Journal articles on the topic 'Social change – Czechoslovakia'
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1
Kennedy, Michael D., Elaine Weiner, Jaroslav Krejci, and Pavel Machonin. "Czechoslovakia 1918-1992: A Laboratory for Social Change." Social Forces 77, no. 4 (June 1999): 1658. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3005908.
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Radvan, Michal. "Taxation in Democratic Czechoslovakia and the Independent Czech Republic." Intertax 49, Issue 8/9 (August 1, 2021): 725–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/taxi2021071.
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The taxation system in communist Czechoslovakia was based on the redistributive, regulative, and fiscal functions of taxes. After the Velvet Revolution in November 1989, it was crucial for the economy and economic development to change the tax system. To achieve this, new politicians decided for the slower transformation of Czechoslovakian tax law. Most of the tax acts that were valid in socialist Czechoslovakia remained in force after the Velvet Revolution; however, they were amended in 1990 with regard to the aim of the tax reform being prepared for 1993. In August 1992, the decision to split Czechoslovakia was announced. It was more of a historical coincidence that the independent Czech Republic’s foundation in 1993 was connected with complex tax reform. The reform’s primary aims were the link between tax revenues and gross domestic product; tax justice and fair competition; possible foreign investments and general openness to the European and international markets; elasticity and effectiveness of the tax system; and reduction of social criteria in taxation. The tax reform of 1993 in the Czech Republic is one of the most complex tax reforms globally. Most of the acts adopted at the end of 1992 are still effective. This article aims to introduce the developments in terms of taxation in democratic Czechoslovakia and the independent Czech Republic to international readers. Tax system, tax reform, Czechoslovakia, Czech Republic, Velvet Revolution, nullum tributum sine lege, income tax, property tax, VAT.
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Glenn, John K. "Modern Revolution: Social Change and Cultural Continuity in Czechoslovakia and China." Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 35, no. 5 (September 2006): 531–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009430610603500555.
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Janáč, Jiří. "Building hydrosocialism in Czechoslovakia." Global Environment 13, no. 3 (October 1, 2020): 610–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.3197/ge.2020.130305.
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Throughout the period of state socialism, water was viewed as an instrument of immense transformative power and water experts were seen as guardians of such transformation, a transformation for which we coin the term 'hydrosocialism'. A reconfiguration of water, a scarce and vital natural resource, was to a great extent identified with social change and envisioned transition to socialist and eventually communist society. While in the West, hydraulic experts (hydrocrats) and the vision of a 'civilising mission' of water management (hydraulic mission) gradually faded away with the arrival of reflexive modernity from the 1960s, in socialist Czechoslovakia the situation was different. Despite the fact they faced analogous challenges (environmental issues, economisation), the technocratic character of state socialism enabled socialist hydraulic engineers to secure their position and belief in transformative powers of water.
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Clark, Ed, and Anna Soulsby. "Privatisation in Czechoslovakia — A Case Study in Organisational Transformation during Social Change." Management Research News 15, no. 5/6 (May 1992): 48–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/eb028238.
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Šmidrkal, Václav. "A Milestone or Mistake of Progress? The Death Penalty and State Consolidation in Austria and Czechoslovakia after 1918." European History Quarterly 52, no. 1 (January 2022): 21–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02656914211066215.
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This article takes a comparative approach and deals with the issue of the death penalty in Austria and Czechoslovakia after the First World War. Whereas both successor states strived for progressive reforms that would delimit them from the discredited old regime, each of them found a different response to the experience of extreme violence and massive use of the death penalty during the First World War. While Austria abolished the death penalty by law in 1919 and anchored this abolition into its constitution in 1920, Czechoslovakia, despite expectations to the contrary, gradually embedded this punishment within the process of national state consolidation in the post-war chaos. This article argues that this difference was not only a result of an actual dominance of retentionists or abolitionists, but it had its deeper roots in the relation of the new states to the vanquished empire and the values of the regime change. Austrian Social Democrats, alongside other politicians, saw a way out of the state collapse and the post-war legal nihilism through laying down the state's new foundations and by the abolishing the death penalty, which they regarded as unjustifiable. In Czechoslovakia the death penalty was dismissed as a means of national repression under the Habsburgs but it proved useful in maintaining military discipline in the Czechoslovak Army and managing its peripheral regions where the state had little representation. It also served as a penal instrument to control the skyrocketing criminality that occurred amidst the post-war chaos. While the misery of defeat called for a fresh start in Austria, the death penalty turned out to be irreplaceable for securing the national independence and future prospects in victorious Czechoslovakia.
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Bernstein, Thomas P. "Modern Revolution: Social Change and Cultural Continuity in Czechoslovakia and Chinaby Daniel Brook." Political Science Quarterly 121, no. 3 (September 2006): 507–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/j.1538-165x.2006.tb01526.x.
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Sommer, Vítězslav. "The Economics of Everyday Life in “New” Socialism." History of Political Economy 51, S1 (December 1, 2019): 52–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182702-7903228.
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The article explores the effort by economists and economic journalists in Czechoslovakia in the 1960s to translate economic knowledge to the political language of reform communism. Czechoslovak economists aimed to cultivate public understanding of economic issues and to disseminate economic knowledge among the nonacademic public, not only through politically engaged writing in the journal Ekonomická revue, but also through research on management to change managers’ behavior, habits, and competencies. In this important communication with nonacademic recipients, experts translated their economic knowledge to the specific managerial language of advice and personal self-development. A significant part of management studies literature was concerned with capitalist economies, especially capitalist managerial praxis. It thus contributed to the social academic and journalistic genre of the 1960s that focused on exploring capitalism and the West.
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Landa, Filip. "ACTUAL CHANGES IN SYSTEM OF URBAN PLANNING IN POST-SOCIALIST CITY: THE CASE OF PRAGUE." Journal of Architecture and Urbanism 40, no. 4 (December 14, 2016): 303–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/20297955.2016.1246986.
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After the change of political system in Czechoslovakia (1989) came also a lot of social, economical and cultural changes. Today, all the Czech cities stay in front of the biggest change of city planning philosophy in last two decades. Prague, the capital city of Czech Republic, decided for a big institutional transition in 2012. The municipality, in cooperation with Faculty of Architecture CTU in Prague, is preparing completely pioneering methodology for quality commissioning of land use plans and, in cooperation with the new Institute of Planning and Development, is preparing innovative system of city planning. There are new ordinances, laws, regulations, tourist trade strategies and many other documents. Prague, as one of the strongest regions in East-Central Europe, can be seen like a laboratory of current development of post-socialist city. The new methodology of Metropolitan Plan could be a key to success.
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Blaive, Muriel. "Surveillance Society: From Communist Czechoslovakia to Contemporary Western Democracies." East Central Europe 49, no. 2-3 (October 19, 2022): 254–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/18763308-49020006.
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Abstract Surveillance was long considered one of the main characteristics of communist rule. The ubiquitous presence of the secret police and its informants, citizens who would spy on their own family, friends, and colleagues, was one trait that was considered almost consubstantial to the exercise of communist repression. The regimes paralyzed the people by mobilizing fear: fear of repression, but also fear of the West, and fear of capitalism. But the participation of large chunks of society to this control culture, as well as its high level of conformism, progressively led to the postulate that the communist domination is no more than one particular avatar of modern society. Such an approach revives the notion of individual choice and that of social actors. As dissident thinkers underlined it, it would have been enough for people to question the official dogma, by refusing to live in a lie, for the regimes to collapse. However, surveillance practices have been studied also in Western countries in the past decades. And the recent coronavirus crisis shows yet again that the use of fear in politics is not a prerogative of communist regimes only. We can observe how potent fear is, also in our democracies, as a motivator of individual behavior and extractor of conformism. The ongoing coronavirus pandemic has increased the visibility of state and corporate surveillance, yet this new reality has garnered the massive support of the wider public. In fact, it has largely been a demand on the part of a fearful citizenry, who has voluntarily complied to this new surveillance and self-surveillance model. The communist experience should warn us that surveillance leads to censorship and, even more importantly, to a change of behavior. But the current Covid situation should also lead us to reinterpret the degree of sincerity of social actors under communism: we now see that fear can lead to curtailing freedoms with the willing participation of a large part of society.
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Cox, R. H. "Creating Welfare States in Czechoslovakia and Hungary: Why Policymakers Borrow Ideas from the West." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 11, no. 3 (September 1993): 349–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c110349.
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Political change in Eastern Europe meant that a policy reform was soon to follow. The initial expectation was that reform would stem from efforts to emulate the Western democratic countries, and that policymakers in Eastern Europe would borrow from the West. In this study it was found that in Czechoslovakia policymakers were attempting to borrow policies primarily from Britain and Sweden, whereas in Hungary the primary models were Germany and Austria. An explanation for this difference is that historical similarities in social-policy development structured the choice of countries, suggesting that historical trends have persisted despite the long period of Communist rule.
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Kennedy, M. D., and E. Weiner. "Czechoslovakia 1918-1992: A Laboratory for Social Change. By Jaroslav Krejci and Pavel Machonin. Macmillan Press, 1996. 266 pp." Social Forces 77, no. 4 (June 1, 1999): 1658–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sf/77.4.1658.
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Elliott, Gregory. "Velocities of Change: Perry Anderson's Sense of an Ending." Historical Materialism 2, no. 1 (1998): 33–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920698100414185.
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AbstractIn Considerations on Western Marxism, released in 1976, Perry Anderson stated and vindicated an affiliation to the Trotskyist tradition long apparent from the pages of New Left Review under his editorship. Central to this tradition, in its orthodox forms, was a historico-political perspective which regarded the Soviet Union (and cognate regimes) as ‘degenerate’ or ‘deformed’ ‘workers’ states’ – post-capitalist social formations whose complex character dictated rejection of Stalinism and anti-Sovietism alike. In Anderson's case, this orientation received a Deutscherite inflection: abroad, no less than at home, Soviet power was a contradictory phenomenon, by turns reactionary (Czechoslovakia) and progressive (Vietnam, Angola). The potential regeneration of the Russian Revolution and its sequels, whether via ‘proletarian revolution’ from below (Trotsky), or bureaucratic reformation from above (Deutscher), remained an article of faith among Marxists of this observance to the end. Accordingly, the debacle of Gorbachevite perestroika proved a profoundly disorientating experience for many who lent little or no credence to the mendacious claims of ‘actually existing socialism'. Amid capitalist euphoria at Communist collapse, what was to be said – and done? Anderson's displaced answer was forthcoming in 1992 in ‘The Ends of History’
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Bahna, Miloslav. "Context Matters: Measuring Nationalism in the Countries of the Former Czechoslovakia." Nationalities Papers 47, no. 1 (January 2019): 2–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.21.
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AbstractThis paper compares nationalism in the two ex-Czechoslovak countries—the Czech and Slovak republics. The aim is to analyze the measurement of nationalism in the 1995, 2003, and 2013 International Social Survey Program (ISSP) National Identity surveys. According to the nationalism measures from the ISSP survey – which are frequently used by authors analyzing nationalism—both countries experienced a significant rise in nationalism in the 1995 to 2013 period. Moreover, invariance testing of the nationalism latent variable confirms the possibility of comparing levels of nationalism between Czechia and Slovakia over time. However, the associations between nationalism, as measured in the study, and concepts related to nationalism—such as xenophobia, protectionism, or assertive foreign policy—suggest that what is measured as nationalism in 1995 is very different from what is measured in 2013. This is explained by a change of context which occurred in both countries between 1995 and 2013. While answering the same question had a strong nationalistic connotation in 1995, this was not the case in 2013. Based on our findings we advise against using the analyzed “nationalism” items as measurement of nationalism even beyond the two analyzed countries.
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Rose, Richard, and William T. E. Mishler. "Mass Reaction to Regime Change in Eastern Europe: Polarization or Leaders and Laggards?" British Journal of Political Science 24, no. 2 (April 1994): 159–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400009777.
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Regime changes occur at two levels, the macro and the micro. In Eastern Europe there has been holistic change at the regime level, but at the micro level individuals can differ in their reactions, some favouring the new and some preferring the old regime, thus creating aggregates of supporters and opponents of the new regime. Combining reactions to the old and new regimes results in a typology of democrats, reactionaries, sceptics and the compliant. Nationwide surveys in Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Poland and Romania show that democrats overall are a bare majority of the respondents. If current divisions persist, then East Europeans will be politically polarized. Statistical tests of the influence of social structure and economic attitudes upon individual responses to regime change emphasize the importance of sociotropic economic assessments. But the data also show that most who do not currently support the pluralist regime expect to do so in the foreseeable future; they are laggards rather than anti-democrats. Moreover, the level of future support is so high that it is likely to be proof against fluctuations in the economic conditions of the new regimes.
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Stankovic, Biljana. "Czech family policy." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 167 (2018): 457–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1867457s.
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The paper presents the development and transformation of the Czech population policy since the 1950s. It changed from the pronatalist, carried out at a time when the Czech Republic was part of the communist Czechoslovakia, to mostly social in the time of the transition from the 1990s, and the actualization and introduction of new measures in the last decade. The measures that were defined and implemented over a certain period of time represented the state?s response to the family and reproductive behavior of the population, most often reflected in low fertility, largely determined by the current social, economic and cultural conditions. In this sense, the period of the greatest challenges came after 1989, with the transformation of the social and political system and the great economic and social changes that followed, as well as the decline in fertility to an extremely low level. At that time, family policy excluded the pronatalist incentives and benefits and only kept social measures aimed at reducing poverty and alleviating inequalities. Since the early 2000s, new measures have been defined and implemented, motivated by the need to stop and change the declining fertility trend that reached the lowest level (TFR 1.13 in 1999), by looking at the possible negative socio-economic consequences, as well as the recommendations and directives of the European Union, member of which became Czech Republic in 2004. Since 2000, the decline in fertility stopped, TFR reached 1.43 in 2011 and according to data for 2016, it was 1.63 children per woman.
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Käbisch, David, and Henrik Simojoki. "Friedliche Revolution und Religionspädagogik – Bilanz und Plädoyer für einen erweiterten europäischen Referenzrahmen." Zeitschrift für Pädagogik und Theologie 71, no. 1 (April 9, 2019): 60–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zpt-2019-0007.
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AbstractThe term “Peaceful Revolution” (“Friedliche Revolution”) means the process of social, political, and religious change that led to the end of Communist rule 30 years ago in Germany as well as other European countries such as Poland, Czechoslovakia, and Hungary. How did this turning point affect religious education of the time? And how does it affect religious education today? With regard to the papers and interviews in the present journal we argue that the Peaceful Revolution and its relevance for religious education should be examined in a European reference framework. To achieve this, we systematically extend comparative approaches by using the methods of transnational history, such as connected history and global history. Finally, the article lines out didactical consequences of this approach.
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Péteri, György. "External Politics—Internal Rivalries." East Central Europe 44, no. 2-3 (December 11, 2017): 309–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04402002.
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In this article, the author discusses two episodes in the history of Hungarian communist era social scientific research where changes occurring within the academic field had major tremors of momentous political change as their background. The first case is the breakthrough of an empiricist research program in economics in 1954–56, no doubt enabled and conditioned by the New Course following Stalin’s death. The second case is the purge in social theory and sociology (the so-called “Philosophers’ Process”) in the first half of the 1970s propelled by the conservative backlash in high politics in the wake of the Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia in August 1968. The main objective of the article is to explain the seeming paradox that in these two seemingly opposite kinds of cases (the one in the mid-1950s was about the emancipation of the field from under the yoke of Stalinist ideology, while the one in the early 1970s was undoubtedly a case of political repression) the transformation of the field was reasoned about and justified with the same positivist scientific ethos of a politically and ideologically unbiased, “value-free” science.
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Buddeus, Hana. "Enlarged Details and Close-up Views: Art Reproduction in 1930s Czechoslovakia." Artium Quaestiones, no. 33 (December 30, 2022): 61–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/aq.2022.33.3.
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Each photograph captures an artwork within a particular frame of space and time, providing a perspective that is contingent and dependent on the era the photograph was made in (Bergstein 1992). Moreover, every photograph is always embedded in specific material conditions and has its own social life (Edwards–Hart 2004). The aim of this article is to show the particularity of reproductions of artworks in 1930s Czechoslovakia and the motivations and discussions behind the extensive use of detail. I argue that the pronounced interest in close-up views is a result of a series of circumstances specific to the period. There is an important pre-condition in the development in the field of art photography and graphic design that took place in the late 1920s, bringing about an interest in sharp and faithful images and full bleed prints, as well as a recognition of the social impact of the medium. As a result, photographers, artists, art historians, and graphic designers living in Czechoslovakia also began to rethink the use of photography in the art field. This was manifested in period publications such as the well-known Fotografie vidí povrch (Photography Sees the Surface), published in 1935. In terms of art reproductions, it shows the importance of close-up views for providing an insight into individual artistic approaches and into the history of the respective artwork. The same year saw the publication of the 31st volume of the art magazine Volné směry, which enables us to follow several micro-histories that can also be applied more generally to the period discussions. As illustrated by a text by Bohuslav Slánský and the reproduced photographs of medieval panel portraits from Karlštejn Castle attributed to Master Theodoric, one of the purposes behind the commissions of enlarged photographic details of artworks were planned restorations. Moreover, examples from the photographic campaigns led by the company of Jan Štenc, the State Photo-Measurement Institute, or the project by Karel Šourek, Alexandr Paul, and František Illek (Documenta Bohemia Artis Phototypica) show that detail is generally used for showing the structure and texture of the work, for zooming in on otherwise distant works, or for the purpose of comparison. According to Volné směry editor-in-chief Emil Filla and his manifesto article “Práce oka”, the new method of working with reproductions and the frequent use of photographic detail precipitated a change in the observational habits of the audience. This intention was materialised through his long-term collaboration with the photographer Josef Sudek, who helped him show the artworks in a new light. It is evident that by the mid-1930s, the synergic work of individuals from different fields brought the use of detail in art-related publications to an unprecedented level.
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Vaishar, Antonín, and Milada Šťastná. "Sustainable Development of a Peripheral Mountain Region on the State Border: Case Study of Moravské Kopanice Microregion (Moravia)." Sustainability 11, no. 19 (October 8, 2019): 5540. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su11195540.
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The sustainability of rural areas is considered to be most threatened in peripheral, hardly accessible microregions with insufficient economical sources. The paper analyses one such rural area in the eastern part of Moravia from the viewpoint of individual economic, social, and environmental sustainability pillars. The area under study is the mountain territory on the border with Slovakia, which is under large-scale landscape protection. The area with very limited economic sources has been impacted with a change to the geopolitical situation after 1993 (from the centre of Czechoslovakia to the fringe of Czechia). It was stated that the environmental pillar is in the best of conditions; however, perhaps threatened with missing technical infrastructure in relation to the disposal of solid, liquid, and gaseous waste, the social pillar is improving in relation to the post-productive transition, whereas the economic pillar is the most fragile because of its dependence on exogenous jobs in surrounding towns. In general, the microregion seems to be sustainable at the moment. Long-term sustainability will depend on the general economic, demographic, and climatic development of the country and Europe.
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Andersen, David Delfs Erbo. "The Limits of Meritocracy in Stabilizing Democracy and the Twin Importance of Bureaucratic Impartiality and Effectiveness." Social Science History 45, no. 3 (2021): 535–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2021.15.
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AbstractTheories connecting meritocracy and democratic stability are heavily understudied, and there are few attempts to empirically disentangle the potential mechanisms. This article proposes a novel explanation, emphasizing that bureaucratic impartiality and effectiveness provide separate shields that stabilize democracies. Impartiality protects the opposition from unlawful discrimination, which raises support for democracy among the (potential) losers of elections and reduces the incentives to rebel or stage coups d’état, whereas effectiveness serves incumbent policies, which raises support among the (potential) winners and reduces the likelihood of incumbent takeovers. I find support for these propositions in comparative-historical analyses of a few paradigmatic cases—interwar Finland, Czechoslovakia, and Germany—with similar levels of economic development, imperial-autocratic legacies, and meritocratic types of administration but different regime outcomes. The results show that both impartial and effective bureaucratic behavior rather than meritocratic recruitment norms as such are important stabilizers of democracy. Yet they emphasize the importance of bureaucratic effectiveness in raising the perception that votes count to change outcomes on the ground and thus that democracy makes a difference. I argue that this should have a wider significance for the study of contemporary processes of democratic recession.
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Tkáčová, Hedviga, Martina Pavlíková, Zita Jenisová, Patrik Maturkanič, and Roman Králik. "Social Media and Students’ Wellbeing: An Empirical Analysis during the Covid-19 Pandemic." Sustainability 13, no. 18 (September 18, 2021): 10442. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su131810442.
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Various forms of social media (SM) appear to be very popular among young people because they provide information and entertainment, including a wide range of web technologies such as blogs, wikis, online social networks, and virtual networks. SM plays a huge role in the lives of children and teenagers, especially during the COVID-19 pandemic, when the computer becomes not only a means of entertainment or leisure, but also a necessary and everyday means of education and communication with other people. Thus, COVID-19 has brought a radical change, not only in the daily schedule and leisure time of pupils and students, but also in the perception of the procedures used by this specific group in the online space. Through our own research, using structured interviews and a questionnaire, we examine the use of SM as a tool to promote sustainable well-being in a group of high school students from various schools in central Slovak Republic (formerly Czechoslovakia). The research confirms that during the pandemic, the use of SM by the young respondents contributes significantly to well-being. This is the case when SM is used by high school students as a tool in promoting: (1) personal interests; (2) motivation; (3) communication and interpersonal connectivity; (4) preferred forms of online education; and (5) online games. The article presents a set of recommendations regarding the use of SM as a tool for sustaining the well-being of young people during the pandemic.
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Klyuchkovych, Tetyana. "PRECONDITIONS AND FACTORS OF THE TRANSFORMATION OF HIGHER PEDAGOGICAL EDUCATION IN THE SLOVAK REPUBLIC." Educational Discourse: collection of scientific papers, no. 7(8) (August 30, 2018): 84–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.33930/ed.2018.5007.7(8)-7.
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After changing the model of social organization in 1989, the development of Slovakia was focused on the post-socialist modernization and integration of the higher education system into the European educational space. Among the most significant objective prerequisites and factors of the macro level, which influenced the different stages of the reform, it was highlighted: the collapse of the “socialist camp” and the intensification of integration processes, the collapse of Czechoslovakia and the creation of an independent Slovak Republic (1993), European Community support for educational change in Slovakia and its accession to the EU (2004). The educational policy was also dependent on the internal political, socio-economic and socio-demographic conjuncture of the development of the Slovak society. XX - early. XXI century. It was emphasized that an important internal prerequisite for reforming Slovak pedagogical education was the need to overcome the crisis in the teaching profession. It has been established that an important factor in the transformation in the higher education system was the influence of the European community and the Euro-integration aspirations of Slovakia.
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von der Goltz, Anna. "Making sense of East Germany’s 1968: Multiple trajectories and contrasting memories." Memory Studies 6, no. 1 (January 2013): 53–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698012463893.
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This article investigates contrasting memories of East Germany’s 1968 based on a sample of six life story interviews. Given the iconic events of West Germany’s 1968, there has been a growing interest in the events happened on the other side of the Iron Curtain. In unified Germany, however, commemorations of 1968 in the German Democratic Republic have focused on a particular type of 68er biography: those who broke with the regime as a result of the Warsaw Pact’s invasion of Czechoslovakia on 21 August 1968 and chose to pursue various forms of opposition in its wake. This article lends more nuance to the subject by examining three individuals who chose this path alongside three others who followed a different trajectory. The crushing of the Prague Spring and their own imprisonment for protesting against it led the latter to shun open opposition in favour of pursuing change from within official structures. By highlighting the plurality of East German experiences and memories of this period, this article seeks to make a contribution both to the study of the international 1968 and to the thriving scholarship on how the East German past is remembered in united Germany.
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MOLNÁR D., Erzsébet, István MOLNÁR D., and Sándor DOBOS. "THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE SOVIET SYSTEM IN THE TERRITORY OF TRANSCARPATHIA (1944–1946)." Ukraine: Cultural Heritage, National Identity, Statehood 35 (2022): 146–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/ukr.2022-35-146-173.
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As noted, Transcarpathia is an administrative-territorial unit created in historical Hungary in 1919, consisting of Uzhan, Berez, Ugochan, and Maramoros counties. In the first half of the 20th century, it was part of several states: in 1919, it became part of Czechoslovakia; in 1938–1939, it returned to Hungary, and in the fall of 1944, after the Soviet occupation, it was incorporated by the Soviet Union. The authors investigated that frequent changes of power due to the peripherality of the region took place without considering the local population's opinion – as a result of the political decisions of the great states, so Transcarpathians always had to adapt to new political systems. Among the historical twists of fate for the residents, joining the Soviet Union had the most tragic consequences: until 1944, the region was a part of Central Europe, in particular the Carpathian Basin, in the social, economic, and cultural sense, but after, it became part of a dictatorial empire based on a class approach and social injustice. It was analyzed and concluded that the incorporation of Transcarpathia, with a total area of 20,000 km2, was of geostrategic importance for the Soviet authorities since, due to its geographical location, it bordered several states that were part of the Soviet bloc, and railway routes ran through it, which simplified the logistics of the USSR with them. The incorporation of the region by the Soviet Union was not legitimate at all, but the almighty Soviet leader Stalin, who influenced the politics of states in this part of Europe, made sure to maintain the appearance of legitimacy during the occupation and subsequent annexation. As a result of the political regime change, a new administrative system was implemented, the names of settlements were revised, and the ethnic composition of the region also changed. As an undoubted fact stated that for various ethnic groups living in Transcarpathia, the Soviet annexation brought a series of individual and mass tragedies, as the change of power meant not only the onset of lawlessness but also ethnic cleansing and physical destruction for tens of thousands of people.
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Simŭnkovă, Alena. "Czechoslovakia 1918–92: A Laboratory for Social Change. By Jaroslav Krejcí and Pavel Machonin. New York: St. Martins Press. 1996. Pp. xvi + 266. ISBN 0-312-12693-X." Central European History 33, no. 3 (September 2000): 438–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900003897.
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Kiliánová, Gabriela. "Scholarship and Power: “Research of the Ukrainian Ethnic Group” – An Academic Project in Slovakia Under the Communist Regime." Slovenský národopis / Slovak Ethnology 67, no. 4 (December 1, 2019): 441–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/se-2019-0026.
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Abstract This paper considers the relations between political power and scholarly activity during the period of the communist regime in Slovakia, then part of Czechoslovakia. Taking the example of a research project on the Ukrainian minority, undertaken by the Slovak Academy of Sciences during the years 1954–70, the paper traces the relationships between scholars and politicians and among academic institutions in the Czech lands and Slovakia, and the interventions by political power in academic work. The author focuses on the following questions: how did the project originate, and what were its aims and results? In what political, economic and social context did scholars undertake the project? How did the power relations between scholars and politicians develop and change in the course of the project? Why did political power intervene in research of the Ukrainian ethnic group? The paper draws upon M. Foucault’s views on the exercise of power, develops questions of the legitimacy of power (R. Barker), conceives scholarly work as an activity of a certain kind (P. Rabinow), and concentrates on the actors in power relationships, their strategies and motivations. Empirical data for the answer to research questions were acquired from archival documents about the project and from interviews with scholars who had participated in its work. The findings from analyses show what the specific possibilities and limits were for scholars functioning in the respective network of power relationships. They furthermore reveal a gamut of successful or unsuccessful strategies which scholars employed to bring about changes in the processes of the exercise of power.
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Stankov, Nikolai N. "Vlastimil Tusar’s Governments and the German Problem in Czechoslovakia (July, 1919 — September, 1920)." Central-European Studies 2020, no. 3 (12) (2021): 188–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2619-0877.2020.3.9.
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The author of this article deals the with problem of the German minority in the Czechoslovak Republic using archival and published documents and investigates the policy of Vlastimil Tusar’s two governments (the first from July 8, 1919 to May 25, 1920, and the second from May 25 till September 15, 1920). The author pays special attention to Tusar’s personal efforts in settling the German Bohemians’ problem, and to his negotiations with the leaders of German political parties, primarily with the German social democratic workers’ party in Czechoslovakia, and his efforts to reach agreements with them. The author shows the foreign and domestic political reasons that blocked the success of these negotiations. The most important of the latter were the disagreements between the Czechoslovak ruling circles and German political leaders (including social democrats) over the questions of the settlement of the Czechoslovak Republic. While the Czech politicians were trying to create “a national state”, the German leaders demanded the formation of “a state of nationalities”. The latter insisted on dividing the state on the basis of national belonging and its formation following the model of the Swiss confederation. In addition, the German-Bohemian parties demanded changes to Czechoslovak foreign policy: they were against a unilateral orientation to France and participation in any coalitions, and they were for the establishment of friendly relations with all states including Germany and Austria. It was difficult to reach a mutual understanding because the Czechoslovak political elite refused to agree that German political parties could participate in the elaboration of the constitution and other basic laws of the Republic. The author of the article considers the 1920 parliamentary elections that took place after the passing of the constitution of Czechoslovak Republic, the activity of the German political clubs in the National Assembly of Czechoslovakia, the foundation of the German parliamentary union, and the attitude of the German-Bohemian political parties to the second Tusar government. The article also deals with the relations between the Czech and German Social Democrats, perspectives on the participation of Germans in the Tusar governments, and the reasons for the resignation of the latter in September 1920. According to the author, “the Red–Green Coalition” headed by Tusar was not able to achieve international reconciliation and corroboration because there were widespread prejudices between Czechs and Germans, which were made full use of by nationalists from both sides in the course of the political fight.
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Brozovska Onderkova, Jana. "The Czechoslovak Librarianship 1945-1959." Folia Toruniensia 22 (November 9, 2022): 9–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/ft.2022.001.
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The article focuses on the transformation of the role of public libraries in Czechoslovakia in the 1950s in dependence on the political development of the country. It describes the changes of educational goals of Czechoslovak librarianship in the reporting period and methods used in educational activities. In the period after the end of WWII, Czechoslovak librarianship continued its development, especially in the legislative area, on the foundations built during the 1918–1938 period. Even in the post-war period, the General Public Libraries Act remained in force and there was a coordination center for educational activities which after the end of the war adopted its original name - Masaryk Institute of Adult Education. However, after 1945, training and public librarianship were in a completely different social and political situation. The field of adult education and the public librarianship remained priority areas of interest for political representation and individual political parties that operated in post-war Czechoslovakia. The political representation of post-war Czechoslovakia cooperated intensively with the USSR, and the left-wing ideas had very strong position in the political and public life of the state. In the first part of the article, we study the efforts of the communists in the period 1945–1948 to control the public libraries, which were one of the most important elements of the educational system and were of importance, especially in the rural environment. The second part of the article focuses on the period 1948–1959. It shows the development in the field of legislation and on the examples of the activities of public libraries, it shows how they concentrated on their main task, i.e., how they worked with the reader.
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Skilung, Gordon. "Czechoslovakia, 1918-92: A Laboratory for Social Change. By Jaroslav Krejčí and Pavel Machonin. St. Antony's Series. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1996. xviii, 266 pp. Notes. Bibliography. Index. Tables. Maps. $49.95, hard bound." Slavic Review 57, no. 1 (1998): 184–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2502065.
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Kelly, Mills. "Jaroslav Krejčí and Pavel Machonin, Czechoslovakia 1918–92: A Laboratory for Social Change. St Antony's series. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1996, 244 pp. + notes, bibliography, index. ISBN 0-312-12693-X (hard). $49.95." Nationalities Papers 25, no. 4 (December 1997): 776–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0090599200007145.
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Klaus, Václav, and Tomáš Ježek. "Social Criticism, False Liberalism, and Recent Changes in Czechoslovakia." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 5, no. 1 (December 1990): 26–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325491005001003.
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Kavan, Stepan. "Education for statehood as a fundamental element of civil defence education in Czechoslovakia in the years between 1918 and 1939." New Trends and Issues Proceedings on Humanities and Social Sciences 2, no. 2 (January 12, 2016): 98–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.18844/prosoc.v2i2.421.
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This article is a reflection of statehood education as a basic element of education. The research focuses on the period after the Czechoslovak Republic in 1918 to the time before World War II in 1939. The aim of the research is to explore the basic approaches to the implementation of education for statehood in terms of the creation of a new state in relation to civil defence education in Czechoslovakia. The comparative historical analysis will be utilized as the research method on the subject of education for statehood. The comparative historical analysis is used as a specific tool for qualitative research. This is a procedure which can be applied to the statehood issue of education to its basic elements, by which it will be possible to learn more about this phenomenon and subsequently explain it. Perceptions and ideas about the tasks of the state have gradually changed and evolved. This means the creation and development of the legal order, providing security and order within the state. Education for statehood was directed to such education and creating an environment so that every citizen, irrespective of nationality, religion, political opinion and social environment in which they live, has the physical and mental ability and willing to enthusiastically and faithfully fulfill their civic duties.Keywords: Statehood, Czechoslovak Republic, civil defence educationÂ
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Biela, Adam. "The Beginning of Agoral Gatherings in Poland and Their Macro-Systemic Political and Economic Consequences: Events of Lublin July 1980." Advances in Politics and Economics 3, no. 4 (September 23, 2020): p19. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/ape.v3n4p19.
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The aim of this study is a psychological-historical analysis of the sequence of events in recent Polish history, in which Lublin July 1980 played a key role as a mental bridge between the first visit-pilgrimage of Pope John Paul II to Poland 2-9 June 1979, and the strikes of “Solidarity”, which began in August 1980 and culminated in the signing of strike agreements with the authorities of the People’s Republic of Poland in Gda?sk, Szczecin and Jastrz?bie Zdrój. We have shown that the behaviour of the participants of the strikes in state enterprises in the Lublin region allows for their qualification as agoral gatherings, with their moral and cultural patterns rooted in the phenomena of psychosocial meetings between Poles and Pope John Paul II. We have shown that the events in Lublin have become a field for the psychosocial exploration of democratic behaviours in striking factories—in the face of the power of the totalitarian system in the People’s Republic of Poland. In this way, Lublin July 1980 became a link for social learning based on moral, patriotic and religious values—which led to “Solidarity” strikes all over Poland. These strikes were another link in the process of realization of self-determination of the Polish people as a sovereign state. The power of agoral processes created by the “Solidarity” movement in August 1980 did not manage to stifle any repressive tactics and strategies of the authorities of the totalitarian system, including the horrors of martial law in Poland. The movement applied the principle of non-violence to overcome totalitarian violence, which collapsed like a proverbial “house of cards,” first in Poland, and then throughout Central and Eastern Europe. It led to peaceful change in the psychosocial, political and macroeconomic situation of countries such as Poland, Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria, the GDR, Romania, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Russia and Albania.
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Zubko, Olha. "Strategies of everyday survival of Ukrainian emigration in the interwar Czechoslovak Republic (1918–1939)." Scientific Papers of the Kamianets-Podilskyi National Ivan Ohiienko University. History 34 (December 29, 2021): 234–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.32626/2309-2254.2021-34.234-241.
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The purpose of the study is to show the assessment of Ukrainian politicians in the interwar Czechoslovak Republic in the 1920s and 1930s of their departure abroad through the prism of everyday life. The research methodology is based on the principles of a specifi chistorical approach, problem chronological, objectivity, comprehensiveness, and integrity, as well as the use of methods of analysis and synthesis. Th e scientifi c novelty is to refl ect everyday life of Ukrainian emigration. Conclusions. The assessment of Ukrainian political exiles of their departure abroad and the expediency of their stay in the interwar Czechoslovak Republic at the level of everyday practices, in fact, depended on foreign and domestic political and economic factors. If in 1918–1921 attention to going abroad and the expediency of staying abroad was minimal, starting from 1921–1925, provided a combination of “the concept of rapid return”, “Russian aid action”, “golden years of the Czechoslovak crown” and the results of scientifi c and tech nological progress, the stay abroad of Ukrainian immigrants was assessed quite optimistically and eff ectively. Changes in emigration assessments of their departure abroad from optimistic to pessimistic began in 1925–1929: political and everyday – from the moment of the “turn” and the collapse of the “Russian aid action”, economic and everyday – from the time of the interwar Czechoslovakia with the fi rst eff ects of world war crisis and infl ation of the Czechoslovak crown. Since the peak of the economic crisis in the country fell in 1932 and thus the crisis lasted until 1935 (closing the labour market, total unemployment), Ukrainian emigrants were faced with the question of purely physical survival. It was no longer about any political, social, or cultural mani festations. In 1930, they demonstrated to Ukrainian emigrants the futility and inexpediency of their stay abroad, both by the fact that unemployment was eliminated in Bolshevik Ukraine, as well as throughout the USSR (1933), and by the fact that the Second World War “knocked” on emigrant doors (1938, the Munich conspiracy).
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Jeleček, Leoš. "Economic-Political Development and Environmental Changes in Former Czechoslovakia 1948-1989." Geografie 99, no. 2 (1994): 79–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.37040/geografie1994099020079.
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This paper outlines the recent state of environment in former Czechoslovakia on the background of some historico-geographical features. Special attention is devoted to the period 1948-1989. Main trends in unfavorable environmental changes, their political, social, and economic causes, connections and consequences are discussed. Some possible solution of the recent environmental situation are indicated.
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Myant, Martin. "Centre Periphery Relations in Czechoslovakia." Journal of Interdisciplinary Economics 4, no. 3 (April 1992): 269–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02601079x9200400306.
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Industrialisation in Czechoslovakia led to only a weak concentration of economic activity. This trend continued in the post-war years when no coherent regional policy was formulated. The form of development, and the central position of the engineering industry, led to concentration into a number of centres alongside dispersion often into very small towns. Much of the population gravitated towards small communities, often heavily dependent on a single employer. Available evidence suggests that this led to a considerable equalisation between regions, but differences persist between the Czech and Slovak parts of the republic. The locational structure has been criticised as inefficient, but the real problem is the extreme social costs associated with structural changes in the economy. Slovakia is suffering much more during the transition to a market. Past growth has created a structure within which current hardships are easily translated into conflicts between local communities and the central authorities.
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Čtrnáct, Pavel. "Geographical Aspects at the Census Data Processing to Take Place in 1991." Geografie 95, no. 4 (1990): 308–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.37040/geografie1990095040308.
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The author informs the geographers of the changes in the contents of the census prepared for 1991 due to the social development in Czechoslovakia. The paper treats, before all, of regional aspects of the census and of the possibilities of application of its results in the geographical investigation.
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Stehlík, Michal. "Czechoslovak Reality 1969–1989." Muzeum Muzejní a vlastivedná práce 56, no. 3 (2018): 24–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/mmvp-2018-0004.
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The paper puts the topic of Cultural Opposition into the historical and social context of the long twenty-year period of 1969–1989 normalization. It is devoted to the changes of the regime, the international embedding of Husák’s Czechoslovakia, the repression since the mid-1970s as well as the economic problems of the state, especially in the 1980s. Attention is paid to opposition activities and the underground movement.
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Kolbiarz Chmelinová, Katarina. "University Art History in Slovakia after WWII and its Sovietization in 1950s." Artium Quaestiones, no. 30 (December 20, 2019): 161–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/aq.2019.30.8.
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In post-WWII Slovakia, art history was available only as a university field of study at Bratislava University (in 1954 regaining its name Comenius University) at the Seminár pre dejiny umenia / Seminar of Art History, a separate part of the Faculty of Arts of the university, where art history had been taught as an independent discipline since 1923 before its conversion to a department. Post-war changes in state structures and the new political system radically affected Slovak society and the education system in the country. This article is the very first attempt to present in detail the extent and character of changes in university art history instruction in the part of the socialist era of the Czechoslovak Republic. It is based on the study and comparison of previously unprocessed sources from various university and state archives and their classification in the context of known historical facts. This contribution represents an in-depth probe into the post-war efforts to build a new university foundation and system of art history instruction in Slovakia within the Czechoslovak Republic, and its Sovietization as well. The text analyzes the university environment, the curriculum, the study program of art history and the relevant changes resulting from political pressure from 1945 to 1960. They were the consequence of two directly related, significant moments in the history of Slovakia: the establishment of the Third Czechoslovak Republic in 1945 and the communist coup in 1948, which was followed by the most totalitarian period in the history of the state. The article also discusses the personal changes in the art history staff forced by the political situation (J. Dubnický, V. Wagner, V. Mencl, A. Güntherová-Mayerová, R. Matuštík, T. Štrauss, K. Kahoun). After a brief presentation of the situation in Czechoslovakia at the time, the article first deals with the ad hoc activities and efforts of scientists seeking to maintain art history studies in Slovakia at the university level immediately after the end of the war. The central issue in the article is the changes in the way of teaching resulting from the political upheaval in February 1948. Against the background of political and social changes, the new law on higher education (Act No. 58/1950), which forces significant organizational transformations, is discussed. As part of the process of Sovietization of university education in Slovakia, the modified Seminar of Art History lost its independent status for a long time, and its staff was largely replaced. At the same time, throughout this period, there was a visible tendency to stabilize the teaching system and attempts to become independent again and to develop discipline, undertaken contrary to the imposed system. The 1950s, with their new rhetoric and propaganda optimism, appear to be a decade devoid of internal consistency. It started the most totalitarian period, which lasted until Stalin’s death in 1953, but was followed by a short thaw and then by a new wave of repression after 1957, which chose victims even at the beginning of the next decade. The article focuses on two sides of the 1950s – centralization and the dominant ideological control of the Communist Party, on one hand, and on the other, the obvious effort to unify and professionalize the teaching of the discipline. The factual material presented here shows the scale of changes interpreted in the context of the political and social changes of that time. The case study provides an analysis of system efforts made in the 1940s and 1950s to establish new principles of university teaching for the history of art in Slovakia as part of the Czechoslovak Republic. It aims to broaden the factual basis and existing overview of knowledge of art history in Slovakia and supplement existing studies on the history of art history in the country (J. Bakoš, I. Ciulisová, B. Koklesová).
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Campbell, Michael Walsh. "Keepers of Order? Strategic Legality in the 1935 Czechoslovak General Elections." Nationalities Papers 31, no. 3 (September 2003): 295–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0090599032000115501.
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Konrad Henlein founded the Sudeten German Heimatfront (SHF) in October 1933 and in less than a year and a half it would become the largest party in the First Czechoslovak Republic. This achievement is all the more remarkable in light of the initiative undertaken by the Czech and German Social Democrats, as well as the Communists to have the SHF banned in the year before the elections. This initiative would most likely have succeeded had the matter not been referred to Czechoslovakia's ailing President, Tomáš Masaryk. After the state had banned both the Sudeten German Nazi and Nationalist parties on account of their alleged ties to Hitler, Masaryk concluded one month before the 19 May 1935 general elections that the SHF should be allowed to campaign.1 Masaryk, however, mandated that the Heimatfront must change its name to the more democratic “Sudeten German Party” (SdP). Despite the specter of a ban that still haunted the party in the month before the election, the SdP succeeded in transforming itself from a political pariah into a majority German party by using the legal protections and security forces of Czech democracy to wage a legalistic campaign against the state. In light of this stunning success, how then did the party leadership perform this act of political alchemy and what strategies did it deploy in campaigning against the state?
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Kovalev, Mikhail. "Soviet-Czechoslovak Intellectual Relations in the Context of Scientific Diplomacy of the Cold War (the Problems of Study)." ISTORIYA 13, no. 12-1 (122) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840023785-2.
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The development of Russian-Czech and Russian-Slovak scientific relations has a long history. Their content changed depending on the political context. In the 20th century these relations acquired a new dimension, directly related to the profound historical transformations experienced by both countries. The author of this article sets himself a difficult task: to outline the prospects for studying Soviet-Czechoslovak scientific contacts in the light of new approaches, to identify some relevant areas of possible research. The author demonstrates the importance of comparative studies of the phenomenon of “socialist science” based on archival materials. Using specific examples, he outlines the importance of studying the social practices of Soviet and Czechoslovak scientists in a comparative manner, including on the basis of multi-level communications. The socio-cultural dimension of Soviet-Czechoslovak scientific communications will make it possible to better understand the peculiarities of the work of scientists in the conditions of social transformations and upheavals of the second half of the 20th century, their moral and psychological state, social status, and worldview.
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Gyurcsik, Iván, and James Satterwhite. "The Hungarians in Slovakia." Nationalities Papers 24, no. 3 (September 1996): 509–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999608408463.
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The situation of Hungarians in Slovakia since 1989 has developed in the context of the political and economic transitions of the region: from post-totalitarian states towards pluralist democracies, and from centrally-planned economies toward market systems. In addition, the end of Czechoslovakia as a united entity on December 31 1992, has directly affected the Hungarian nationality. These political, economic and social changes have had a direct impact on their situation in Slovakia.
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Fialová, Ludmila. "Changes of Nuptiality in Czech Lands and Slovakia, 1918-1988." Journal of Family History 19, no. 2 (June 1994): 107–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/036319909401900206.
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During the period between the World Wars differences in the age at first marriage and proportions married in the Czech and Slovak areas of the Czechoslovak Republic showed the two to be distinct regions. In the post-World War II period, however, differences in both measures have diminished and have almost disappeared, suggesting homogenization of demographic behavior. Current ages at first marriage have fallen to the levels-interwar demographers believed to be conducive to family instability.
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Kára, Jan. "General Circumstances of the Future Development of the Czechoslovak Settlement System." Geografie 95, no. 2 (1990): 81–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.37040/geografie1990095020081.
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The aim of the paper is to present the main general circumstances which are expected to influence the future development of the settlement system in Czechoslovakia. The paper treats of the spheres of economy, planning, political aspects and social consciousness. At the same time, however, it stresses the fact that the changes in general will have to face the inertia of the settlement system given by the present life cycles of demographic as well as material structure in the area under study, by local and regional patriotism, etc. In the conclusion some tendencies of the geographical research are mentioned which could successfuly react to the changes in general circumstances and other conditions.
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Raboch, Jirí. "Psychiatry in the Czech Republic." International Psychiatry 3, no. 2 (April 2006): 41–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/s1749367600001612.
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The profound political, social and economic changes that occurred after the end of communist rule in Central Europe in 1989 had a profound influence on Czech psychiatry. In the socialist Czechoslovakia the healthcare system was fully owned, financed and organised by the state, in so-called regional institutes of healthcare. These had obligatory catchment areas of about 100 000 inhabitants and comprised in-patient as well as out-patient care facilities, including psychiatry. The main trends after 1989 were decentralisation of the healthcare system, rapid privatisation, especially of out-patient services, and financing through the newly established health insurance corporations.
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Laclavíková, Miriam, and Michal Tomin. "Adoption (Successful Unification of Adoption Law in Interwar Czechoslovakia)." Krakowskie Studia z Historii Państwa i Prawa 15, no. 2 (June 30, 2022): 325–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844131ks.22.022.15725.
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The study analyses the Hungarian and Austrian adoption laws that inspired lawmakers of the Czechoslovak Act No. 56 of 1928 Coll. As the Hungarian and Austrian laws, the Czechoslovak Act of 1928 on Adoption recognised adoption as a contract to ensure an heir. It advocated compliance with the principle adoptio naturam imitatur. Therefore, it helped to improve the social and legal position of abandoned and neglected children. For lawmakers, the primary inspiration source was the Austrian General Civil Code (ABGB). Nonetheless, several provisions of the ABGB were identical with the Hungarian customary law, court practice, and office practice. Adopters had to be childless, older than forty years of age, and a minimum of eighteen years older than the adoptees. Married persons could adopt only with the consent of their spouses (in this, the influence of the ABGB was the strongest). Contrary to ABGB, but under the Hungarian court practice, was the possibility for a man to adopt his illegitimate biological child. It was possible to adopt majors as a limitation to the principle adoptio naturam imitatur. Adoption was a contractual relationship. It established a relation only between the adopter and adoptee, while the relationships of the adoptee with the birth family continued. For instance, if the adopter failed in his duty to aliment the adoptee, the biological father had a supportive legal obligation to pay alimony. The main goal of the adoption process was to produce an heir. For this reason, we can conclude that the interests of adopters prevailed over the interests of adoptees. It changed radically after 1949, and the most important in the adoption process has become the best interest of the child.
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Kuskova, Petra, Simone Gingrich, and Fridolin Krausmann. "Long term changes in social metabolism and land use in Czechoslovakia, 1830–2000: An energy transition under changing political regimes." Ecological Economics 68, no. 1-2 (December 2008): 394–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ecolecon.2008.04.006.
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Fedorchak, Tetiana. "Political transformations in the Czech Republic after the “Velvet revolution”: a retrospective approach." Mediaforum : Analytics, Forecasts, Information Management, no. 8 (December 28, 2020): 148–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mediaforum.2020.8.148-164.
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Using a retrospective approach, the author explores the changes that took place in Czechoslovakia after the 1989 «velvet revolution». The article emphasizes that the «velvet revolution» later grew into a national revolution and led to the emergence of two new nation-states; into a political revolution that destroyed the authoritarian regime and contributed to the emergence of new democratic political institutions; in the economic revolution, during which the mechanisms of a market economy were created in the Czech Republic and Slovakia. The country made a simultaneous transition from dictatorship to democracy, from a command economy to a free market and to a nation state. Despite such a difficult situation and a large number of tasks, Czechoslovakia was able to eliminate the totalitarian legacy, solved the transformational tasks and problems of the division of Czechoslovakia into two sovereign states. In the Czech Republic, the classical political mechanisms of a democratic civil society had already been established in the 1990s and first, a multiparty political system. New democratic election laws laid the groundwork for a competitive multi-party system and political pluralism. The 1993 Constitution of the Czech Republic legislated a new political system for a democratic society, which was to be based on the voluntary creation and competition of political parties, who respect fundamental democratic principles and deny violence as a means to an end. The «velvet revolution» caused a sharp rise in civic activity. On the eve of the first parliamentary elections in 1992, more than 140 political parties and right-wing and left-wing social movements were registered in the CSFM. This was the peak of the quantitative growth of the number of political parties at the stage of building civil society.
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Bucur, Maria. "Women and state socialism: failed promises and radical changes revisited." Nationalities Papers 44, no. 5 (September 2016): 847–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2016.1169263.
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Imagine all history written as if all people, even women, mattered. Until a couple of decades ago, that was at most an aspiration for those of us working on East European history. Since then, however, and especially with the fall of Communism, feminist scholars have made significant inroads toward achieving this goal. This review essay reflects on the contributions made by five such studies that focus on different aspects of women's lives under state socialism in Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, the German Democratic Republic (GDR), Poland, and Romania. In one way or another, each author asks similar questions about the relationship between the Communist ideological emphasis on gender equality as a core moral value, on the one hand, and the policies and actions of these regimes with regard to women, on the other hand. Moreover, all studies focus on how women themselves participated in articulating, reacting to, and in some cases successfully challenging these policies. In short, they present us with excellent examples of how pertinent gender analysis is for understanding the most essential aspects of the history of Communism in Eastern Europe: how this authoritarian regime transformed individual identity and social relations.