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1
Jendeya, Hadil. "A Corpus–assisted Critical Discourse Analysis of Exclusion Strategies in Political Newspaper Articles: The March of Return in Gaza." International Journal of Linguistics, Literature and Translation 5, no. 4 (April 12, 2022): 155–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/ijllt.2022.5.4.19.
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This study examines if there is a favored linguistic exclusion strategy in Arabic and English newspaper articles reporting on the March of Return in Gaza and explores their potential impacts on the readers' minds. Ten newspaper articles were collected; five articles are in Arabic, each is from a different Arab country, while the others are the top-selling five newspapers in the UK. Data were analyzed by observing the linguistic structures and the representations of social actors from the CDA perspective adopted by Theo van Leeuwen and using two built corpora to calculate the frequencies of the exclusion linguistic structures found. The findings showed that Arabic and English newspaper articles used linguistic exclusion strategies differently to serve specific functions, such as: excluding the social actors involved in the case of the March of Return in Gaza, driving the reader's attention to the other social actor to view him as a victim or the party who abuses power, hiding or protecting the excluded social actor or driving the reader's attention to the event rather than the action.
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Kaiser, Jonas, Markus Rhomberg, Axel Maireder, and Stephan Schlögl. "Energiewende’s Lone Warriors: A Hyperlink Network Analysis of the German Energy Transition Discourse." Media and Communication 4, no. 4 (August 11, 2016): 18–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v4i4.554.
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This paper explores the integration of different social fields within the German Energy Transition (Energiewende) discourse in the election year 2013 by analysing the hyperlink structures online. Energiewende describes the fundamental transition from non-renewable energy to sustainable sources. This goal is both ambitious and controversial. Numerous stakeholders try to make their voices and interests heard and as such politics has to both disseminate and collect information in order to include all relevant groups from different social fields in the political process. This discourse is also visible online. By analysing the hyperlink structures we are able to see the attention distribution of different actor groups in the network. This study shows that most actors tend to link within their own social field and do not aim for a more integrated public sphere. Especially political actors appear to be lone warriors who neither look left or right and mostly link within their own party and ignore other actors. Whereas social field as the media or public administration are relevant within the network we find that scientific actors are ignored by all fields, except for their own.
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Russo Spena, Tiziana, and Mele Cristina. "Practising innovation in the healthcare ecosystem: the agency of third-party actors." Journal of Business & Industrial Marketing 35, no. 3 (November 23, 2019): 390–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jbim-01-2019-0048.
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Purpose Over recent years, few industries have seen such dramatic changes as the healthcare industry. The potential connectivity of digital technologies is completely transforming the healthcare ecosystem. This has resulted in companies increasingly investing in digital transformations to exploit data across channels, operations and patient outreach, by building on a practice approach and actor-network theory and being informed by service-dominant logic, this study aims to contribute by advancing the agential role of third-party actors to prompt innovation and shape service ecosystems. Design/methodology/approach This research is grounded in an epistemological contextualism. To gain situated knowledge and address the role of context in knowledge, understanding and meaning the authors adopted a qualitative methodology to study actors in their different contexts. The empirical research was based on case theory. The authors also took guidance from practice scholars about how to investigate actors’ practices. The unit of analysis moves from dyadic relationships to focus on practices across different networks of actors. Findings This study expands on the conceptualization of triad as proposed by Siltaloppi and Vargo (2017) by moving from the form of triadic relationships – brokerage, mediation and coalition – to the agency of e-health third-parties; and their practices to innovate in the healthcare ecosystem. This study focuses on the actors and the performativity of actions and grounding the conceptual view on an empirical base. Practical implications Third-party actors bring about innovative ways of doing business in the healthcare ecosystem. Their actions challenge the status quo and run counter to long-time practices. Third-parties support the complex set of interconnections between different healthcare actors for the provision of new service co-creation opportunities. Considering how these e-health third-parties performs has implications for health managers, patients and other actors. Originality/value This study focuses on the actors and the performativity of actions and grounding the conceptual view on an empirical base. The agency of third-party actors is their ability to act among others and to connect multiple social and material structures to boost innovation. They prompt innovation and shape service ecosystems by brokering, mediating and coalescing among a great variety of resources, practices and institutions.
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Arwani, Agus. "Profesi Akuntan Syariah Indonesia Memasuki Masyarakat Ekonomi Asean (MEA)." Muqtasid: Jurnal Ekonomi dan Perbankan Syariah 7, no. 1 (June 1, 2016): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.18326/muqtasid.v7i1.163-184.
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Accountants are the actors who contribute to the establishment andimplementation of accounting as a structure. On the other hand theconsequences of the application of modern accounting shows the impact ofa less than satisfactory. Facts show the number of accounting manipulationscandal that hit the company’s financial statements and the low awarenessof their social responsibility and the environment implies that very largechanges in accounting principals. Accounting reality is part of how accountants take on the role. Deviations reality always brings accountants as party central is how actors and structures form mutually met. Habitus actor ‘’ greedy ‘’ met with accounting (capitalism) as a structure that legitimize it. In reality accountant (agent) looks so lost in the shackles of capitalism, so the agency theory in the form of a conflict of interest, it seems to shift the basis of mutual symbiosis between the interests of management and accountants. Accountants must be returned khittah her as a sovereign profession, he is an ideologue as Rausyan Fikr. All forms of deep-an accountant in worship, glorify the ‘’ number ‘’ in the sense of making all tasks as tasks (treatises) ‘’ prophetic ‘’ to map the right stakeholders fairly and correctly. This can only take place within the awareness frame of the Godhead (fervently) to put God at the summit toward accountability. Readiness accountant sharia in entering the MEA in 2016 with preparing the capabilities and expertise of sharia-based accounting standards IFRS, Accounting Sharia must understand the risks of sharia, sharia accountingshould be standardized SDI International, science and technology capabilitiesaccountant sharia be reliable
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Tasente, Tanase. "Facebook Discourse Analysis of US President Donald Trump." Technium Social Sciences Journal 5 (February 20, 2020): 26–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v5i1.179.
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SNSs, such as Facebook, focus all their attention more on politician communication than institutional communication (political party, government, parliament, presidency, etc.), which encourages the implementation of communication strategies for personalized campaigns. Thus, most of the times, one can reach the paradox that the image of the politicians is more visible than the image of the party, and the personalized aspects of the strategy of the political actor can even contradict the strategies of the communication structures of the political parties. Personalized communication in social media is also highlighted by the use of tagging, most political leaders using this tool to create image links with other political personalities or civil society (ministers, political groups of the same political party, political activists or even political opponents), seeking so that the original post is reproduced and disseminated by those mentioned, in their social groups, forming conversation communities with users that confirm existing convictions. This study focused on analyzing the Key Performance Indicators (KPIs) that facilitate Social Media Communication of Donald Trump, the President of United States of America (number of fans, types of posts, interactions etc.) and analyzing Donald Trump's Facebook speech and identify the most commonly used expressions in Social Media during the term of President. The monitoring period is 20.01.2017 - 16.08.2019.
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Popescu, Ionit. "Facebook Discourse Analysis of US President Donald Trump." INFLUENCE : International Journal of Science Review 2, no. 1 (April 25, 2020): 21–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.54783/influence.v2i1.99.
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SNSs, such as Facebook, focus all their attention more on politician communication than institutional communication (political party, government, parliament, presidency, etc.), which encourages the implementation of communication strategies for personalized campaigns. Thus, most of the times, one can reach the paradox that the image of the politicians is more visible than the image of the party, and the personalized aspects of the strategy of the political actor can even contradict the strategies of the communication structures of the political parties. Personalized communication in social media is also highlighted by the use of tagging, most political leaders using this tool to create image links with other political personalities or civil society (ministers, political groups of the same political party, political activists or even political opponents), seeking so that the original post is reproduced and disseminated by those mentioned, in their social groups, forming conversation communities with users that confirm existing convictions. This study focused on analyzing the Key Performance Indicators (KPIs) that facilitate Social Media Communication of Donald Trump, the President of United States of America (number of fans, types of posts, interactions etc.) and analyzing Donald Trump's Facebook speech and identify the most commonly used expressions in Social Media during the term of President. The monitoring period is 20.01.2017 - 16.08.2019.
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Rovny, Jan, and Stephen Whitefield. "Issue dimensionality and party competition in turbulent times." Party Politics 25, no. 1 (January 2019): 4–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068818816970.
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We start from the premise that the content of political competition is regularly remade by shifting contexts and by the strategic activity of political actors including parties. But while there are naturally thousands of potential issues on which politics can be contested, there are in practice and for good reasons ways in which structure and limits come to reduce the competition to more cognitively manageable and regularized divisions—in short, to issue dimensions. It is highly timely to return to these questions since, we argue, the social, political, and economic turbulence of recent years raises the possibility that the ideological structure of how parties present themselves to voters may be radically shifting. The papers in this special issue, therefore, each tackle an important aspect of the shifting character of the issues that underlie party competition in various European settings. In this article, we provide an overview of the relevant “state of the art” on issue dimensionality and how the subject is situated within the broad framework of understanding party competition.
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Mitrakhovich, S. P. "Interaction of Party Structures of The EU and the Russian Federation in a Discourse of the Russian Left Forces on the Example of “A Just Russia” Party." Humanities and Social Sciences. Bulletin of the Financial University 9, no. 4 (December 4, 2019): 83–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.26794/2226-7867-2019-9-4-83-87.
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The article using “A Just Russia” case deals with the party strategies of the Russian left political forces for the creation of the relations with party structures of the European Union. Similar party strategy is at the same time a part of domestic policy and development of the Russian political processes, and at the same time, they are a part of the relationship with the European Union which is built up by Russia. Consequently, that is de facto a part of foreign policy activity. The novelty of the research consists in a combination of the research approaches used in a “partology” while considering a party to be a rational actor acting in conditions of a country political environment and the research approaches accepted in modern European studies. Parties act as internal political players, but at the same time and as contractors of foreign elite, in this case — party elite of the European Union, members of party groups of European Parliament, party Internationals, “the European parties” (earlier known under the term of “party at the European level”). From the Russian parliamentary political forces of several last electoral cycles “A Just Russia”, using a discourse of modern socialism, could establish more actively than others cooperation with European left, including influencing adoption of significant decisions in the EU, for example, on reform of the EU Gas Directive and the Third Energy Package of the EU. The party, through the prism of socialist ideology, is trying to bring together certain positions of the party elites of the Russian Federation and the EU, bringing differences on social avant-garde and identity politics out of the brackets. Therefore, it focuses recently on the problems of sanctions issues, considering its communication with the Party of European socialists and socialist groups in the European Parliament as another potentially popular diplomatic track for the country.
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Martin, Cathie Jo, and Duane Swank. "Gonna Party Like It's 1899: Party Systems and the Origins of Varieties of Coordination." World Politics 63, no. 1 (January 2011): 78–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887110000298.
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This article explores the origins of peak employers' associations to understand why countries produce highly centralized macrocorporatist groups, weaker national associations but stronger industry-level groups, or highly fragmented pluralist associations. The authors suggest that the structure of partisan competition played a vital causal role in the development and evolution of these peak associations. The leadership for peak employers' association development came from business-oriented party activists and bureaucrats, who sought both to advance industrial development policy and to solve specific problems of political control. Business-oriented party leaders and bureaucrats in both predemocratic and democratic regimes feared the rising tide of democracy and labor activism and viewed employer organization as a useful tool for political control, to secure parliamentary advantage, and to serve as a societal counterweight to working class activism. Because leadership for association building came from the state, the political rules of the game were crucial to outcomes. The structure of party competition and state centralization shaped incentives for strategic coordination for both political actors and employers. Dedicated business parties were more likely to develop in countries with multiparty systems and limited federal power sharing than in countries with two-party systems and federalism: in a multiparty context where no single party was likely to gain power, each party had an incentive to cooperate with other social groups. Moreover, business-oriented party leaders and bureaucrats in multiparty systems were motivated to delegate policy-making authority to coordinated societal channels for industrial relations, because they anticipated that employers would win more in these channels than in parliamentary settings where the center and left could form a coalition against the right. Again, centralized party systems were more likely than federal ones to develop a dedicated national business party that transcended regional cleavages and to retain a strong role for the state in the governance of industrial relations.
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Ecker, Alejandro. "Estimating Policy Positions Using Social Network Data." Social Science Computer Review 35, no. 1 (August 3, 2016): 53–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0894439315602662.
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Social network site (SNS) data provide scholars with a plethora of new opportunities for studying public opinion and forecasting electoral outcomes. While these are certainly among the most promising big data applications in political science research, a series of pioneering studies have started to uncover the vast potential of such data to estimate the policy positions of political actors. Adding to this emerging strand in the scholarly literature, the present article explores the validity of (individual) policy positions derived from the social network structure of the microblogging platform Twitter. At the aggregate party level, cross-validation with external data sources suggests that SNS data provide valid policy position estimates. In contrast, the empirical analysis reveals only a moderate connection between individual policy positions retrieved from the social network structure and those retrieved from members of parliament individual voting record. These results thus highlight the potential as well as important limitations of SNS data in indicating the policy positions of political parties and individual legislators.
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Truong, Nhu. "OPPOSITION REPERTOIRES UNDER AUTHORITARIAN RULE: VIETNAM'S 2016 SELF-NOMINATION MOVEMENT." Journal of East Asian Studies 21, no. 1 (March 2021): 117–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jea.2020.43.
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AbstractCivil society actors collectively organized online and offline to nominate themselves and oppose the Vietnamese Communist Party in the 2016 legislative election. The level of opposition coordination among these independent self-nominees exceeded and qualitatively differed from previous atomized attempts in the 2011 election. External shifts in the political opportunity structure offer only a partial explanation for the increased coordination among independent candidates in Vietnam's 2016 self-nomination movement. In this article, I theorize that it is the combination of both opportunity structure and overlapping linkages across spheres of social contention and civil society, all accumulated from a prior history of protests and activism, that provide the conditions for the emergence of independent self-nominees and opposition coordination in single-party-elections. In Vietnam, a cumulative process of participation in social contention and civil society organizations during 2011 to 2016 allowed actors to develop linkages that strengthened their repertoires of contention and resonant frames of collective action. These linkages, combined with favorable political opportunities, effectively facilitated greater mobilization and coordination among independent self-nominees in the 2016 election.
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Ficara, Annamaria, Giacomo Fiumara, Salvatore Catanese, Pasquale De Meo, and Xiaoyang Liu. "The Whole Is Greater than the Sum of the Parts: A Multilayer Approach on Criminal Networks." Future Internet 14, no. 5 (April 20, 2022): 123. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/fi14050123.
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Traditional social network analysis can be generalized to model some networked systems by multilayer structures where the individual nodes develop relationships in multiple layers. A multilayer network is called multiplex if each layer shares at least one node with some other layer. In this paper, we built a unique criminal multiplex network from the pre-trial detention order by the Preliminary Investigation Judge of the Court of Messina (Sicily) issued at the end of the Montagna anti-mafia operation in 2007. Montagna focused on two families who infiltrated several economic activities through a cartel of entrepreneurs close to the Sicilian Mafia. Our network possesses three layers which share 20 nodes. The first captures meetings between suspected criminals, the second records phone calls and the third detects crimes committed by pairs of individuals. We used measures from multilayer network analysis to characterize the actors in the network based on their local edges and their relevance to each specific layer. Then, we used measures of layer similarity to study the relationships between different layers. By studying the actor connectivity and the layer correlation, we demonstrated that a complete picture of the structure and the activities of a criminal organization can be obtained only considering the three layers as a whole multilayer network and not as single-layer networks. Specifically, we showed the usefulness of the multilayer approach by bringing out the importance of actors that does not emerge by studying the three layers separately.
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Piantini, Marco. "Forza Italia und PDS als zentrale Akteure des italienischen Parteiensystems." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 25, no. 98 (March 1, 1995): 35–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v25i98.968.
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The Partita Democratico della Sinistra (PDS) and Forza Italia are the main actors of the Italian party system. Compared to the slow development of political culture of the PCI and its organizationaland social change, the rapid rise of Berlusconi's Forza Italia is characterized as a polyform structure. The hegemony of the Right is not only due to the power of the media but is also an expression of the structural and cultural changes in capitalist states in general and specific Italian factors. Forza Italia represents a modern version of the 'privatization of politics' and is a substitute for a non-existent conservative party.
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Windzio, Michael. "The “Social Brain,” Reciprocity, and Social Network Segregation along Ethnic Boundaries." Human Nature 31, no. 4 (December 2020): 443–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12110-020-09382-5.
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AbstractHow does segregation along ethnic boundaries emerge in social networks? Human evolution resulted in highly social beings, capable of prosociality, mindreading, and self-control, which are important aspects of the “social brain.” Our neurophysiologically “wired” social cognition implies different cognitive goal frames. In line with recent developments in behavioral theory, the present study defines network ties as episodes of social exchange. This dynamic definition can account for shifts in goal frames during an exchange episode: whereas deliberate choice and hedonic or gain goals drive the initiation of a tie, given the opportunity structure, the normative goal frame activates a strong dynamic effect of reciprocity, which limits actors’ choice set and appears as “self-organization” at the network level. Longitudinal analyses of 18 birthday party networks comprising 501 students support the definition of network ties as exchange episodes, as well as the relevance of humans’ inherent tendency to reciprocate. However, reciprocation is much stronger in dyads of the same ethnicity than in dyads of different ethnicities. Network segregation along ethnic boundaries results from deliberate decisions during the initiation of an episode, but also from different commitments to reciprocity during the ongoing exchange process, depending on intra or interethnic dyadic constellations.
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Lami, Roland. "IDEOLOGY OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN ALBANIA." Knowledge International Journal 28, no. 6 (December 10, 2018): 2033–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij28062033r.
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In this paper, ideological confusion is explained based on the structural-functionalist perspective. Analysis of the phenomenon in question focuses mainly on the interdependence created between the “deeply-social” factors of and political discourse. This analysis is undertaken to better understand the circumstances that condition political parties on representing social categories in different social contexts and on showing the implications of political identity building based on the type of discourse used by the political actors. For this reason, while Almond (1968), Easton (1865), Luhmann (1981) analyze the ideology, they pay attention directly to the way of society structuring, and not as much to the political discourse. According to them, no partial aspect of social life and no isolated phenomenon can be understood unless it is linked with historical integrity and social structure conceived as a general unit. In this study, macro analysis focuses on the identification and treatment of several important indicators in terms of influences in structuring the political identity as important elements even for the empirical testing to the solutions this paper proposes. In this article the political discourse of Democratic Party and Socialist Party is analyzed in three different time periods, 1992 - 1996, 1997 - 2001 and 2002 - 2012. In the first period, on the one hand, the government of the right wing undertook many structural reforms, while on the other hand it does not neglect social assistance for certain groups affected by these reforms. During this period, the Socialist Party is focused more on dealing with itself in terms in order to break with the past than to create a particular profile in an ideological sense - in relation to the opponent. This approach makes political parties differ little from one another. The only difference between them in this period is the discourse: “anticommunism” and “antiberishism”. Democratic Party refers to the origin of Socialist Party to attack it for its relation with the past, while Socialist Party denounces the whole Democratic Party for its leadership qualities. More specifically, each attitude of SP in opposition was labeled as a reminiscence of the former Labour Party, while for the SP every each attitude of the government manifested authoritarian, provincial and tribal tendencies of Berisha.
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Young-Jung, Kim, and Moon Seong-Gin. "The Policy Networks of the Korean International Migration Policy: Using Social Network Analysis." Korean Journal of Policy Studies 36, no. 3 (September 30, 2021): 137–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps36302.
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This research adds value to the extant international migration policy studies by placing a greater focus on the ‘processes’ of the Korean international migration policy changes. Specifically, this study pays special attention to policy networks in the process of adopting ing the Employment Permit System for Foreigners (EPSF), one of the most important policy changes in Korean international migration policy history. On the basis of the Advocacy Coalition Framework, this research examines the policy network structure that describes the relationships between policy actors at network levels. The results found that the communication network is more hierarchical than the relational network at the global network level, a government-led advocacy coalition was influential in advocating EPSF at the coalition network, and the coordinating role of policy actors such as Office for Government Policy Coordination and New Millennium Democratic Party was significant in the policy process at the egocentric network level.
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Wonka, Arndt, and Sebastian Haunss. "Cooperation in networks: Political parties and interest groups in EU policy-making in Germany." European Union Politics 21, no. 1 (September 17, 2019): 130–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116519873431.
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Political actors cooperate with each other to share resources and to organize political support. In this article, we describe and explain such cooperative behavior in European Union policy-making by analyzing the information networks that parliamentarians of the Bundestag entertain with other party politicians and with interest groups. First, we describe whom parliamentarians cooperate with to receive policy information. Subsequently, we identify different types of cooperation networks. Differences in the structure of these networks point to a political division of labor inside political parties which is driven by the need to organize political support in policy-making. Finally, we test the explanatory power of individual attributes, institutional positions and (shared) political interests to account for the structure of parliamentarians’ cooperation networks. While formal positions and party ideology generally shape parliamentarians’ cooperation, their relative importance varies across different types of networks. The article contributes theoretically to informational theories of interest group politics and to the literature on national legislators’ behavior in EU policy-making.
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Yuen, Samson, and Edmund W. Cheng. "Deepening the State." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 53, no. 4 (December 1, 2020): 136–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/j.postcomstud.2020.53.4.136.
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United front work has long been an important tool through which the Chinese Communist Party exercises political influence in Hong Kong. While existing works have revealed the history, actors, and impact of united front work in this semiautonomous city, few studies have focused on its changing structure and objectives in the post-handover period. Using publicly available reports and an original event dataset, we show that united front work has involved a steady organizational proliferation of social organizations coupled with their increasingly frequent interaction with the mainland authorities and the Hong Kong government. We argue that united front work has become more decentralized and multilayered in its structure and that its objective has been shifting from elite co-optation to proactive countermobilization against pro-democracy threats. Our findings indicate that state power in post-handover Hong Kong does not solely belong to governmental institutions; it is increasingly exercised through an extensive network comprising multiple state and social actors.
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Vandevoordt, Robin. "Eroding Rights, Crafting Solidarity? Shifting Dynamics in the State–Civil Society Nexus in Flanders and Brussels." Social Inclusion 7, no. 2 (June 27, 2019): 106–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v7i2.2010.
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In 2015, hundreds of new civil initiatives emerged to provide stopgap help to refugees arriving in Belgium. This article zooms out from this moment of solidarity and explores the broader socio-political conditions that allowed these initiatives to emerge and, in some cases, solidify into professional service-providers or powerful political actors. The article focuses on two case studies, one in Flanders and one in Brussels. In Flanders, the Hospitable Network brings together local civil initiatives which have drawn upon the networks and skills of senior citizens with considerable experience in civic associations, NGOs and social movements. While these initiatives have partly filled the gaps that were created by a series of neoliberal reforms in Flanders’ citizenship regime, the same neoliberal outlook has prevented these initiatives from being institutionalised. In Brussels, the Citizen Platform for the Support of Refugees has mobilised largely among the city’s super-diverse population. The Platform’s development has been shaped by Brussels’ continuing attractiveness to immigrants, as well as by the city’s complex governance structure, which has provided it with both material support and increasing opposition. As a result, the Platform has become a highly visible political actor offering partly professionalised support to refugees.
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Kohno, Masaru. "Rational Foundations for the Organization of the Liberal Democratic Party in Japan." World Politics 44, no. 3 (April 1992): 369–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010543.
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Over the last two decades there have been numerous changes in the organization of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) in Japan. The pattern of factionalization has changed significantly in terms of the number of competing major factions, the average size of their membership, and their internal structure. Moreover, a new set of institutionalized norms, such as the seniority and interfactional balancing principles, has emerged to govern organizational processes within the LDP. The conventional approach in the literature on Japanese politics, which focuses on factors unique or distinctive to Japanese history, culture, and social behavior, cannot adequately explain these recent changes in the LDP. This paper proposes an alternative, rational-choice explanation based on the standard microanalytic assumptions. More specifically, it argues that the pattern of the LDP's factionalization is primarily determined by the electoral incentives of two sets of rational actors, LDP politicians and LDP supporters, operating under institutional constraints, such as electoral laws and political funding regulations. It also argues that the organizational norms originate in the promotion incentives of the LDP politicians whose strategies are influenced by the uncertainty in the dynamics of the interfactional political process.
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al Attar, Mohsen. "Reframing the “Universality” of International Law in a Globalizing World." McGill Law Journal 59, no. 1 (October 23, 2013): 95–139. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1018986ar.
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In this essay, I highlight the historical use of notions of universality and objectivity in international law to advance First World economic interests, primarily through the codification of conditions that sustain ongoing Third World dispossession. I argue that these interests have taken on a transnational character and are being pursued through an elaborate network of meta-regulatory regimes beneficial to an emergent transnational capitalist class. These regimes are used to diffuse neoliberal economic reform on a global scale, resulting in the embedding of various neoliberal precepts both in legal machinery and in social meaning. Finally, I suggest that while instances of resistance are observable, critical international legal jurists appear ambivalent in their efforts at crafting proposals for reform of the global legal order. While some champion a type of global legal pluralism that would recognize the legitimacy of lawmaking as executed by non-institutional actors, many remain perplexed as to how we might reconcile the pursuit of a universally and objectively just order in a pluralist, subjective, and highly stratified world. I conclude by applying Nancy Fraser’s “political dimension of justice” to conceptualize and structure more representative participatory transnational lawmaking processes, the kind that would promote both parity of participation and actor subjectivity, and possibly further the cause of global justice.
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Abduljaber, Malek, and Ilker Kalin. "Globalization and the Transformation of Political Attitude Structures at the Party Level in the Arab World: Insights from the Cases of Egypt and Jordan." Societies 9, no. 1 (March 22, 2019): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc9010024.
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In this paper, the outline, design, and findings of an ongoing research project on the effects of globalization on the transformation of political ideology in the Arab world at the political party level are presented. It is argued that globalization has altered the dimensionality, type, and structuration of political ideology in the Arab world. The structure of preferences among political actors in the region shifted from a unidimensional one in the post-independence era to become multidimensional in the contemporary period, defined by high rates of economic, cultural, and political globalization. Arab political parties no longer organize their platforms based on the Islamic–liberal, Islamist–secular, or cultural divides. An economic values-based dimension has emerged to divide party programs, adding a second, distinct and statistically independent dimension to the already existing classic church versus state cleavage. Further, a new family of Islamist parties has emerged due to the economic, cultural, and political gains from globalization. This project argues that globalization causes political ideological shifts in attitudes through formulating new groups, schedules of preferences, and political/economic opportunities. This research contributes to the ongoing debate on the influence of globalization and any other social transformation process on changing political actors’ preferences across time and space.
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Barberá, Pablo. "Birds of the Same Feather Tweet Together: Bayesian Ideal Point Estimation Using Twitter Data." Political Analysis 23, no. 1 (2015): 76–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpu011.
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Politicians and citizens increasingly engage in political conversations on social media outlets such as Twitter. In this article, I show that the structure of the social networks in which they are embedded can be a source of information about their ideological positions. Under the assumption that social networks are homophilic, I develop a Bayesian Spatial Following model that considers ideology as a latent variable, whose value can be inferred by examining which politics actors each user is following. This method allows us to estimate ideology for more actors than any existing alternative, at any point in time and across many polities. I apply this method to estimate ideal points for a large sample of both elite and mass public Twitter users in the United States and five European countries. The estimated positions of legislators and political parties replicate conventional measures of ideology. The method is also able to successfully classify individuals who state their political preferences publicly and a sample of users matched with their party registration records. To illustrate the potential contribution of these estimates, I examine the extent to which online behavior during the 2012 US presidential election campaign is clustered along ideological lines.
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Zehendner, Axel Georg, Philipp C. Sauer, Patrick Schöpflin, Anni-Kaisa Kähkönen, and Stefan Seuring. "Paradoxical tensions in sustainable supply chain management: insights from the electronics multi-tier supply chain context." International Journal of Operations & Production Management 41, no. 6 (August 5, 2021): 882–907. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijopm-10-2020-0709.
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PurposeManaging supply chains (SCs) for sustainability often results in conflicting demands, which can be conceptualized as sustainability tensions. This paper studies sustainability tensions in electronics SC contexts and the related management responses by applying a paradox perspective.Design/methodology/approachA single case study on the electronics SC is conducted with companies and third-party organizations as embedded units of analysis, using semi-structured interviews that are triangulated with publicly available data.FindingsThe study identifies tension elements (learning, belonging, organizing and economic performing) conflicting with general social–ecological objectives in the electronics SC. The results indicate a hierarchal structure among the sustainability tensions in SC contexts. The management responses of contextualization and resolution are assigned to the identified tensions.Practical implicationsFraming social–ecological objectives with their conflicting elements as paradoxical tensions enables organizations and SCs to develop better strategies for responding to complex sustainability issues in SC contexts.Originality/valueThe study contributes toward filling the gap on paradoxical sustainability tensions in SCs. Empirical insights are gained from different actors in the electronics SC. The level of emergence and interconnectedness of sustainability tensions in a larger SC context is explored through an outside-in perspective.
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Tjon Soei Len, Lyn K. L. "Hermeneutical Injustice, Contract Law, and Global Value Chains." European Review of Contract Law 16, no. 1 (April 7, 2020): 139–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ercl-2020-0008.
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AbstractGlobal value chains (GVCs) resist dominant contract framing, because presumptions about contract’s bilateral structure and party autonomy fail to capture the complex interconnections between private exchange relations. Contract law seems to obscure, rather than capture, the ways in which the relationships and experiences of various actors in GVCs are linked. This article argues that, in doing so, contract law contributes to systemic hermeneutical injustice. Systemic hermeneutical injustice captures how shared interpretative resources can render those in disadvantaged positions of social power unable to make intelligible that what is in their interest to render intelligible. The article’s primary aim is to show how this form of injustice bears on contract law and how it can function as an independent normative constraint on the institution of contract law.
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Timoshenkova, Ekaterina. "GERMAN DEVELOPMENT POLICY: MAIN OBJECTIVES, PRINCIPLES AND STRUCTURE." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 23, no. 5 (October 31, 2021): 109–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran52021109118.
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The Federal Republic of Germany plays not only a leading role in the EU, but is also a global player with interests around the world. At the same time, the FRG has succeeded in establishing itself as an «honest broker» and mediator in international conflicts. Its image as a democratic state under the rule of law with a developed social system and a stable economic development model is attractive to many countries, including «developing» ones, which aspire to cooperate with Germany and are guided by its experience and recommendations. The German Development Policy is an important instrument of soft power, which is used not only for humanitarian purposes, but also to meet specific economic and political objectives. Thanks to its effective development policy, Germany manages to maintain contacts with representatives of various political elites, even if relations with the official government deteriorate. Non-governmental organizations play a major role in promoting German interests. Moreover, an outside observer might get the impression that it is these organizations that largely determine the development policy of the Federal Republic of Germany. In order to understand how this foreign policy mechanism functions, what its strengths are, and what role the state and civil society actors (NGOs, party-political foundations, charities, etc.) play in development policy, it is necessary to analyze the structure, goals and principles of German development policy. This article is devoted to this question.
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Bratton, Michael, and Nicolas van de Walle. "Neopatrimonial Regimes and Political Transitions in Africa." World Politics 46, no. 4 (July 1994): 453–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2950715.
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This article proposes revisions to the theory of political transitions by analyzing patterns of recent popular challenges to neopatrimonial rule in Africa. The approach is explicitly comparative, based on contrasts between Africa and the rest of the world and among regimes within Africa itself. Arguing against the prevalent view that transitions unfold unpredictably according to the contingent interplay of key political actors, the authors contend that the structure of the preexisting regime shapes the dynamics and sometimes even the outcomes of political transitions. They find that in contrast to transitions from corporatist regimes, transitions from neopatrimonial rule are likely to be driven by social protest, marked by struggles over patronage, and backed by emerging middle classes. Following Dahl, the authors compare African regimes on the basis of the degree of formal political participation and competition allowed. They find that regime variants—personal dictatorship, military oligarchy, plebiscitary one-party regime, and competitive one-party regime—are associated with distinctive transition dynamics. Whereas transitions from military oligarchies are typically managed from the top down and are relatively orderly, transitions from plebiscitary systems often occur discordantly through confrontational national conferences. A consolidated democracy is least likely to result from the abrupt collapse of a personal dictatorship and is most likely, though never guaranteed, from a graduated transition from a competitive one-party regime. In general, getting to democracy is problematic from all regimes that lack institutional traditions of political competition.
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Mitrofanova, A., and O. Mikhailenok. "Right Wing Populist Civic Movements: Western Experience and the Situation in Russia." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 3 (2021): 120–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-3-120-129.
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The article aims at identifying the characteristics shared by the right-wing populist civil movements of Western Europe and the USA and evaluating the possibility to use them for researching right-wing nationalist organizations in Russia. The movements selected for the comparison range from party-like electoral actors to unorganized protesters. They include as follows: The Five-star Movement (Italy), PEGIDA and the like (Germany), the English Defence League (the UK), the Tea Party Movement (the US). The authors identified several interrelated characteristics shared by these movements: (1) dealing with local, usually social, issues, (2) network-like structure of autonomous local groups building the agenda from below, (3) ideological ambivalence leading to replacing ideology with subculture, (4) digitalization of activism. Although in Russia there are no civic movements structurally or functionally identical to Western right-wing populists, the authors demonstrate that local social issues and civic responsibility have become important topics for some Russian nationalists (right-wing radicals) since the mid 2000s. The trends of deideologization and dealing with non-political local issues are researched mainly on the example of the “Frontier of the North” (Komi Republic). The authors conclude that some of the radical Russian nationalists are gradually declining their own independent agenda, following local protests instead. This opens up the possibility for right-wing organizations to become local civil society institutions and to participate successfully in local elections, similar to the “electoral break-through” of right-wing populists in the West. Although it is too early to speak about the deideologization of Russian nationalism, the article suggests that some nationalists are ready to mitigate ideological tensions to secure expanded social support. At the moment, nationalist organizations in Russia remain frozen between right-wing radicalism and emulating Western right-wing populism.
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Stausberg, Michael. "Distinctions, Differentiations, Ontology, and Non-humans in Theories of Religion." Method & Theory in the Study of Religion 22, no. 4 (2010): 354–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006810x531139.
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AbstractThis essay has four main parts. (1) Reviewing previous theories of religion, it suggests that it may be helpful not to conflate, a priori, the notions of (the) religious on the one hand and religion\s on the other, and that it may be useful to explore concepts such as (the) sacred and transcendence as independent yet related to the business of theorizing religion. (2) Distinguishing social/cultural from biological/genetic evolution, it outlines the occurrence of three processes/stages of the evolution of religious affairs and religions(s), here called attributive, structural, and functional differentiation respectively. While the first two processes/stages occurred in the remote and ancient past respectively, the third process/stage is typical of modernities and has by now globalized. (3) The article argues that recent criticisms of the validity of the category of religion are informed by a reverse sui generis approach characterized by a tacit claim that religion is an anomaly, by virtue of its supposedly being inherently different from similar concepts. The article suggests that John Searle’s philosophy may throw light on the mode of existence (ontology) of religion as an example of social and institutional reality, as an intentionality- and observer-relative yet real and empowering structure. (4) In the final section, the article engages some lines of thinking of Bruno Latour’s interpretation of Actor-Network-Theory, in particular the category of non-humans and the importance of things (objects) for social reality, including religion.
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Harsanto, Budi, and Chrisna Permana. "Understanding Sustainability-oriented Innovation (SOI) Using Network Perspective in Asia Pacific and ASEAN: A Systematic Review." JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) 7, no. 1 (August 2, 2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.21512/jas.v7i1.5756.
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Sustainability-oriented innovation (SOI) is particular type of innovation that is not only economically oriented, but also environmental- and social benefits-oriented. SOI is now being widely discussed due to the increasing environmental and social problems that accompany various innovations around the world. In this paper we conducted a systematic review of empirical literature regarding SOI in the Asia Pacific region, which were discussed through network perspectives. For network perspectives, researchers focused on process view to explain how SOI is mobilised and practised throughout different social, institutional, and political contexts. We chose the Asia Pacific as the context because the region is the most dynamic part of the global economy, with ASEAN being the prominent parts of it. In conducting the review, we used the Tranfield, Denyer, & Smart's protocol (2003) to ensure its rigorousness. The search focused on the academic database of Scopus with specific inclusion and exclusion criteria. The results show that SOI has been rapidly developing into practices in countries in the Asia Pacific, not only in profit sectors, but also in non-profit sectors such as government and community. Our review emphasised that actor-network theory (ANT) emerged as the currently most adopted framework to explain the dynamics process of SOI mobilisations and practices in the Asia Pacific region. ANT frameworks contribute to defining the structure of SOI networks as well as identifying social, institutional, and political challenges of SOI implementation. Regionally, the focus of the study so far is in North America (US and Canada), while studies in ASEAN are still very limited.
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Özdikmenli, İlkim, and Şevket Ovalı. "A success story or a flawed example? The anatomy of the Turkish model for the Middle East." New Perspectives on Turkey 51 (2014): 5–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600006701.
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AbstractThis article argues that it is fallacious to promote the Turkish democratic experience under the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) as a model for the emerging Arab democracies. Despite the early political reformism of the AKP, an empirical analysis of the government’s recent crackdown on basic rights and freedoms demonstrates that the “Turkish model,” defined as a marriage of Islam and liberal democracy, cannot respond to the demands of Arab reformers. In this regard, the article falls into three sections. In the first section, assets of the “Turkish model” according to various actors are examined, which casts doubt on the emancipatory discourse underlying the promotion of the model. The second section proposes the term “leader democracy”—or, more specifically, “Erdoğanism”—as a way of denoting the governmental structure of Turkey as of early 2014. The final section depicts the current Turkish democracy in terms of the state of checks and balances and of basic political and social rights.
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Valantiejus, Algimantas. "Alfredas Schützas ir atviri fenomenologinės sociologijos horizontai: intersubjektyvumo konstitucija ir orientacija Tavęsp." Sociologija. Mintis ir veiksmas 31, no. 2 (January 1, 2012): 24–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/socmintvei.2012.2.392.
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Santrauka. Šio straipsnio tikslas – eksplikuoti fenomenologinės sociologijos ir socialinių mokslų metodologijos tarpusavio ryšius, detalizuoti fenomenologo Alfredo Schutzo įnašą į sociologijos teoriją ir bendrąją socialinių mokslų metodologiją, identifikuoti konstitucinės natūraliosios nuostatos fenomenologijos skiriamuosius bruožus ir teminius analizės lygmenis, o kartu panagrinėti potencialias fenomenologinės sociologijos radimosi Lietuvos socialinių mokslų kultūroje sąlygas ir aplinkybes. Teigiama, kad svarstant šiuos klausimus svarbu atsižvelgti į trinarę analitinę perskyrą tarp filosofijos, sociologijos ir kultūros. Trinarė analitinė perskyra padeda suprasti Schutzo pastangas artikuliuoti gyvenimo-pasaulio tipizacijų, relevantiškumo ir prasmės adekvatumo kriterijus, leidžia griežčiau apibrėžti fenomenologinės socialinės teorijos radimosi, tiksliau, at-minimo sąlygas ir principus.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: konstitucinė natūraliosios nuostatos fenomenologija, Alfredas Schutzas, socialinė teorija, fenomenologija Lietuvoje, trys relevantiški socialinio veiksmo horizontai – filosofijos, sociologijos ir kultūros.Key words: a constitutive phenomenology of the natural attitude, Alfred Schutz, social theory, phenomenology in Lithuania, the three relevant horizons of social action: philosophy, sociology and culture. ABSTRACTALFRED SCHÜTZ AND THE OPEN HORIZONS OF PHENOMENOLOGICAL SOCIOLOGY: THE CONSTITUTION OF THE INTERSUBJECTIVE STRUCTURE, AND THE THOU-ORIENTATIONThe aim of this essay is to articulate and explicate the relations between sociological theory and the phenomenological approach. This is done in two parts: the first looks at Schutz’s attempts to articulate a constitutive phenomenology of the natural attitude; the second explicates the methodological postulates formulated by Schutz for the construction of social scientific constructs. It is suggested that the nature of the conventional sociological inquiry in Lithuania must be reconsidered if the subjective view of actor is to be retained as relevant to both philosophical and sociological inquiry.
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Repovac-Niksic, Valida, Jasmin Hasanovic, Emina Adilovic, and Damir Kapidzic. "The social movement for truth and justice - pragmatic alliance-building with political parties in Bosnia and Herzegovina." Filozofija i drustvo 33, no. 1 (2022): 143–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid2201143r.
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Protests among citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina are becoming more frequent. Most often, their aim is to decry the dysfunctionality and opacity of the government, which are the result of the ethno-political structure created by the Dayton Agreement, but also a trend towards democratic regression and autocracy. A number of authors have tackled the ?JMBG? protests of 2013 and the Plenums that emerged from the February 2014 protests, from their particular disciplines. The focus of this paper is the social movement ?Justice for Dzenan,? organized by the Memic family upon the tragic death of Dzenan Memic in Sarajevo in February 2016. An in-depth study was conducted with key actors of the movement, as well as those who follow or in some way support the protests. Particular emphasis in the research was paid to the pragmatic symbiosis of the social movement and one political party. We argue that it is possible to identify a pragmatic symbiosis as a novel form (democratic innovation) of socio-political cooperation that can impede rising autocratization. Through the quest for accountability, social movements are introducing new strategic practices of mobilization and a novel type of alliance-building with external factors (new political parties as well as other social movements). The goal of the paper is to explore how the social movement ?Justice for Dzenan? interacts with political parties and approach the political sphere in BiH. Also, the idea is to examine the possibilities and functionality of this kind of cooperation with the framework of contentious politics.
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Rust, Niki, Ole Erik Lunder, Sara Iversen, Steven Vella, Elizabeth A. Oughton, Tor Arvid Breland, Jayne H. Glass, Carly M. Maynard, Rob McMorran, and Mark S. Reed. "Perceived Causes and Solutions to Soil Degradation in the UK and Norway." Land 11, no. 1 (January 14, 2022): 131. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/land11010131.
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Soil quality is declining in many parts of the world, with implications for the productivity, resilience and sustainability of agri-food systems. Research suggests multiple causes of soil degradation with no single solution and a divided stakeholder opinion on how to manage this problem. However, creating socially acceptable and effective policies to halt soil degradation requires engagement with a diverse range of stakeholders who possess different and complementary knowledge, experiences and perspectives. To understand how British and Norwegian agricultural stakeholders perceived the causes of and solutions to soil degradation, we used Q-methodology with 114 respondents, including farmers, scientists and agricultural advisers. For the UK, respondents thought the causes were due to loss of soil structure, soil erosion, compaction and loss of organic matter; the perceived solutions were to develop more collaborative research between researchers and farmers, invest in training, improve trust between farmers and regulatory agencies, and reduce soil compaction. In Norway, respondents thought soils were degrading due to soil erosion, monocultures and loss of soil structure; they believed the solutions were to reduce compaction, increase rotation and invest in agricultural training. There was an overarching theme related to industrialised agriculture being responsible for declining soil quality in both countries. We highlight potential areas for land use policy development in Norway and the UK, including multi-actor approaches that may improve the social acceptance of these policies. This study also illustrates how Q-methodology may be used to co-produce stakeholder-driven policy options to address land degradation.
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Timshina, Ekaterina Leonidovna. "Reform of the government structure of Russia in the framework documents of political parties (based on the materials of electoral campaigns of 2011 and 2016)." Право и политика, no. 7 (July 2020): 136–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0706.2020.7.32354.
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Currently, the question of transformation of government institutions, including through the change of Constitution, is of primary importance on the political agenda. The subject of this research is the proposals of political parties on modernization of state structure and reform of the federal branches of government. The object of this research is the election programs of political parties on the elections to the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation in 2011 and 2016. The author examines the ideas of party actors regarding modernization in the sphere of public administration, attitude of the parties towards modification of powers of the federal branches of government, relationship format between the center and the federal subjects, strengthening of social control over government. Despite the critical approach of political parties, they did not suggest any integrated projects on modernization of the system, but rather expressed disparate opinion. Part of the proposals pertinent to the reforms of public administration were of populist nature and did not have a mechanism for their implementation. Most specific and realizable initiatives were associated with restoration of the previously existing norms. The parties made various proposals on the question problem of administrative and territorial structure of the country, demonstrating a range of approaches from strong decentralization to unitary state. It is assumed that the question of modernization of state structure will remain on the agenda in the next electoral cycle. However, the integrated approach most likely will not be demonstrated. Reforms of the Federal Assembly and judicial system will continue to be the key vectors of political discourse.
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Perger, Eva. "Local Responses to the Structural Changes of National Development Policyin Hungarian Rural Regions." Eastern European Countryside 22, no. 1 (December 1, 2016): 69–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/eec-2016-0004.
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AbstractThe paper is based on the preliminary results of an ongoing research programme supported by the Hungarian Scientific Research Fund. The objective of the research is to find out how local actors react to the changing development policy context, how it shapes the local practices of local agents, and how such interactions influence local society and the development of rural micro-regions. The main pillars of the study are subject-oriented case-studies in two rural microregions. The pilot regions are very similar in terms of geographical location, natural resources, population, territory, settlement structure and economicsocial status, yet they have followed a very different development track, mainly due to the different local reactions to the changing state development policy. Our research demonstrates that the key factor of local success is multi-level (settlement, micro-region) cooperation between various (public, private and civil) local stakeholders. The crucial demand for a main facilitator of local cooperation could be satisfied by the local government, provided that it is able to adapt to the frequent changes leading to the emergence of new social networks. No evidence is found to indicate the existence of a ‘project class’ within the local rural societies assuming an intermediary role between decision makers and beneficiaries. The traditional structures of power (based on party- and economic hierarchy) seem to survive. Although project-based implementation has become predominant in development policy, the main arena of the ‘struggle’ to obtain development resources is still the political one.
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Saro, Anneli. "Mobility and Theatre: Theatre Makers as Nomadic Subjects." Nordic Theatre Studies 27, no. 1 (May 12, 2015): 90. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/nts.v27i1.24242.
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This article discusses the pros and cons of theatrical mobility, investigating situ- ations where theatre is breaking its traditional practices of being local and urban by becoming mobile, international and rural. The main features in this context are guest performances at home and abroad, the importation of guest directors, performers, designers et cetera, and finally, site-specific and open-air productions. The structure of the analysis is based on these features, partly derived from the historical development of theatre but partly also from the aim of contrary thinking, insisting that contrary to the widespread assumption of nomadism as something indigenous or postmodern, nomadic attitudes can also be detected in quite traditional forms of theatre making and living. While touring at home and abroad provides opportunities for theatre makers to practice nomadic life style, summer theatre creates an opportunity for spectators to experience nomadism in more local spaces. The above mentioned features are analysed in the context of Estonian theatre, drawing occasional parallels with the neighbouring country of Finland. Each section goes through three periods of Estonian theatre history; 1) the period before the Second World War when theatres belonged to societies; 2) the period between 1940 and 1991 when Estonia was a part of the Soviet Union and all theatrical activities were subject to state control; 3) the period of independence and globalization. Since each period had a different imprint on theatrical mobility, the phenomenon will be investigated in relation to the political, social and cultural contexts, using Bruno Latour’s concept of actor-network-theory as a methodological tool.
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Kochanowski, Jerzy. "„Tu bratają się sekretarz z handlarzem”, czyli skomplikowane związki gór, ekonomii i ideologii." Artifex Novus, no. 5 (December 13, 2021): 4–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/an.9366.
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Abstrakt:
W konkluzji partyjnej komisji wysłanej w 1972 r. do Zakopanego stwierdzano, że „państwo w Zakopanem zostało postawione w sytuacji gorszej niż w kapitalizmie, bowiem zostało zepchnięte na pozycje nawet nie nocnego stróża, ale bezpłatnego dróżnika i zamiatacza ulic”.
Na tę swoistą „autonomię Podhala miały wpływ uwarunkowania historyczne, społeczne, kulturowe i geograficzne, typowe dla społeczeństw (wysoko)górskich na całym świecie. Z drugiej strony ważnym aktorem było pod Tatrami również państwo, które od początku lat 50. do końca lat 80. XX w. próbowało objąć ścisłym nadzorem turystykę i sport, sektory decydujące o wizerunku i znaczeniu Zakopanego i regionu tatrzańskiego. Polityka taka napotykała jednak na szczeblu regionalnym na bardzo silne ograniczenia i sprzeciwy. Z jednej strony przyczyną tego stanu rzeczy były specyficzne sieci społeczne łączące sektor prywatny ze strukturami samorządowymi, państwowymi i partyjnymi, a nawet z milicją i wymiarem sprawiedliwości. Z drugiej zaś tylko dzięki przymknięciu oczu na często sprzeczną z obowiązującym prawem aktywność gospodarczą aktorów społecznych, zarówno górali, jak i przyjezdnych, było możliwe – przy niewydolności organizacyjnej państwa – zaspokajanie rosnących błyskawicznie po 1956 r. potrzeb modernizującego się społeczeństwa na usługi rekreacyjne. Dopiero w pierwszej połowie lat 70. socjalistyczne państwo było w stanie, dzięki zwiększonemu finansowaniu, zapewnić w miarę racjonalny rozwój infrastruktury turystycznej (np. Hotel Kasprowy). Jednak już od drugiej połowy lat 70. strukturalny kryzys systemu i w następnej dekadzie jego całkowita dezintegracja doprowadziły do sytuacji, w której instytucje państwowe musiały ustąpić pola aktorom społecznym.
Summary:
The conclusion of the state commission addressed in 1972 to Zakopane was: “in Zakopane, the state is in a position worse than in capitalism. It has been reduced to the role of not even a night-watchman, but of an unpaid street-sweeper”. The peculiar “autonomy” of Podhale-Region was affected by historical, social, cultural and geographical conditions that are usually mentioned, on the other hand the state was also an important actor and nowise ambiguous. The tendency to take a strict supervision of sectors decisive for the image and the importance of Zakopane and the Tatra region – tourism and sport, existed at the central level since the mid of ‘50s to the ‘80s, but at the regional level, the policy encountered very strong limitations. On the one hand, the reason for that was the emergence of specific social networks linking the private sector with the structures of local government, state and party, or even with the police and judicatory, on the other only thanks to them it was possible – under the organizational inefficiency of the state – to fulfill the modernizing society needs for leisure and related services, that were instantly growing after 1956. Only in the first half of 70s the socialist state was able to provide a relatively rational program, thanks to being an influential factor for modernization mostly thanks to still being in disposal of material resources. However, in the period of disintegration of the system, in the end of ‘70s and in the ‘80s, state’s program was no longer a barrier and alternative for the social actors.
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Pasan, Etha. "POLITIK PENGELOLAAN KARST SANGKULIRANG- MANGKALIHAT: NONGOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATION DAN AGENDA KELESTARIAN LINGKUNGAN." Jurnal Dinamika Global 4, no. 01 (August 19, 2019): 190–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.36859/jdg.v4i01.107.
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This research try to describe how local NGO in East Kalimantan, Jatam (Mining Advocacy Network) and Walhi (Friends of the Life) pursue their interest in the politics of environmental management in Sangkulirang-Mangkalihat Karst Area in East Kutai and Berau Regency in East Kalimantan Province. How do they strive for their interest? What kind of strategy they deploy? And why? The result shows that there are several strategies that Jatam and Walhi use. They are: 1) Protest, 2) Seminar/FGD, and 3) Campaign. Those strategies are influenced by internal and external factors. For the internal factors, both Jatam and Walhi�s structure of organization creates possibilities to collaborate with other party with the same agenda to achieve the goal. The second internal factor is the funding. Is is widely known that local NGO in East Kalimantan, especially those who strive for environmental protection lack the financial resources to fund their agenda. Both Jatam and Walhi�s financial resources are relatively small compared to the resources of related actors such as the Government and corporations. With such conditions, street protests, seminar and campaign become the rational instruments to be deployed. The last is external factor that considers the social and political context of East Kalimantan society that make them choose those strategies.
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Julius Otusanya, Olatunde. "Anti-social financial practices in Nigeria." Journal of Financial Crime 21, no. 2 (April 29, 2014): 149–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jfc-02-2013-0005.
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Purpose – The purpose of the paper is to examine the problem of anti-social financial practices which seems to be a taken-for-granted reality in many parts of the world and particularly in developing countries. The paper locates the role of actors within the theory of transformational model of social activity proposed by Bhaskar (1989) and advocates radical reform to minimise attendant problems created by these antisocial financial practices. Design/methodology/approach – The paper proposed Bhaskar’s (1989) theory of transformational model of social activity which suggests that the society provides the necessary conditions for intentional human activity and that intentional human action is a necessary condition for it. This is because it is difficult to separate people’s perception from the wider social context in which the phenomena arise and the way and manner in which the practices are constructed. To help understand why antisocial financial practices have become so deeply embedded in the Nigerian sociopolitical and economic systems, the views of significant others (professionals, tax officials, non-governmental organisations, media and regulators) were solicited about the structures that influence the activities of the social actor involved in these antisocial financial practices in Nigeria. Findings – Using results from 24 interviews, the paper argues that social structures, such as globalisation, history, politics and social networks, have influenced and [re]shaped the attitudes and behaviours of actors towards committing antisocial financial practices. Practical implications – The paper, therefore, advocates a radical reform that could minimise the attendant problems created by these antisocial financial practices of actors and the enabling structures. Social implications – Where antisocial financial practices are embedded in the society, they become part of the daily routines and in that process are normalised. Originality/value – The paper is a general review of the literature and evidence on contemporary issues.
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Utama, Gina Nanda, Rosaria Mita Amalia, and Susi Yuliawati. "SOCIAL ACTOR REPRESENTATION OF INDONESIAN MIGRANT WORKERS� EXECUTIONS IN SAUDI ARABIA." International Journal of Humanity Studies (IJHS) 4, no. 1 (August 25, 2020): 15–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.24071/ijhs.v4i1.2170.
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This study aims to describe how the Middle East Media represent the Indonesian government and the executed Indonesian migrant workers in the case of Indonesian migrant workers executions in Saudi Arabia. The data are analyzed through Critical Discourse Analysis focuses on the representation of social actors by Van Leeuwen (2008). This theory examines how the social actors are presented or excluded in the representation. In addition, the analysis of this study is also supported by the lexical analysis based on Richardsons theory (2007) of analyzing news text: level of analysis. This study uses descriptive analysis method since the data are analyzed based on the indicators, categories or strategies in the theories which are used to analyze the data. This study found that the Indonesian government is represented as the party who has done many efforts to save Indonesian migrant workers from the executions abroad but on the other side, Indonesian government is also represented as hypocritical party since Middle East Media nominate the Indonesian government as the party that still implement the death penalty. Generally, the lexical analysis show that the executed Indonesian migrant workers are represented as the cruel killers although several media present another information which show their reasons to do the crimes such as self-defense and suffering mental-illness.
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Salah, Aqel Mohammed Ahmed. "The Hamas Movement and its political and democratic practice, 1992–2016." Contemporary Arab Affairs 10, no. 4 (October 1, 2017): 561–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2017.1401739.
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The concept of a political opportunity structure contributes to the analysis of the behaviour of political actors and is one of the current central topics that has importance for political systems at the regional and international levels, as well as for political and social scientific research centres. This study falls within the range of studies on ideological movements and political parties, and the political variables that affect the political system and these movements which lead them to adapt their ideology, by changing their position – from one of rejection to one of acceptance – with regard to participation in parliamentary elections. To achieve their aim of getting into power, ideological movements and political parties can adapt to political changes, influence the structure of political opportunities and exploit ones available to them. This study focuses on the analysis of factors that led to the change in the position of Hamas with regard to democratic practice, from boycotting the first parliamentary elections in 1996 to actively participating in the 2006 elections. It discusses a number of factors: first, the internal organizational factors of the movement; second, the political variables in the Palestinian arena; and third, the internal factors related to the ruling party (Fatah). In light of this, the study principally aims at providing an objective view on the position of Hamas with regard to its political and democratic practice prior to its participation in the Palestinian political system and beyond, using the concept of political opportunities structure. Given that the movement was restricted by its ideology and governed by the political changes that had taken place in the Palestinian political system, it was forced to adapt to the new circumstances that followed the Oslo Treaty by changing its position from opposition and rejection to political participation.
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Peng, Junyuan, and Jing Shi. "Global Civil Society Is Not Utopian, But Feasible: The World After the COVID-19 Pandemic." Asian Social Science 16, no. 10 (September 24, 2020): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v16n10p47.
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At the beginning of 2020, the COVID-19 Pandemic has swept the world, which raises the awareness of global governance and global civil society. This paper attempts to prove global civil society is feasible and analyses its main functions during the period of resistance of the COVID-19 Pandemic. The paper unfolds in four parts. The First part is a brief introduction to the question this paper tends to address after the COVID-19 Pandemic. After that, it is the definition of civil society. Civil society can be defined as a complementary arena for state and market to ensure common welfare and public good through non-violent, voluntary and bottom-up process. However, this definition encompasses different connotations with the passage of time. In the third part, it states that civil society is inevitably globalized in the challenge of globalization. Quite a number of problems go beyond borders and the reaches of states, which leaves a vacuum for a corresponding force to regulate them. Also, global social movement-the main actor of global civil society, as an important agent, ensures the economy liberalism-embedded transnational economic organizations, as the main structure of global governance, accountable. In addition, the development of convenient communication and value convergence provide the objective conditions for the emergence of global civil society. Global civil society makes transnational organizations accountable, solves problems beyond state borders and ensures the public good and welfare. In a nutshell, global civil society is an indispensable part of today’s global governance.
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Wälitalo, Lisa, and Merlina Missimer. "The Organization of Social Sustainability Work in Swedish Eco-Municipalities." Sustainability 14, no. 5 (February 26, 2022): 2770. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su14052770.
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Even though large parts of a municipal administration’s work are aligned with social sustainability, this dimension has been somewhat more challenging and there seems to be a vast diversity in how it is approached. Academic literature on the systematic organization of this work is sparse. The aim of this study was to understand how Swedish municipalities organize their work with social sustainability and to find best practices. A survey among 21 municipalities and follow-up interviews with three of them were conducted. The study revealed that the organization of social sustainability work varies considerably among municipalities and that no simple patterns relating to size or existing organizational structures can be detected. Each municipality seems to be finding its own way and is more or less successful in strategically working with this area. Best practice focused on creating additional structures for collaboration across departments, with external actors, and across sectors to at least partly overcome the silo approach engrained in a municipal structure. It was also connected to the active involvement of leaders, clear mandates, and that a common vision for social sustainability was communicated. These lessons can be transferred to other municipalities and help them move towards social sustainability in a strategic way.
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Lubis, Adelita, Aswin Baharuddin, Andi Maganingratna, and Mia Aulina Lubis. "NGOs and Child Marriage Problem in Indonesia: Analysis of Issues, Strategies and Networks." Gorontalo Journal of Government and Political Studies 4, no. 1 (April 2, 2021): 085. http://dx.doi.org/10.32662/gjgops.v4i1.1346.
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The phenomenon of increasing early childhood marriage has put Indonesia in the spotlight of the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child. Indonesia is listed as the country with the 7th highest number of early childhood marriages internationally and is ranked 2nd in ASEAN. This phenomenon makes various parties, both from government and non-government, to respond to this problem. This study aims to analyze the strategies used by non-government actors in the prevention of early childhood marriage. The case raised was the role of the Legal Aid Institute for the Indonesian Women's Association for Justice (LBH APIK) in South Sulawesi. In particular, this study tries to analyze the LBH Apik international network development model. Initial information shows that for implementing this advocacy agenda, LBH Apik collaborates with International Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) or International Non-Governmental Organizations (INGO), namely OXFAM. This research is a qualitative type where the data sources are as information and narratives got through in-depth interviews, and source documents. This study found that; First, LBH Apik's activities in efforts to prevent child marriage can be categorized as an effort by NGOs to implement human security values. Second, the strategies adopted by LBH Apik show that the changes required are transformative because they encourage changes in the social structure that make the position of girls very vulnerable. Third, local, national and international partnerships with LBH Apik are built on a collective identity as the party fighting to prevent child marriage.
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Knutsen, Oddbjørn. "Social structure, social coalitions and party choice in Hungary." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 46, no. 1 (January 10, 2013): 25–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2012.12.003.
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This article examines the relationship between social structure and party choice in Hungary on the basis of a survey from 2009 (N = 2980). The following structural variables are examined: ascriptive variables (age and gender), territorial variables (region and urban-rural residence), social class variables (education, social class and household income), sector employment and religious variables (religious denomination, church attendance and self-declared religiosity). The analysis shows that age and territorial variables are the most important sociostructural variables for explaining party support in Hungary. The role of religious and class variables is considerably smaller in this respect. The two largest parties, Fidesz and the Socialist Party, are first and foremost anchored in different generations and in territorial variables although different degrees of religiosity also has significant effect on support for these parties. The impact of the religious variables is, however, low. The class variables have the opposite impact on the two largest parties from what we should expect according to traditional class voting. Fidesz gets strongest support from the working class and the lower educated strata while the Socialist Party gets strongest support from the service class. The two largest parties are foremost social coalitions of very different social groups. The explanatory power of social structure on party choice is low in Hungary. This is also confirmed from comparative studies.
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Luquet, Wade, and Debra Wetcher-Hendricks. "Teaching Social Interactions and Social Structure Through Party Behavior." College Teaching 53, no. 4 (October 2005): 152–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3200/ctch.53.4.152-154.
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Aslan, Ali. "Between Identity and Difference." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 30, no. 4 (October 1, 2013): 62–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v30i4.297.
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Amidst continuing debates whether it is a democratic or an authoritarian political actor, this study suggests a postfoundational view of Turkey’s Justice and Development Party (AK Party). According to postfoundationalism, society is a contingent but necessary ground for the social, which is open-ended and overrides all social formations with its non-fixable differences. Democracy marks this stubborn character of the social and is antithetical to the idea of society, which entails the fixation of differences and a degree of social closure. On this basis, I argue that the AK Party is, in fact, a hegemonic popular political movement, as opposed to merely a political party, that subscribes to democracy and yet seeks to construct a society. Accordingly, I analyze how it strives to resolve this paradoxical situation by attempting to rearticulate and integrate democracy (and other signifiers) into its conservative/civilizational discourse.
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Aslan, Ali. "Between Identity and Difference." American Journal of Islam and Society 30, no. 4 (October 1, 2013): 62–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v30i4.297.
Full textAbstract:
Amidst continuing debates whether it is a democratic or an authoritarian political actor, this study suggests a postfoundational view of Turkey’s Justice and Development Party (AK Party). According to postfoundationalism, society is a contingent but necessary ground for the social, which is open-ended and overrides all social formations with its non-fixable differences. Democracy marks this stubborn character of the social and is antithetical to the idea of society, which entails the fixation of differences and a degree of social closure. On this basis, I argue that the AK Party is, in fact, a hegemonic popular political movement, as opposed to merely a political party, that subscribes to democracy and yet seeks to construct a society. Accordingly, I analyze how it strives to resolve this paradoxical situation by attempting to rearticulate and integrate democracy (and other signifiers) into its conservative/civilizational discourse.
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Kitschelt, Herbert. "Class Structure and Social Democratic Party Strategy." British Journal of Political Science 23, no. 3 (July 1993): 299–337. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400006633.
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Arguments that infer the inevitable decline of European socialist and social democratic parties from the changing class structures of advanced capitalist societies have two major flaws. Firstly, they do not adequately reconstruct the link between citizens' experiences in markets, work organizations and the sphere of social reproduction, on the one hand, and the formation of political consciousness, on the other. Secondly, such propositions do not model the strategic terrain of party competition and intra-party decision making on which socialist politicians devise voter appeals. This article will first present a sketch of an alternative theory of preference formation that does not rely on conventional class categories and then analyse party competition as faced by social democrats under advanced capitalism. It will then test ‘naive’ and ‘sophisticated’ theories of class politics and account for their shortcomings in terms of the alternative theoretical framework.