid federal rivers prone to drought extremes, climatic variability and intensified competition for scarce water. We conceptualize, categorize and compare federal rivers as social–ecological systems to analyse the relationship between governance arrangements and hydroclimatic risks. A diagnostic approach is used to map over 300 federal rivers and classify the hydroclimatic risks of three semi-arid federal rivers with a long history of interstate allocation tensions: the Colorado River (USA/Mexico), Ebro River (Spain) and Murray–Darling River (Australia). Case studies review the evolution and design of water allocation institutions. Three institutional design trends have emerged: adoption of proportional interstate allocation rules; emergence of multi-layered river basin governance arrangements for planning, conflict resolution and joint monitoring; and new flexibility to adjust historic allocation patterns. Proportional allocation rules apportion water between states based on a share of available water, not a fixed volume or priority. Interstate allocation reform efforts in the Colorado and Murray–Darling rivers indicate that proportional allocation rules are prevalent for upstream states, while downstream states seek reliable deliveries of fixed volumes to increase water security. River basin governance arrangements establish new venues for multilayered planning, monitoring and conflict resolution to balance self governance by users and states with basin-wide coordination. Flexibility to adjust historic allocation agreements, without risk of defection or costly court action, also provides adaptive capacity to manage climatic variability and shifting values. Future research should develop evidence about pathways to adaptive capacity in different classes of federal rivers, while acknowledging limits to transferability and the need for context-sensitive design.

El estado franquista, en su afán por vincularse a las épocas “gloriosas” del pasado, encontró en los castillos un argumento más para su discurso nacionalista. Esta significación simbólica se tradujo en todo un relato textual y visual que arranca de períodos anteriores, pero que cobra una nueva dimensión con la importancia económica del turismo durante la década de los sesenta. A lo largo de las siguientes páginas identificamos las claves de este discurso simbólico a través de los textos (fuentes impresas y hemerográficas) y la documentación de archivo procedente de los procesos de restauración monumental y políticas turísticas. Singular importancia tuvo el mundo de la fotografía como herramienta múltiple de identificación y vehículo de publicidad turística. Gracias a ello podemos rastrear las instituciones promotoras y las sinergias con otros agentes sociales imbricados en la dictadura. Palabras clave: historia de la restauración, historia de la fotografía, turismo, castillos, nacionalismoTopónimo: EspañaPeriodo: franquismo ABSTRACTThe Francoist state, in its eagerness to associate itself with the “glorious” times of the past, found in castles further support for its nationalist discourse. This symbolic significance translated into an entire textual and visual narrative that had begun earlier but acquired a new dimension with the economic importance of tourism during the 1960s. The following pages identify the keys to this symbolic discourse through texts (printed sources and journalistic sources) and documentation from the archives of processes of monumental restoration and tourism policies. Particular importance was attached to the world of photography as a multiple tool for identification and as a vehicle for tourist publicity. Thanks to the latter, it is possible to trace the promoting institutions and the synergies with other social agents involved in the dictatorship. Keywords: history of restoration, history of photography, tourism, castles, nationalismPlace names: SpainPeriod: francoism REFERENCIASAlares, G., Políticas del pasado en la España franquista (1939-1964). Historia, nacionalismo y dictadura, Madrid, Marcial Pons, 2017.Almarcha, E. y Villena, R., “Los castillos, ¿destino turístico?”, en De Marco Polo al low cost. Perfiles del turismo contemporáneo, Madrid, La Catarata de los Libros, 2020, pp. 69-90.— “La impresión de lo moderno. Los volúmenes provinciales de los XXV años de paz”, en XXV Años de Paz Franquista. Sociedad y cultura en España hacia 1964, pp. 271-307.— “Las tarjetas postales como registro de la memoria histórica”, La Tadeo de Arte, 5, (2019), pp. 178-203.Almarcha, E., García, M. P. y Villena, R. (coords.), Spain is different. 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Cultura visual del boom en España, Madrid, Cátedra, 2017.García, M. P., Almarcha, E. y Hernández, A. (coords.), Historia, restauración y reconstrucción monumental en la posguerra española, Madrid, Abada Editores, 2012.García, M. P., Almarcha, E. y Hernández, A. (coords.), Restaurando la memoria. España e Italia ante la recuperación monumental de posguerra, Gijón, Trea, 2010.García-Gutiérrez, J., “A propósito de paradores y de la intervención en edificios históricos en la España Contemporánea”, Estudios Turísticos, 217-218, (2019), pp. 57-65.Garris, Á., “La reconstrucción de la arquitectura militar como imagen del régimen franquista”, XVII Congreso Nacional de Historia del Arte, Atrio-U. de Barcelona-CEHA, 2017, pp. 577-590.Garris, Á., “La restauración de la arquitectura militar mudéjar bajo la bandera franquista”, XI Simposio Internacional de Mudejarismo, Teruel, Instituto de Estudios Turolenses-Centro de Estudios Mudéjares, 2009, pp. 149-160.Gómez de Terreros, M. V. (ed.), La arquitectura de las órdenes militares en Andalucía: conservación y restauración, U. de Huelva, 2011.Hernández, A., “Francisco Íñiguez Almech y Leopoldo Torres Balbás, ¿vidas paralelas?”, en Torres Balbás y la restauración científica: ensayos, Granada, Patronato de la Alhambra y Generalife / Sevilla, Instituto Andaluz del Patrimonio Histórico, 2013, pp. 449-476.Kurtz, G. y Ortega, I., 150 años de fotografía en la Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid, El Viso, 1989.Larrinaga, C. y Vallejo, R. (dirs.), Los orígenes del turismo moderno en España el nacimiento de un país turístico: 1900-1939, Madrid, Sílex, 2018.Latorre, J., Santa María del Villar. Fotógrafo turista. En los orígenes de la fotografía artística española, Pamplona, Institución Príncipe de Viana, 1998.Lavaur, L., El turismo en su historia, Madrid, Editur, 1974.Moreno, J. y Núñez, X. M. (eds.), Ser españoles: imaginarios nacionalistas en el siglo XX, Barcelona, RBA, 2013.Ordóñez, J., “Restauración arquitectónica en la autarquía. La Alcazaba de Málaga: entre la reconstrucción nacional y la escenografía historicista”, en Dos décadas de cultura artística en el franquismo (1936-1956), U. de Granada, 2001, pp. 587-616.Ortiz-Echagüe, Madrid, La Fábrica, 1998.Pack, S., La invasión pacífica. Los turistas y la España de Franco, Madrid, Turner, 2009.Paz, J., Castillos y fortalezas, Madrid, Revista de Archivos, Bibliotecas y Museos, 1914.Pérez Gallardo, H., Fotografía y arquitectura en el siglo XIX. Historia y representación monumental, Madrid, Cátedra, 2015.Pérez Garzón, J. S., “¿Qué historia aprendían ‘Los chicos del PREU’ en 1964?”, XXV Años de Paz Franquista. Sociedad y cultura en España hacia 1964, Madrid, Sílex Universidad, 2017, pp. 127-159.— “Evolución y rasgos de las historiografías de los nacionalismos en España”, en Procesos de nacionalización e identidades en la Península Ibérica, Cáceres, Universidad de Extremadura, pp. 47-74.Poutet, H., Images touristiques de l’Espagne: de la propagande politique à la promotion touristique, París, L’Harmattan, 1995.Riego, B. (coord.), España en la tarjeta postal, Barcelona, Lunwerg, 2010.Rodríguez, D. y Pérez Gallardo, H. (coords.), Mirar la arquitectura fotografía monumental en el siglo XIX [exposición, del 3 de julio al 4 de octubre de 2015], Madrid, Ministerio de Cultura / Biblioteca Nacional, 2015.Rodríguez, M. J. y García-Gutiérrez, J., “De lo inexpugnable a lo accesible. Correlación entre valores patrimoniales y turismo en los castillos de la Red de Paradores”, erph_: Revista electrónica de Patrimonio Histórico, 19, (2016), pp. 22-53.Sánchez Vigil, J. M. (coord.), La fotografía en España. De los orígenes al siglo XXI. Summa Artis, vol. XVII, Madrid, Espasa Calpe, 2001.Saz, I., España contra España. Los nacionalismos franquistas, Madrid, Marcial Pons, 2003.Shubert, A., Espartero, el Pacificador, Barcelona, Galaxia Gutenberg, 2018, .epub.Sougez, M. L. (coord.), Historia general de la fotografía, Madrid, Cátedra, 2007.Storm, E., “Patrimonio local, turismo e identidad nacional en una ciudad de provincias: Toledo a principios del siglo XX”, Hispania, 244, (2013), pp. 349-376.Vega, C., Fotografía en España (1839-2015). Historia, tendencias, estéticas, Madrid, Cátedra, 2017.Villaverde, J. y Galant, I. (eds.), ¿El turismo es un gran invento? Usos políticos, identitarios y culturales del turismo en España, Valencia, Institució Alfons el Magnànim-CSIC, 2020.Villena, R., “Envíos con sabor español. Tarjetas postales, traje y nación”, Imaginarios en conflicto: "lo español" en los siglos XIX y XX, Madrid, CSIC, 2017, pp. 79-96.Villena, R., “Una nación efímera. 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Gumersindo de Azcárate (León, 1840— Madrid, 1917) fue uno de los más influyentes catedráticos de derecho y políticos de la España contemporánea. Fue un miembro activo del denominado movimiento krausista que desempeñó un importante papel en la cultura y política española tras la revolución de 1868. Desde diferentes revistas y desde la propia Universidad defendió los principios liberales y democráticos que conducían al establecimiento de su ideal: Estado de derecho. En ese contexto apoyó la nueva constitución de 1869, que Azcárate considerará siempre un referente y el mejor código fundamental de la España moderna. Con la Restauración en 1874 de la Monarquía inspirada en el doctrinarismo francés Azcárate se mostró muy crítico y propuso dirigir la mirada hacia la constitución de Inglaterra como el modelo jurídico-político a tener en cuenta. A su juicio el sistema constitucional inglés se articulaba en torno al principio del self-goverment o soberanía de la sociedad a partir del cual se construía un régimen parlamentario democrático con una administración descentralizada, un poder judicial independiente y una opinión pública que actuaba a la vez como fuente, guía y límite de los distintos poderes del Estado. Entre 1886 y 1916 Azcárate fue Diputado en el Congreso de los Diputados por el partido republicano y se implicó activamente, como presidente del Instituto de Reformas Sociales (1903), en la mejora de las condiciones de vida las clases obreras.Gumersindo de Azcárate (León, 1840— Madrid, 1917) was one the most influential Law professor and politician in Contemporary Spain. He was an active member of the so-call krausist movement that played a major role in Spanish culture and politics after the revolution of 1868. From both, journals and University he defended the liberal and democratic principles that lead to his ideal: a rule of law. In that context he supported the new constitution of 1869, regarded by Azcárate for the rest of his life as the best one in Spanish modern history. When the Restoration took place in 1874 and a constitutional Monarchy inspired in French doctinaires’ political theory was set up, Azcárate criticised it proposing to look over the Constitution of England as a model. According to his interpretation of English constitutional system, the principle of self-government or the sovereignty of society was the key principle for building a true democratic parliamentary government based on the free association of individuals, a decentralized administration, an independent judicial power and public opinion as the very source, guide and limit of all the powers of the State. From 1886 up to 1916 Azcárate became Member of the Parliament as representative of the republican party and was actively involve in the Intitute for Social Reforms (1903) that tried to improve the condition of the working classes.

Universities have historically merited a special place in world history as the locus of science, upbringing, humanism, and freedom of expression. However, modernity is routinely putting their tenacity and toughness to test by challenges of social existence, where every individual, government and society alike are transforming faced with globalization, communicative technologies, climate change and the new type of the world economy. The Institute of International Relations is therefore seeking to reiterate the irreplaceable value, virtues and vistas of a classical university in the ever-changing world of today. Since its inception, the IIR has come a long way from a small department to the major educational and methodological centre of Ukraine for training experts in international relations and foreign policy. Nevertheless, the life in the precincts of the Institute is not confined to research in the silence of laboratories or libraries. Thus, under interuniversity agreements, the IIR cooperates with more than 60 higher educational establishments from Belgium, Canada, China, Egypt, France, Germany, Great Britain, Greece, Iran, Japan, Poland, the Republic of Korea, Spain, and the US. Within the framework of international cooperation attention is also attached to the matters of professional ethics: For four consecutive years, the IIR has taken part in the Strengthening Academic Integrity in Ukraine Project (SAIUP) under the aegis of the American Councils for International Education in collaboration with the Ministry of Education and Science of Ukraine backed by the US Embassy in Ukraine. In recent years, the Institute has set up an extensive network of international project activities, as amply demonstrated by the establishment of Ukraine’s sole Centre for Arabic Studies and the Youth Information Centre of the Ukrainian Red Cross Society. Capitalizing on the generated momentum, in 2019, the IIR won an overarching victory in the competition for the establishment of the Jean Monnet Centre of Excellence under the EU’s Erasmus + Programme to become the only such project in Ukraine. The Institute of International Relations is also mindful of employability and future careers of its graduates. Such initiatives as the Career Day, traditionally bringing together the world’s leading employers, the IIR Business School and the Memorandum of Cooperation between the Institute and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine are there to serve this purpose. Our Institute is an opportunity to open up to the world by virtue of new knowledge, academic exchange programs and internship in the best universities. This is the place not only to meet loyal friends and wise teachers, but also to unite the IIR traditions and achievements with the global perspective and break new ground of thinking. Keywords: the Institute of International Relations, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, joint degree, master classes of practitioners, case studies, language training, English-language master programmes.

Abstract The living standards of the working classes during industrialization continue to be the subject of debate in European historiography. However, other factors closely related to the institutional setting, such as the role played by social economy and the institutions for collective action, are seldom considered. This study focuses on these factors, and attempts to quantify the social impact of consumer cooperatives. We argue that these institutions substantially improved the lot of the working classes from the mid-nineteenth century onwards, helping them to increase their incomes, and access food and services, such as education and social services, which the state did not provide in sufficient measure. To demonstrate this point, we analyse thirty-five consumer cooperatives in Barcelona, an industrial centre in which these organizations were more popular than anywhere else in Spain. Our main conclusion is that consumer cooperatives increased the well-being of their members, helping them to meet their substantial calorific needs, although their diets were unbalanced and low-cost; members improved their income between five and ten per cent, by simply shopping at the institution, and gained access to basic welfare services.

AbstractCompetency-based education is one of the challenges currently faced by social science teachers. At present, there is an abundance of research on competencies relating to the social sciences which favour the development of historical thinking among learners. The ongoing training of teachers is of vital importance when it comes to shifting the method of teaching towards approaches which focus more on the learner, which favour the teaching of historical contents and competences aimed at forming a critical citizenship. For this reason, the two objectives of this study are to discover which disciplinary contents are considered by teachers to be most relevant for the teaching of history and what training is required by teachers who give social science classes in primary and secondary education in Spain. The research is a non-experimental mixed-methods study. In order to achieve the first objective, a quantitative analysis has been carried out of the data obtained from a questionnaire with a Likert-type scale administered to 332 primary and secondary teachers in Spain. To achieve the second objective, the information obtained from 12 interviews with primary and secondary school teachers in Spain has been analysed in a qualitative way. The results obtained indicate that teachers update their disciplinary knowledge via scientific journals and that they are interested in receiving training in historical thinking skills, active learning methods and ICT resources. Based on these training needs, it is concluded that teachers currently envisage a teaching model in the social sciences which is more competency-based and focused on the active participation of the learner.

Abstract Previous research has raised concerns that equity may be compromised in content and language integrated learning (CLIL) education, creating schisms in otherwise fairly egalitarian education systems. In Andalusia (southern Spain), where bilingual education has expanded, this article aims to analyze the difference between CLIL bilingual education and traditional monolingual education in terms of student equity indicators. A sample of over 3,800 students representing the four socioeconomic status (SES) levels (SES 1–4), selected by stratified random sampling, was analyzed with correlational statistics to determine their performance levels at CLIL and non-CLIL schools, according to their competence in Spanish L1, English L2, and history. Results point to certain egalitarian effects of CLIL education: while a staircase pattern is constantly present in the performance of non-CLIL students (with those from higher social classes obtaining better results), all CLIL students seem to obtain equally high results regardless of their SES.

PurposeThe aim of this article is to explain why there is a higher degree of trust in some countries compared to others – and which are the main historical factors that explain these differences. The main focus is on how governments relate to and communicate with its citizens in the times of crises.Design/methodology/approachThe analysis is based on comparative historical sociology with a modernity perspective with a special focus on Norway and Scandinavia. The authors do a parallel demonstration of history to confirm and expand the theories that could explain the high level of trust in these countries. The authors also bring in the Spanish experience in order to testify how governmental reactions affected the different levels of trust.FindingsScandinavian governments allowed open communication between different social classes on difficult and important issues, in contrast to Spain in the same period. These two factors therefore expand the understanding of the development of trust: (1) The establishment of the nation state as the organising concept and all-encompassing container of the other institutions (democracy, parliamentarism, trade unions, etc.); (2) The open hand strategy in dealing with deviant opinions, based on democratic compromises and a policing of consent ideology.Originality/valueThe article combines the understanding of the first crisis of modernity and the development of trust and contain a comparative analysis of the development of trust in four different countries. The investigation thus clarifies the correlation between specific historical factors and the levels of trust.

Wiseman, Eva. The Last Song. Toronto, ON: Tundra Books, 2012. Print. Set in Inquisition-era Spain, Wiseman tells us the story of Isabel, a young woman about to be married to a villainous young man from a wealthy and well-established Catholic family. Isabel has lived a life of privilege in the historically tolerant Spain until, in the late 15th Century, the monarchy embraces Catholicism and seeks to eradicate all other religions by any means necessary. As the Inquisition, led by the truly evil Torquemada, storms into Toledo, Isabel thinks she is impervious to the violence she passively witnesses on the streets, believing her family to be devoutly Catholic. In an unsurprising twist, we discover that Isabel’s family has converted to Catholicism from Judaism, yet surreptitiously practices their faith. Isabel does not have the crisis of conscience that one might expect, and begins to adopt Judaism immediately. Disguised as a boy, she sneaks into to the Juderia to attend Torah classes and learn about the religion she previously scorned. Although the theme of self-discovery would generally welcome such dedication, it is not written in such a way that it is compelling or believable. As her malicious fiancée, Luis seeks to destroy her family and family friends begin to abandon them, Isabel and her parents search for a means of survival in a town torn apart by hate, greed, and ignorance. The characters, even the protagonist, are static with minimal development. The majority of the Catholics are depicted as cold and heartless, while the Jews are kind and generous. Although one might assume that people in Spain were, at the time, terrified of being falsely accused of punishable crimes and therefore were predominately on the offensive, this was not explained in the book and someone unfamiliar with the time period may not arrive at those conclusions. Isabel has the potential to be a truly great protagonist, yet she falls flat. I appreciate Wiseman’s ability to build tension, however a series of contrived coincidences underpins the plot. The story tackles a brutal historical period, but does so only superficially. It gently introduces the reader to the Inquisition and to dealing with blind hate, but does not delve into the depths of the animosity that tore apart 800 years of peace. The root of the issue is barely addressed, and not in any meaningful way. An opportunity to raise awareness about this incredibly significant and tragic time was lost. After reading Wiseman’s previous novel, Puppet, I expected more from this book. It held so much promise, but failed to deliver. I would recommend this novel for early teens interested as a safe introduction into the Inquisition and the history of Judaism in Europe. Recommended with reservations: 2 out of 4 starsReviewer: Jorden SmithJorden Smith joins the team as a book reviewer. Jorden is a Public Services Librarian in Rutherford Humanities and Social Sciences Library at the University of Alberta. She is an avid fiction reader and subscribes to Hemingway’s belief that “there is no friend as loyal as a book.”

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