Academic literature on the topic 'Social actor structure of the party'
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Journal articles on the topic "Social actor structure of the party"
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Jendeya, Hadil. "A Corpus–assisted Critical Discourse Analysis of Exclusion Strategies in Political Newspaper Articles: The March of Return in Gaza." International Journal of Linguistics, Literature and Translation 5, no. 4 (April 12, 2022): 155–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/ijllt.2022.5.4.19.
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This study examines if there is a favored linguistic exclusion strategy in Arabic and English newspaper articles reporting on the March of Return in Gaza and explores their potential impacts on the readers' minds. Ten newspaper articles were collected; five articles are in Arabic, each is from a different Arab country, while the others are the top-selling five newspapers in the UK. Data were analyzed by observing the linguistic structures and the representations of social actors from the CDA perspective adopted by Theo van Leeuwen and using two built corpora to calculate the frequencies of the exclusion linguistic structures found. The findings showed that Arabic and English newspaper articles used linguistic exclusion strategies differently to serve specific functions, such as: excluding the social actors involved in the case of the March of Return in Gaza, driving the reader's attention to the other social actor to view him as a victim or the party who abuses power, hiding or protecting the excluded social actor or driving the reader's attention to the event rather than the action.
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Kaiser, Jonas, Markus Rhomberg, Axel Maireder, and Stephan Schlögl. "Energiewende’s Lone Warriors: A Hyperlink Network Analysis of the German Energy Transition Discourse." Media and Communication 4, no. 4 (August 11, 2016): 18–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v4i4.554.
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This paper explores the integration of different social fields within the German Energy Transition (Energiewende) discourse in the election year 2013 by analysing the hyperlink structures online. Energiewende describes the fundamental transition from non-renewable energy to sustainable sources. This goal is both ambitious and controversial. Numerous stakeholders try to make their voices and interests heard and as such politics has to both disseminate and collect information in order to include all relevant groups from different social fields in the political process. This discourse is also visible online. By analysing the hyperlink structures we are able to see the attention distribution of different actor groups in the network. This study shows that most actors tend to link within their own social field and do not aim for a more integrated public sphere. Especially political actors appear to be lone warriors who neither look left or right and mostly link within their own party and ignore other actors. Whereas social field as the media or public administration are relevant within the network we find that scientific actors are ignored by all fields, except for their own.
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Russo Spena, Tiziana, and Mele Cristina. "Practising innovation in the healthcare ecosystem: the agency of third-party actors." Journal of Business & Industrial Marketing 35, no. 3 (November 23, 2019): 390–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jbim-01-2019-0048.
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Purpose Over recent years, few industries have seen such dramatic changes as the healthcare industry. The potential connectivity of digital technologies is completely transforming the healthcare ecosystem. This has resulted in companies increasingly investing in digital transformations to exploit data across channels, operations and patient outreach, by building on a practice approach and actor-network theory and being informed by service-dominant logic, this study aims to contribute by advancing the agential role of third-party actors to prompt innovation and shape service ecosystems. Design/methodology/approach This research is grounded in an epistemological contextualism. To gain situated knowledge and address the role of context in knowledge, understanding and meaning the authors adopted a qualitative methodology to study actors in their different contexts. The empirical research was based on case theory. The authors also took guidance from practice scholars about how to investigate actors’ practices. The unit of analysis moves from dyadic relationships to focus on practices across different networks of actors. Findings This study expands on the conceptualization of triad as proposed by Siltaloppi and Vargo (2017) by moving from the form of triadic relationships – brokerage, mediation and coalition – to the agency of e-health third-parties; and their practices to innovate in the healthcare ecosystem. This study focuses on the actors and the performativity of actions and grounding the conceptual view on an empirical base. Practical implications Third-party actors bring about innovative ways of doing business in the healthcare ecosystem. Their actions challenge the status quo and run counter to long-time practices. Third-parties support the complex set of interconnections between different healthcare actors for the provision of new service co-creation opportunities. Considering how these e-health third-parties performs has implications for health managers, patients and other actors. Originality/value This study focuses on the actors and the performativity of actions and grounding the conceptual view on an empirical base. The agency of third-party actors is their ability to act among others and to connect multiple social and material structures to boost innovation. They prompt innovation and shape service ecosystems by brokering, mediating and coalescing among a great variety of resources, practices and institutions.
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Arwani, Agus. "Profesi Akuntan Syariah Indonesia Memasuki Masyarakat Ekonomi Asean (MEA)." Muqtasid: Jurnal Ekonomi dan Perbankan Syariah 7, no. 1 (June 1, 2016): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.18326/muqtasid.v7i1.163-184.
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Accountants are the actors who contribute to the establishment andimplementation of accounting as a structure. On the other hand theconsequences of the application of modern accounting shows the impact ofa less than satisfactory. Facts show the number of accounting manipulationscandal that hit the company’s financial statements and the low awarenessof their social responsibility and the environment implies that very largechanges in accounting principals. Accounting reality is part of how accountants take on the role. Deviations reality always brings accountants as party central is how actors and structures form mutually met. Habitus actor ‘’ greedy ‘’ met with accounting (capitalism) as a structure that legitimize it. In reality accountant (agent) looks so lost in the shackles of capitalism, so the agency theory in the form of a conflict of interest, it seems to shift the basis of mutual symbiosis between the interests of management and accountants. Accountants must be returned khittah her as a sovereign profession, he is an ideologue as Rausyan Fikr. All forms of deep-an accountant in worship, glorify the ‘’ number ‘’ in the sense of making all tasks as tasks (treatises) ‘’ prophetic ‘’ to map the right stakeholders fairly and correctly. This can only take place within the awareness frame of the Godhead (fervently) to put God at the summit toward accountability. Readiness accountant sharia in entering the MEA in 2016 with preparing the capabilities and expertise of sharia-based accounting standards IFRS, Accounting Sharia must understand the risks of sharia, sharia accountingshould be standardized SDI International, science and technology capabilitiesaccountant sharia be reliable
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Tasente, Tanase. "Facebook Discourse Analysis of US President Donald Trump." Technium Social Sciences Journal 5 (February 20, 2020): 26–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v5i1.179.
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SNSs, such as Facebook, focus all their attention more on politician communication than institutional communication (political party, government, parliament, presidency, etc.), which encourages the implementation of communication strategies for personalized campaigns. Thus, most of the times, one can reach the paradox that the image of the politicians is more visible than the image of the party, and the personalized aspects of the strategy of the political actor can even contradict the strategies of the communication structures of the political parties. Personalized communication in social media is also highlighted by the use of tagging, most political leaders using this tool to create image links with other political personalities or civil society (ministers, political groups of the same political party, political activists or even political opponents), seeking so that the original post is reproduced and disseminated by those mentioned, in their social groups, forming conversation communities with users that confirm existing convictions. This study focused on analyzing the Key Performance Indicators (KPIs) that facilitate Social Media Communication of Donald Trump, the President of United States of America (number of fans, types of posts, interactions etc.) and analyzing Donald Trump's Facebook speech and identify the most commonly used expressions in Social Media during the term of President. The monitoring period is 20.01.2017 - 16.08.2019.
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Popescu, Ionit. "Facebook Discourse Analysis of US President Donald Trump." INFLUENCE : International Journal of Science Review 2, no. 1 (April 25, 2020): 21–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.54783/influence.v2i1.99.
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SNSs, such as Facebook, focus all their attention more on politician communication than institutional communication (political party, government, parliament, presidency, etc.), which encourages the implementation of communication strategies for personalized campaigns. Thus, most of the times, one can reach the paradox that the image of the politicians is more visible than the image of the party, and the personalized aspects of the strategy of the political actor can even contradict the strategies of the communication structures of the political parties. Personalized communication in social media is also highlighted by the use of tagging, most political leaders using this tool to create image links with other political personalities or civil society (ministers, political groups of the same political party, political activists or even political opponents), seeking so that the original post is reproduced and disseminated by those mentioned, in their social groups, forming conversation communities with users that confirm existing convictions. This study focused on analyzing the Key Performance Indicators (KPIs) that facilitate Social Media Communication of Donald Trump, the President of United States of America (number of fans, types of posts, interactions etc.) and analyzing Donald Trump's Facebook speech and identify the most commonly used expressions in Social Media during the term of President. The monitoring period is 20.01.2017 - 16.08.2019.
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Rovny, Jan, and Stephen Whitefield. "Issue dimensionality and party competition in turbulent times." Party Politics 25, no. 1 (January 2019): 4–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068818816970.
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We start from the premise that the content of political competition is regularly remade by shifting contexts and by the strategic activity of political actors including parties. But while there are naturally thousands of potential issues on which politics can be contested, there are in practice and for good reasons ways in which structure and limits come to reduce the competition to more cognitively manageable and regularized divisions—in short, to issue dimensions. It is highly timely to return to these questions since, we argue, the social, political, and economic turbulence of recent years raises the possibility that the ideological structure of how parties present themselves to voters may be radically shifting. The papers in this special issue, therefore, each tackle an important aspect of the shifting character of the issues that underlie party competition in various European settings. In this article, we provide an overview of the relevant “state of the art” on issue dimensionality and how the subject is situated within the broad framework of understanding party competition.
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Mitrakhovich, S. P. "Interaction of Party Structures of The EU and the Russian Federation in a Discourse of the Russian Left Forces on the Example of “A Just Russia” Party." Humanities and Social Sciences. Bulletin of the Financial University 9, no. 4 (December 4, 2019): 83–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.26794/2226-7867-2019-9-4-83-87.
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The article using “A Just Russia” case deals with the party strategies of the Russian left political forces for the creation of the relations with party structures of the European Union. Similar party strategy is at the same time a part of domestic policy and development of the Russian political processes, and at the same time, they are a part of the relationship with the European Union which is built up by Russia. Consequently, that is de facto a part of foreign policy activity. The novelty of the research consists in a combination of the research approaches used in a “partology” while considering a party to be a rational actor acting in conditions of a country political environment and the research approaches accepted in modern European studies. Parties act as internal political players, but at the same time and as contractors of foreign elite, in this case — party elite of the European Union, members of party groups of European Parliament, party Internationals, “the European parties” (earlier known under the term of “party at the European level”). From the Russian parliamentary political forces of several last electoral cycles “A Just Russia”, using a discourse of modern socialism, could establish more actively than others cooperation with European left, including influencing adoption of significant decisions in the EU, for example, on reform of the EU Gas Directive and the Third Energy Package of the EU. The party, through the prism of socialist ideology, is trying to bring together certain positions of the party elites of the Russian Federation and the EU, bringing differences on social avant-garde and identity politics out of the brackets. Therefore, it focuses recently on the problems of sanctions issues, considering its communication with the Party of European socialists and socialist groups in the European Parliament as another potentially popular diplomatic track for the country.
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Martin, Cathie Jo, and Duane Swank. "Gonna Party Like It's 1899: Party Systems and the Origins of Varieties of Coordination." World Politics 63, no. 1 (January 2011): 78–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887110000298.
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This article explores the origins of peak employers' associations to understand why countries produce highly centralized macrocorporatist groups, weaker national associations but stronger industry-level groups, or highly fragmented pluralist associations. The authors suggest that the structure of partisan competition played a vital causal role in the development and evolution of these peak associations. The leadership for peak employers' association development came from business-oriented party activists and bureaucrats, who sought both to advance industrial development policy and to solve specific problems of political control. Business-oriented party leaders and bureaucrats in both predemocratic and democratic regimes feared the rising tide of democracy and labor activism and viewed employer organization as a useful tool for political control, to secure parliamentary advantage, and to serve as a societal counterweight to working class activism. Because leadership for association building came from the state, the political rules of the game were crucial to outcomes. The structure of party competition and state centralization shaped incentives for strategic coordination for both political actors and employers. Dedicated business parties were more likely to develop in countries with multiparty systems and limited federal power sharing than in countries with two-party systems and federalism: in a multiparty context where no single party was likely to gain power, each party had an incentive to cooperate with other social groups. Moreover, business-oriented party leaders and bureaucrats in multiparty systems were motivated to delegate policy-making authority to coordinated societal channels for industrial relations, because they anticipated that employers would win more in these channels than in parliamentary settings where the center and left could form a coalition against the right. Again, centralized party systems were more likely than federal ones to develop a dedicated national business party that transcended regional cleavages and to retain a strong role for the state in the governance of industrial relations.
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Ecker, Alejandro. "Estimating Policy Positions Using Social Network Data." Social Science Computer Review 35, no. 1 (August 3, 2016): 53–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0894439315602662.
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Social network site (SNS) data provide scholars with a plethora of new opportunities for studying public opinion and forecasting electoral outcomes. While these are certainly among the most promising big data applications in political science research, a series of pioneering studies have started to uncover the vast potential of such data to estimate the policy positions of political actors. Adding to this emerging strand in the scholarly literature, the present article explores the validity of (individual) policy positions derived from the social network structure of the microblogging platform Twitter. At the aggregate party level, cross-validation with external data sources suggests that SNS data provide valid policy position estimates. In contrast, the empirical analysis reveals only a moderate connection between individual policy positions retrieved from the social network structure and those retrieved from members of parliament individual voting record. These results thus highlight the potential as well as important limitations of SNS data in indicating the policy positions of political parties and individual legislators.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Social actor structure of the party"
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Myrhed, Lily. "Youth unemployment in Sweden : from the perspectives of party as actor and party as outflow of society." Thesis, Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-893.
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The aim was to analyse how the political parties, relate to questions of young individuals in Sweden, particularly to the question of youth unemployment. The theoretical basis encompassed two perspectives explaining party politics - “the party as outflow of society” and “the party as actor”, derived from the structure-agency school. Units of analysis were the parliamentary parties and their youth organisations, and the material comprised the parliament’s special debate of youth
unemployment in 2006, and text from the youth organisations' web sites. The method was qualitative with an interpretative approach. Conclusions were that young individuals in society have a limited impact on the appearance of political parties. No party has a stable responsiveness to questions of young individuals; only three out of the seven youth organisations had the current youth unemployment on the agenda (parties as outflow of society). All parties had suggestions on how to combat unemployment, but not all had suggestions directed towards youth in particular. The proposals were adjusted to other party policies to facilitate a power position through alliances
(parties as actors). The Centre party brought forward the current youth unemployment the most and “the special youth agreements” might attract new voters, including young individuals, but could also deter traditional voters.
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Greer, Deborah A. "Actor training and charismatic group structure : a comparative study /." view abstract or download file of text, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/uoregon/fullcit?p3072585.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2002.Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 182-188). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.
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Greene, Steven H. "The psychological structure of partisanship : affect, cognition, and social identity in party identification /." The Ohio State University, 1999. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1488188894438196.
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Bolger, Brian. "The Impact of Social Movements on Political Parties : Examining whether anti-austerity social movements have had an impact on social democratic political parties in Ireland and Spain, 2011-2016." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-280758.
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Research on social movements has traditionally addressed issues of movement emergence and mobilisation, paying little attention to their outcomes and consequences. Moreover, despite research on the political consequences of social movements accelerating in recent years, much has been left under researched, no more so than the impact social movements have on one of the most important actors in liberal democracies: political parties. This paper extends social movement research by examining whether social movements have an impact on political parties and under what conditions impact is more likely to take place. The empirical analysis, investigating whether anti-austerity social movements have had an impact on social democratic parties in Ireland and Spain during the years 2011 to 2016, suggests that the relationship between social movements and political parties is both under-theorised and under-researched, and mistakenly so. The paper finds that while parties are more likely to be influenced by social movements when certain conditions are present, social movements can also have unintended impacts on parties. Ultimately, this paper encourages research on political parties, and particularly research on party change, to pay greater attention to social movements and for social movement research to pay greater attention to political parties.
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Whitehead, Richard. "Single-Party Rule in a Multiparty Age: Tanzania in Comparative Perspective." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2009. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/58538.
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Political SciencePh.D.
As international pressure for multiparty reforms swept Africa during the early 1990s, long-time incumbent, such as UNIP in Zambia, KANU in Kenya, and the MCP in Malawi, were simultaneously challenged by widespread domestic demands for multiparty reforms. Only ten years later, after succumbing to reform demands, many long-time incumbents were out of office after holding competitive multiparty elections. My research seeks an explanation for why this pattern did not emerge in Tanzanian, where the domestic push for multiparty change was weak, and, despite the occurrence of three multiparty elections, the CCM continues to win with sizable election margins. As identified in research on semi-authoritarian rule, the post-reform pattern for incumbency maintenance in countries like Togo, Gabon, and Cameroon included strong doses of repression, manipulation and patronage as tactics for surviving in office under to multiparty elections. Comparatively speaking however, governance by the CCM did not fit the typical post-Cold-War semi-authoritarian pattern of governance either. In Tanzania, coercion and manipulation appears less rampant, while patronage, as a constant across nearly every African regime, cannot explain the overwhelming mass support the CCM continues to enjoy today. Rather than relying on explanations based on repression and patronage alone, I locate the basis of post-reform CCM dominance in a historical process whereby a particularly unique array of social and economic policies promulgated during single-party rule culminated in comparatively affable social relations at the onset of multiparty reform. In Tanzania, this post-independence policy mix included stemming the growth of vast regional wealth differentials, a rejection of ethnicity as a basis for organizing collective action, and the construction of a relatively coherent national identity. By contrast, in most other African cases, policies under single-party rule acted to reinforce many of those economic and ethnic divisions inherited at independence. These divisions in turn, acted as material and moral capital for organizing dissent against incumbency, and the consolidation of opposition parties following political reform.
Temple University--Theses
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Rathwell, Kaitlyn. "MANAGING WATER QUALITY IN AHETEROGENEOUS LANDSCAPE : A SOCIAL NETWORK PERSPECTIVE." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Stockholm Resilience Centre, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-50956.
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Understanding how humans and ecosystems interact across landscapes is an importantchallenge for the development of sustainable societies. Human dominated landscapes arefrequently heterogeneous in their distribution of ecosystems and the associated goods andservices. It can be difficult to create management strategies that cater to diverse demandsfrom different resource managers, while at the same time promoting healthy functioningof ecosystems held in common. I use a social network perspective to analyze howmunicipal management units connect to each other with regards to a water resource intwo watersheds in Québec, Canada. I test the importance of collaborative network ties formunicipalities’ engagement in water quality management activities. I assess ifmunicipalities with different ecosystems, namely agriculture and tourism, engagedifferently in water quality management activities and if they have different socialnetworks. I assess the role of third party actor groups such as Government Ministries andNon-Governmental Organizations that connect municipalities across the diverselandscape. Third party actor groups are instrumental in connecting municipalities acrossa diverse landscape. Municipalities with ecosystems facilitating tourism have morecollaborative ties in the water quality management network and are more engaged inwater quality management activities than municipalities managing for agriculturalproduction. An asymmetry in collaborations and activity engagement for water qualitymanagement has implications for the capacity of the region to encourage basin scalewater management.
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Chan, Heng Kong Humanities & Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "PAP Singapore: a case study of stationary bandit in a market economy." Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. School of Humanities and Social Sciences, 2005. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/38649.
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This study investigates the role of the state in Singapore???s political economy. The conventional methodology in the neoclassical economics tradition is essentially apolitical and is thus inadequate to appraise the inner working mechanism of the Singapore polity, given the pervasive influence of politics in policy decisions. This study therefore synthesizes a new analytical methodology, drawn from neo-institutionalism, to analyse the interrelations of state, market and social institutions in the Singapore of the People???s Action Party (PAP). Ronald Coase???s theorem of transaction costs, Steven Cheung???s economics of property rights and Douglass North???s theories of institutions and institutional change, collectively, provide a theoretical framework that allows this study to examine the intrinsic nature and characteristics of the Singapore polity. Three major areas are investigated using this research paradigm. The first is the post-war political transition from colony to self-rule and the eventual emergence of an independent Singapore in the context of Cold War politics. The second is the process of social engineering through reconstitution, resettlement and socialization, a process that has aimed to alter the institutional environment that regulates the state and people and has tended to generate a submissive social ethos. The focus of the third is the redefining of property rights through nationalization, industrialisation, and privatisation that, in effect, has resulted in the extensive transfer of private wealth to the state. Four case studies are offered to demonstrate the impact of politics in the making of economic policy, the general effect of which has been to eradicate entrepreneurs in favour of state-owned entities. The analysis concludes that Singapore is essentially to be characterised as a predatory state, and adopts Mancur Olson???s ???stationary bandit??? theory to reconcile the state???s predatory behaviour with Singapore???s record of positive economic development. The study identifies nine unique features that have characterised the Singapore polity, the single most important feature being the emergence of ???Lee???s Law??? which amounts to the paramount Singapore informal rule in regulating all aspect of social exchange. It is paramount because without reference to this rule the inner working mechanism of Singapore???s political economy cannot be explicated. But the predominance of PAP control imposes a heavy social cost as it risks Singapore???s long-term viability as a national state because of the likely emergence of distributional collusion and institutional sclerosis. Singapore???s long-term viability is therefore contingent upon the kind of political reformation that would reinstitute a low transaction cost mediation mechanism that would then facilitate incremental institutional change.
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Mulugeta, Meselu Alamnie. "Linking fiscal decentralization and local financial governance: a case of district level decentralization in the Amhara region, Ethiopia." Thesis, University of Western Cape, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/3350.
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Philosophiae Doctor - PhDThe prime aim of this thesis is to examine the link between fiscal decentralization and local financial governance in fiscally empowered woreda administrations (districts) of the Amhara region in Ethiopia. Local financial governance has been one of the reasons and arguably the crucial one that drives many countries to subscribe to fiscal decentralization. The presumption is that public finance mobilization and spending can be implemented in a more efficient, responsive, transparent and accountable manner at the local government level than at the centre. Nonetheless, empirical studies show that the linkage between fiscal decentralization and these local financial governance benefits is not automatic. Several developing countries that have tried to implement fiscal decentralization have failed to realise the promised financial governance gains largely due to design and implementation flaws. A review of the various theoretical perspectives suggest that local financial governance is not a factor of just devolution of fiscal power but also other intervening forces such as financial management system, citizen voicing mechanisms and the social and political context. It is within the framework of this theoretical argument that this study sought to investigate how the mixed and incomplete efforts of the district level fiscal decentralization program in the Amhara region has impacted on financial governance of woreda administrations. The study assesses the efficacy and role of various initiatives of the district level decentralization program of the Amhara region, such as the fiscal empowerment of woredas; financial management system reforms; citizen voicing mechanisms and political party structures and system in influencing woreda financial governance. To this end, the investigation process largely took the form of an interpretative approach employing a combination of various methods of gathering the required qualitative and quantitative data from respondents and documents in the selected four case woredas or districts. Findings on the assessment of the intergovernmental relations to measure the adequacy of devolution of fiscal power indicate that, despite the constitutional provision that affords the woredas the power to mobilize and spend public finance for the provision of various local public services, several design and implementation shortcomings have constrained woreda administrations from exercising such power effectively. As a result, the district level fiscal decentralization framework of the Amhara region appears to have features of decentralization by de-concentration rather than by devolution. Despite the extensive financial management reforms that have been undertaken, the research findings indicate that the financial management system in woreda administrations faces a range of challenges triggered largely by important design and implementation shortcomings. It is observed that the ‘getting the basics right first’ reforms in various financial management processes of woreda administrations are not only incomplete but also found to be inconsistent with each other and therefore could not serve their purpose. Furthermore, there has not been any other change in the last two decades since the initial implementation of these reforms despite such serious shortcomings. Most importantly, woreda administrations could not properly implement the techniques, methods, procedures and rules that constituted the reform process due to serious implementation problems such as the lack of manpower competency and problems associated with the lack of administrative accountability. The results of the study’s assessment regarding the practice of social accountability show that currently there is no arrangement for citizens to participate in public financial decisions and controls. In general, people have little interest in participating in the meetings organised by woreda government. Formal and informal community based organizations suffer from important capcity constraints, and the lack of strong civil society organizations to support these community based organizations makes such problems more difficult to resolve. However, local communities did indicate that they would be interested in participating in financial and budgeting processes if a number of conditions were satisfied. These included the availability of adequate and relevant information; the introduction of genuine forms of participation in which citizens were empowered; and evidence that popular participation was making a visible impact on financial decisions related to service delivery in their surroundings. The assessment of the ruling party structure and system suggests that the centralized system of the regional ruling party has created a dominant relationship between party organs at various levels so much sothat it has undermined the fiscal discretionary power of woreda administrations; blurred relationship between party and woreda financial management systems; and undermined direct voicing. Consequently, the genuine devolution of fiscal power, the effective implementation of the decentralised financial management systems, and direct participation of citizens are unlikely to be realised within the current ruling party system and structure. Moreover, the study shows that the intergovernmental relations, the implementation of financial management reforms and direct involvement of people influence each other. The evidence suggests that the effective implementation of the financial management reforms is not possible without genuine devolution of fiscal power and arrangements for the activeinvolvement of citizens. Despite these limitations and shortcomings, the research nevertheless reveals that the decentralization process has achieved some positive results, such as the expansion of access to basic services; the economic use of resources for such expansion; the mobilization of resources from local communities; and the streamlining of a number of bureaucratic processes. However, the prevalence of various financial governance challenges such as excessive budget transfers; low budget execution; uneconomical procurement; illicit spending; budget pressure; inadequate revenue collection; poor financial transparency; and compromised accountability in fiscally decentralized woreda administrations means the promised local financial governance benefits of fiscal decentralization are remain largely unrealized. The evidences in the study strongly suggest that the shortcomings in the design and implementation of intergovernmental relations, financial management system reforms, and direct voicing mechanisms areresponsible in combination with each other for these local financial governance challenges. Thus, the study concludes that local financial governance is a result of a complex network of interactions of intergovernmental relations, public financial management arrangements and social accountability mechanisms. The success of initiatives to improve local financial governance is dependent on contextual factors such as the capacity of civil society organizations and the ruling party system and structure. Therefore, while recommending further efforts of genuine devolution of power, in particular through the continuation of the financial management reform processes towards full-fledged reforms, the study contends that opening enough space for the proliferation of civil society organizations and alternative political parties will be the main priority.
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Svanevie, Kajsa. "Evidensbaserat socialt arbete : Från idé till praktik." Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för socialt arbete, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-28646.
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As an innovation Evidence-Based Practice (EBP) is designed as a tool for clinical problem solving. According to its theory of use EBP will bring a difference for policy makers, for professionals, for researchers and for service users. One question to be asked is whether EBP actually leads to the radical social change it is designed to accomplish. The aim of the study is to describe and analyse the outcome of the effort to establish EBP, with a focus on the case of social work in Sweden. The research questions are: What is EBP? Why are efforts made to establish EBP? What is the outcome of the EBP project? How can the outcome of the EBP project be explained? The case study was conducted on a critical realistic meta-theoretical ground with a focus on explanation of social change with an explicit actor-structure perspective. Methodologically, a narrative synthesis of studies was made. As a complement primary data were collected to fill empirical gaps. The state of things was described before and after the EBP-initiatives. Several helping theories – Kuhn’s theory of paradigm, program theory, neo-institutional theory and theory of diffusion – were used to analyse the empirically mapped outcome of the EBP project. The results show that the import of the original model of Evidence-Based Medicine (EBM) to social work is a part of a wider social movement in the helping and educational professions. The new model has influenced social work as a discipline, as a field of practice and as a field of policy. There are examples of full-scale implementations of EBP, although EBP has not reached a general status as daily practice. Some obstacles remain. The gradual adaption of EBP corresponds to criteria hold by Kuhn for a paradigm shift. Acceptance of the model has contributed to change the structure and function of social systems. At an organizational level, this change means on-going institutionalization. The innovation is influencing the way institutional actors conduct their work. Although the structural conditions have been optimal, the EBP-model has been debated with heat. The EBP-debate and policy-driven infrastructural efforts have brought a more in-depth examination of the model. So-called coercive, normative, and regulative isomorphisms were used to change organizations. The degree of institutionalization depended on the individuals and the organizations willingness and preparedness to change, to understand, and to put the model into practice. When actors used a less strict version of the original EBP model, the pace of cultural and institutional change slowed down.
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Alexander, Ödlund Lindholm. "The Salience of Issues in Parliamentary Debates : Its Development and Relation to the Support of the Sweden Democrats." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för ekonomisk och industriell utveckling, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-167610.
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The aim of this study was to analyze the salience of issue dimensions in the Swedish parliament debates by the established parties during the rise of the Sweden Democrats Party (SD). Structural topic modeling was used to construct a measurement of the salience of issues, examining the full body of speeches in the Swedish parliament between September 2006 and December 2019. Trend analysis revealed a realignment from a focus on socio-economic to socio-cultural issues in Swedish politics. Cross-correlation analyses had conflicting results, indicating a weak positive relationship between the salience of issues and the support of SD – but low predictive ability; it also showed that changes in the support of SD did lead (precede) changes in the salience of issues in the parliament. The ramifications of socio-cultural issues being the most salient are that so-called radical right-wing populist parties (RRPs), or neo-nationalist parties, has a greater opportunity to gain support. It can make voters more inclined to base their voting decision on socio-cultural issues, which favors parties who fight for and are trustworthy in those issues – giving them more valence in the eyes of the voters.
Books on the topic "Social actor structure of the party"
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Leenders, Roger Th A. J. Structure and influence: Statistical models for the dynamics of actor attributes, network structure, and their interdependence. Amsterdam: Thesis Publishers, 1995.
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Knutsen, Oddbjørn. Social Structure and Party Choice in Western Europe. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230503649.
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Thomas, Baumgartner, and DeVille Philippe, eds. Man, decisions, society: The theory of actor-system dynamics for social scientists. New York: Gordon and Breach Science Publishers, 1985.
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Knutsen, Oddbjørn. Social Structure, Value Orientations and Party Choice in Western Europe. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-52123-7.
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Latour, Bruno. Reensamblar lo social: Una introducción a la teoría del actor-red. Buenos Aires: Manantial, 2008.
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Knutsen, Oddbjørn. Social structure and party choice in western Europe: A comparative longitudinal study. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004.
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Płoski, Marcin. Liga Polskich Rodzin jako aktor społeczny. Wrocław: Wydawnictwo Instytutu Socjologii Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego, 2016. https://www.repozytorium.uni.wroc.pl/dlibra/publication/80114.
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This book is a monograph, on the political party, that shows the birth, rise and fall of the League of Polish Families. In the chapter I the division was made into individual and collective actors. Chapter II is an attempt to describe the birth and functioning of LPF in the context of a broader national movement. Chapter III focuses on the fields of activities of the national party. Chapter IV is an attempt to recreate the role of LPF on the political scene. Chapter V is an attempt to play the role of LPF on the European political scene. Chapter VI is the description of a research taken on the party groups, surveyed with the usage of a questionnaire technique. Chapter VII is an empirical reflection of the views of LPF deputies and senators about political transformation and Polish integration with European structures. The tool for this method was mainly based on an open interview. Chapter VIII is an attempt to present the Polish society in the perspective of political transformation, and the reflection on the degree of civility and democracy and finaly presents the fall of LPF. \n\nNiniejsza książka ma charakter monografii poświęconej partii politycznej, która ukazuje narodziny, rozkwit i upadek Ligi Polskich Rodzin. W rozdziale I dokonany został podział na aktorów zbiorowych i indywidualnych. Rozdział II jest próbą opisu narodzin i funkcjonowania LPR w ramach szerszego ruchu narodowego. Rozdział III koncentruje się na polach aktywności partii narodowej. Rozdział IV jest próbą odtworzenia roli LPR-u na scenie politycznej. Rozdział V jest próbą odtworzenia roli LPR na europejskiej scenie politycznej. Rozdział VI stanowi badawczy portret kół partyjnych, przeprowadzony za pomocą metody ankietowej z zastosowaniem kwestionariusza ankiety. Rozdział VII jest empirycznym odzwierciedleniem poglądów posłów i senatorów LPR na temat transformacji ustrojowej i integracji Polski ze strukturami europejskimi. Narzędziem tej metody był wywiad swobodny otwarty. Rozdział VIII jest próbą przedstawienia społeczeństwa polskiego w perspektywie transformacji ustrojowej, refleksji nad stopniem obywatelskości i demokracji oraz upadkiem LPR.
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Azhenov, M. S. Na puti k sot︠s︡ialʹnoĭ odnorodnosti obshchestva. Alma-Ata: Kazakhstan, 1986.
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Azhenov, M. S. Na puti k sot͡s︡ialʹnoĭ odnorodnosti obshchestva. Alma-Ata: "Kazakhstan", 1986.
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Chen, Ajiang, Pengli Cheng, and Yajuan Luo. Chinese "Cancer Villages". Translated by Jennifer Holdaway. NL Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789089647221.
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The phenomenon of "cancer villages" has emerged in many parts of rural China, drawing media attention and becoming a fact of social life. However, the relationship between pollution and disease is often hard to discern. Through sociological analysis of several villages with different social and economic structures, the authors offer a comprehensive, historically grounded analysis of the coexistence between the incidence of cancer, environmental pollution and villagers’ lifestyles, as well as the perceptions, claims and responses of different actors. They situate the appearance of "cancer villages" in the context of social, economic and cultural change in China, tracing the evolution of the issue over two decades, and providing deep insights into the complex interactions and trade-offs between economic growth, environmental change and public health.
Book chapters on the topic "Social actor structure of the party"
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Knutsen, Oddbjørn, and Peter Egge Langsæther. "Party Choice and Social Structure." In Social Structure, Value Orientations and Party Choice in Western Europe, 111–94. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-52123-7_4.
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Knutsen, Oddbjørn. "Erratum to: Party Choice and Social Structure." In Social Structure, Value Orientations and Party Choice in Western Europe, E1. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-52123-7_8.
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Knutsen, Oddbjørn. "Party Choice and Social Structure: Theory, the Party Choice Variable and Statistical Measures." In Social Structure and Party Choice in Western Europe, 1–42. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230503649_1.
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Knutsen, Oddbjørn. "Party Choice and Value Orientations." In Social Structure, Value Orientations and Party Choice in Western Europe, 195–239. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-52123-7_5.
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Amelio, Alessia, and Clara Pizzuti. "Mining and Analyzing the Italian Parliament: Party Structure and Evolution." In Lecture Notes in Social Networks, 249–79. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-14379-8_12.
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Knutsen, Oddbjørn. "Religious Denomination." In Social Structure and Party Choice in Western Europe, 43–85. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230503649_2.
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Knutsen, Oddbjørn. "Church Religiosity and Church Attendance." In Social Structure and Party Choice in Western Europe, 86–131. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230503649_3.
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Knutsen, Oddbjørn. "Urban-Rural Residence." In Social Structure and Party Choice in Western Europe, 132–58. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230503649_4.
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Knutsen, Oddbjørn. "Education." In Social Structure and Party Choice in Western Europe, 159–97. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230503649_5.
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Knutsen, Oddbjørn. "Gender." In Social Structure and Party Choice in Western Europe, 198–223. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230503649_6.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Social actor structure of the party"
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Kuru, Ahmet T. "CHANGING PERSPECTIVES ON ISLAMISM AND SECULARISM IN TURKEY: THE GÜLEN MOVEMENT AND THE AK PARTY." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/mmwz7057.
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The debate between secularists and Islamic groups, a conspicuous feature of Turkish politics for decades, changed in the late 1990s when the political discourse of mainstream Islamic groups embraced secularism. The establishment elite advocate the existing French model of an ‘assertive secularism’, meaning that, in the public domain, the state supports only the ex- pression of a secular worldview, and formally excludes religion and religious symbols from that domain. The pro-Islamic conservatives, on the other hand, favour the American model of ‘passive secularism’, in which the state permits the expression of religion in the public do- main. In short, what Turkey has witnessed over the last decade is no longer a tussle between secularism and Islamism, but between two brands of secularism. Two actors have played crucial roles in this transformation: the Gülen movement and the Justice and Development (AK) Party. Recently the Gülen movement became an international actor and a defendant of passive secularism. Similarly, although the AK Party was originated from an Islamist Milli Görüş (National Outlook) movement, it is now a keen supporter of Turkey’s membership to the European Union and defends (passive) secularist, democratic regime. This paper analyses the transformation of these important social and political actors with regard to certain structural conditions, as well as the interactions between them.In April 2007, the international media covered Turkey for the protest meetings of more than a million people in three major cities, the military intervention to politics, and the abortive presidential election. According to several journalists and columnists, Turkey was experienc- ing another phase of the ongoing tension between the secularists and Islamists. Some major Turkish newspapers, such as Hürriyet, were asserting that the secularists finally achieved to bring together millions of opponents of the ruling Adalet ve Kalkınma (Justice and Development) (AK) Party. In addition to their dominance in military and judicial bureauc- racy, the secularists appeared to be maintaining the support of the majority of the people. The parliamentary elections that took place few months later, in July, revealed that the main- stream Turkish media’s presentation was misleading and the so-called secularists’ aspira- tions were unrealistic. The AK Party received 47 percent of the national votes, an unusual ratio for a multiparty system where there were 14 contesting parties. The main opposition, Cumhuriyet Halk (Republican People’s) Party (CHP), only received 21 percent of the votes, despite its alliance with the other leftist party. Both the national and international media’s misleading presentation of Turkish politics was not confined by the preferences of the vot- ers. Moreover, the media was primarily misleading with its use of the terms “Islamists” and “secularists.” What Turkey has witnessed for the last decade has not been a struggle between secularism and Islamism; but it has been a conflict between two types of secularism. As I elaborated else- where, the AK Party is not an Islamist party. It defends a particular understanding of secular- ism that differs from that of the CHP. Although several leaders of the AK Party historically belonged to an Islamist -Milli Görüş (National Outlook)- movement, they later experienced an ideational transformation and embraced a certain type of secularism that tolerates public visibility of religion. This transformation was not an isolated event, but part of a larger expe- rience that several other Islamic groups took part in. I argue that the AKP leaders’ interaction with the Gülen movement, in this regard, played an important role in the formation of the party’s new perspective toward secularism. In another article, I analyzed the transformation of the AK Party and Gülen movement with certain external (globalization process) and internal (the February 28 coup) conditions. In this essay, I will focus on the interaction between these two entities to explore their changing perspectives. I will first discuss the two different types of secularism that the Kemalists and conservatives defend in Turkey. Then, I will briefly summarize diverse discourses of the Milli Görüş and Gülen movements. Finally, I will examine the exchanges between the Gülen movement and the AK Party with regard to their rethinking of Islamism and secularism.
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Olivares González, Adriana I., and Tania Córdova Martínez. "Coastal landscape management in mexican tourist regions: Punta de Mita case in Bahía de Banderas, Nayarit." In Virtual City and Territory. Barcelona: Centre de Política de Sòl i Valoracions, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5821/ctv.8157.
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This article analyzes the process of coastal landscape management in the Mexican tourist region from the transformation of the landscape of Punta de Mita. This peninsula is part of the interstate metropolitan zone of Puerto Vallarta - Bahía de Banderas, located between the State of Jalisco and State of Nayarit. It is one of three coastal metropolitan zones of Mexico.
This research has a qualitative approach and adopts the concept of the landscape defined by the European Landscape Convention as “any part of the territory, as perceived by people, whose character is the result of the action and interaction of natural and/or human factors” (Council of Europe, 2000).
The units of analysis were the peninsular zone of Punta de Mita and the actors who participated in their transformation. The information was collected through semi-structured interviews with key informants selected using the snowball technique, qualitative observation, review of official documentary sources (plans, projects, reports) as well as historiographical and aerial photographs.
The identification of the participation of each type of actor is highlighted in the transformation of the landscape: the State provides the land and enables for tourism investment; economic actors take ownership and monetize their aesthetic values; social actors are deprived of the use and enjoyment of the landscape. The symbols printed on the territory are mainly touristic and, in the second instance, natural whose conservation represents a point of agreement between the state and the residents.
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De Bell, Leendert, and Linda Drupsteen. "How to scale the societal impact of work integration social enterprises? Evidence from The Netherlands." In CARPE Conference 2019: Horizon Europe and beyond. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica València, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/carpe2019.2019.10191.
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The number of social enterprises is increasing rapidly. Social enterprises are looking for new, innovative and economically sustainable ways to tackle structural societal challenges that generally fall outside the direct focus and objectives of the public and private sector. Social enterprises are primarily mission-driven, where profit is not a goal in itself but a means of creating social impact with regard to a specific social problem. The intended impact areas of social enterprises broadly range from poverty reduction, sustainability, healthcare, or labor participation of vulnerable groups. With respect to the latter impact area, many initiatives have been taken across Europe to prevent and combat marginalization of vulnerable groups as a result of long unemployment spells, which may cause financial and social pressure, as well as decay of physical and psychological health conditions. Nevertheless, the nature and extent of these initiatives vary considerably across countries (CEDEFOP, 2018). Social enterprises, in collaboration with other relevant stakeholders such as ‘conventional’ companies or local governments, can play a key role in addressing these challenges. This proposal builds on research that was completed earlier this year at HU concerning the scaling of social enterprises with a particular focus on work integration of people with a distance to the labor market (so-called WISEs) (e.g. people with low qualifications, young people disengaged from education, people with mental or physical disabilities, refugees, former prisoners, former addicts, or people who have difficulties finding a job due to their age etc.). One of the outcomes of this research showed that it is difficult for WISEs to transcend its societal impact beyond the local level. In practice, the effective realization of both social and economic value is not easy for many WISEs, but the interaction with and between different actors in the external environment or ecosystem also plays a crucial role in its success. More research is needed on what works in successfully addressing the work integration of vulnerable groups in different parts of Europe, and under what conditions. The aim is to come to a joint EU research proposal, in which WISEs play a central role, to contribute to innovative and more structural solutions for labor participation of vulnerable groups.
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Tosyalı, Hikmet. "Political Communication in the Digital Age: Algorithms and Bots." In COMMUNICATION AND TECHNOLOGY CONGRESS. ISTANBUL AYDIN UNIVERSITY, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.17932/ctcspc.21/ctc21.004.
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Technology is one factor that has formed the basis for change in the media throughout history. Analog data and information shared by verbal, visual or written methods are now stored, processed, reproduced and shared in digital format due to developments in information technologies. On the other hand, social media, which is an important part of the digital media system, has become an important medium for political communication studies due to its prevalence and big data. As political actors better understand the value of data sets of millions of users, their interest in social media has also increased. However, this growing interest has also brought concerns such as digital profiling, informatics surveillance, systematic disinformation, and privacy violations. It has long been discussed that the practices of governments and technology companies for creating a structure similar to the gatekeeping in traditional media by taking social media under control. In recent years, some of these discussions are (ro)bot accounts on social media because online social networks are no longer just connecting people. Machines talk and interact with people, and even machines do this with other machines. Automatic posts made by bot accounts through algorithms to imitate people’s behavior on social media are liked, reposted or commented on by people and other bots. Bots that make political shares are also used by political actors worldwide, especially during election periods. Politicians use political bots to appear more popular on social media, disrupt their rivals’ communication strategies, and manipulate public opinion. This study aimed to reveal the effects of bots on political communication. After explaining the concepts of propaganda, algorithm, bot and computational propaganda, how political bots could affect the public sphere and elections were discussed in the light of current political communication literature.
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Scheibe, Matthias. "Analyzing Internet-related Social Work Opportunities of an Approach inspired by Actor-Network Theory (ANT)." In 13th International Conference on Applied Human Factors and Ergonomics (AHFE 2022). AHFE International, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1002583.
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The number of areas of society that are being digitised continues to increase and so Internet offers are becoming increasingly important. This development also affects social work, whose specialists meanwhile see a trend to expand the internet-related offerings. This has been further strengthened in germany by the lockdowns since March 2020. This poses a particular challenge for youth workers, as their addressees, the so-called digital natives, did not experience the time before digitization and use the Internet as a matter of course to cultivate existing friendships and meet new people. Today’s young people no longer distinguish between offline and online, they are onlife. However, even in this age group there is every level of the digital divide, because not all have the same equipment, fast internet access or the necessary application skills.Up to now, they have only had limited success in switching to hybrid offers. In addition to the requirements of the recipients, this is partly due to the technical scepticism of the social work-ers, the relatively one-sided orientation of further training and the lack of equipment (Klein-schmidt/Scheibe). All this is still incomplete and does not apply equally to all social workers.This unfinished list shows that this phenomenon is interrelated and cannot be described and explained solely by describing the skills of the social workers. At this point, the actor-network theory (ANT) could be a useful theoretical perspective, because it allows the entanglement and reciprocal influences of human and non-human components in a network to be visible and then analysed. I take up the previous considerations on the use of the ANT in contexts of internet-related social work and think about them along the question of how a case study could be structured in which the individual situation of youth workers in relation to the respective conditions of success of their internet-related activities can be explored and subsequently analysed.To answer the question, I first outline the basic elements of the ANT, and then explore the potential of a thematic examination of specialists in case studies on object-related theory buil-ding. Based on this, I present a possible research design. Finally, I summarize the relevant findings and discuss ideas for further development. Stüwe, G., Ermel, N.: Lehrbuch Soziale Arbeit und Digitalisierung. Beltz, Weinheim, Basel (2019) Bossong, H.: Soziale Arbeit in Zeiten der Digitalisierung: Entwicklungspotenziale mit Schatten-seiten. neue praxis 4, 303 – 324 (2018) Buschle, C., Meyer, N.: Soziale Arbeit im Ausnahmezustand?! Professionstheoretische For-schungsnotizen zur Corona-Pandemie. Soziale Passagen 12, 155 – 170 (2020) Günzel, S.: Raum. Eine kulturwissenschaftliche Einführung. transcript, Bielefeld (2017) Waechter, N., Hollauf, I.: Soziale Herausforderungen und Entwicklungsaufgaben im Medienalltag jugendlicher Videospieler/innen. deutsche jugend 5, 218-226 (2018) Bundesministerium für Familie, Senioren, Frauen und Jugend (BMFSFJ): 16. Kinder- und Ju-gendbericht. Förderung demokratischer Bildung im Kindes- und Jugendalter. Rostock (2020) Iske, S., Kutscher, N.: Digitale Ungleichheiten im Kontext Sozialer Arbeit. In: Kutscher, N., Ley, T., Seelmeyer, U., Siller, F., Tillmann, A., Zorn, I. (eds.): Handbuch Soziale Arbeit und Digitalisie-rung. Beltz-Juventa, Weinheim, Basel, 115 – 128 (2020) Bossong, H.: Soziale Arbeit in Zeiten der Digitalisierung: Entwicklungspotenziale mit Schattenseiten. neue praxis 4, 303 – 324 (2018) Helbig, C., Roeske, A. (2020): Digitalisierung in Studium und Weiterbildung der Sozialen Arbeit. In: Kutscher, N., Ley, T., Seelmeyer, U., Siller, F., Tillmann, A., Zorn, I. (eds.): Handbuch Soziale Arbeit und Digitalisierung. Beltz-Juventa, Weinheim, Basel, 333 – 346 (2020) Kleinschmidt, N. S., Scheibe, M.: Der Digital Divide bei Fachkräften der Sozialen Arbeit. Abbild ge-sellschaftlicher Entwicklungen oder ein eingeschriebener „Konstruktionsfehler“ – Eine Untersuchung der Kinder- und Jugendhilfe. FORUM sozial 2, 47 – 49 (2021) Latour, B.: Existenzweisen. Eine Anthropologie der Modernen. Suhrkamp, Berlin (2018) Eßer, F.: Wissenschaft- und Technikforschung: Erklärungspotenziale für die Digitalisierung der Sozialen Arbeit. In: Kutscher, N., Ley, T., Seelmeyer, U., Siller, F., Tillmann, A., Zorn, I. (eds.): Handbuch Soziale Arbeit und Digitalisierung. Beltz-Juventa, Weinheim, Basel, 18 – 29 (2020) Hoff, W.: Vom Fallverstehen zur Theoriebildung. Über die epistemische Bedeutung einer ver-nachlässigten Wissensform. In: Birgmeier, B., Mührel, E., Winkler, M. (eds.): Sozialpädagogische SeitenSprünge. Einsichten von außen, Aussichten von innen: Befunde und Visionen zur Sozialpä-dagogik. Beltz-Juventa, Weinheim, Basel, 89 – 95 (2020)
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Maya, Sebastian. "A reflexive educational model for design practice with rural communities: the case of bamboo product makers in Cuetzalan, México." In LINK 2021. Tuwhera Open Access, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/link2021.v2i1.58.
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In the '60s and '70s, a global economic and technological development plan for "undeveloped" countries defined the base of the professionalization process of industrial design in Latin America. Since then, many scholars have revised the industrial design practice and proposed new ways to reinterpret Latin American design according to current perspectives about the context and territory. This research strives on a reflexive educational model based on a socio-technical system's understanding for a mixed craft-industrial design practice with rural communities in Mexico. By combining post and decolonial perspectives and critical theories of neoliberalism in the design field; and analyses of the design education process inside the rural communities of bamboo product makers in Cuetzalan (Puebla, México), it is possible to unravel the translation agency of designers (also as individuals with personal and professional interests) between the global economic system pressures and internal beliefs and positions of communities. Following Arturo Escobar's (2007, 2013, 2017) and Walter Mignolo's (2013) ideas, the design practice in Latin America is highly questionable when it tries to involve rural or social perspectives due to the influence of the development's regimes of representation. These regimes vigorously promote the generation of economic wealth from economic and technological development, primarily based on a globalized neoliberal logic. As Professor Juan Camilo Buitrago shows in the Colombian case, many universities were linked to government economic policies "due to the need to align themselves with the projects that the State was mobilizing based on industrialization to encourage exports." (2012, p. 26). This idea is still valid since public and private universities constantly compete for economic resources that they exchange with applied knowledge that points to the development of various economic sectors. Numerous studies attempt to reconcile academic epistemological and ontological forms with rural ways of understanding the world. Regardless of these efforts, it is necessary to highlight that professional design education has barely incorporated these reflections within its institutional academic structures. This work has been part of a series of university-level courses that mix experiences and perspectives between Anahuac University final year design students and the Tosepan Ojtatsentekitinij (bamboo workshop) members. The current research considers the participation of all the actors involved in the educational process (directors, lecturers, and students) and the people close to the bamboo transformation processes in Cuetzalan. The course is divided into three phases. First, students and professors discuss critical topics about complex systems and wicked problems, participatory methodologies, capitalism and globalization, non-western knowledge, social power dynamics, and Socio-technical systems. The second phase involves independent and guided fieldwork to share thoughts and intentions with the bamboo material and its possible applications. Lastly, there are different creation, experimentation, and exposition moments where each actor could share comments about all the experiences. The results intended to provide analytical tools that allow design students and educational staff members to deconstruct their economical-industrial roots to tend bridges that harmonize imaginative and creative attitudes between designers and rural craftspersons.
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Molokwu, Bonaventure. "Event Prediction in Complex Social Graphs using One-Dimensional Convolutional Neural Network." In Twenty-Eighth International Joint Conference on Artificial Intelligence {IJCAI-19}. California: International Joint Conferences on Artificial Intelligence Organization, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.24963/ijcai.2019/914.
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Social network graphs possess apparent and latent knowledge about their respective actors and links which may be exploited, using effective and efficient techniques, for predicting events within the social graphs. Understanding the intrinsic relationship patterns among spatial social actors and their respective properties are crucial factors to be taken into consideration in event prediction within social networks. My research work proposes a unique approach for predicting events in social networks by learning the context of each actor/vertex using neighboring actors in a given social graph with the goal of generating vector-space embeddings for each vertex. Our methodology introduces a pre-convolution layer which is essentially a set of feature-extraction operations aimed at reducing the graph's dimensionality to aid knowledge extraction from its complex structure. Consequently, the low-dimensional node embeddings are introduced as input features to a one-dimensional ConvNet model for event prediction about the given social graph. Training and evaluation of this proposed approach have been done on datasets (compiled: November, 2017) extracted from real world social networks with respect to 3 European countries. Each dataset comprises an average of 280,000 links and 48,000 actors.
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CÂmara, NaiÁ. "Transmedia literacy in professional training practices: a case study." In LINK 2021. Tuwhera Open Access, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/link2021.v2i1.108.
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The changes the digital age brought in communicative practices produced under transmedia logic allow the structure of increasingly complex texts, produced by open, polyphonic, simultaneous, accelerated, and hybrid archenunciations, which expand into different genres, formats, languages , and media, determining new forms of production, reception, and circulation of content. New ethics and aesthetics shape cultural productions in all spheres, especially in the area of entertainment and the arts. Virtual reality, metaverses, among other modifications, demand new communicative skills and abilities – that is to say, a new literacy to the persons. In addition, the COVID-19 era inserted the processes and practices of professional training in the Internet's digital ecosystem, also demanding from its actors new interaction regimes with the educational practices that arise in this context. Digital platforms start to mediate the relationships of these actors with knowledge, configuring new ways of life for the learner. To identify the characteristics of the profile of these students and how they are relating to these emerging educational practices, we are developing a project entitled “Transmedia literacy in the era of education platform”, whose objective is to identify and analyze the produced and circulated transmedia literacy by students enrolled in professional training courses and inserted in educational practices mediated by digital technologies. We understand Transmedia Literacy as a communicative competence carried out in the universe of cultural and media convergence of the digital age, and as a theoretical-methodological proposal for research, teaching, and learning of transmedia communicative practices of reading, interpreting, producing, and disseminating texts. This proposal is based on transdisciplinary relationships from cross-relationships between the assumptions of the area of Social Communication, Linguistics, and discursive Semiotics. It is part of a context of cultural and transmedia convergence to which subjects migrate their social practices in an ever-accelerating manner. Assuming that literacy problems directly impact the teaching and learning processes of students in professional training processes, we propose to carry out a comparative study between the literacy skills of students in educational practices mediated by the digital platforms of formal education and their literacy daily life produced in the digital spaces through which they transit. We aim to identify the interaction regimes, types, and degrees of literacy and, therefore, the relationship of students with the knowledge offered by institutions. With Castells (2007), we consider that there is a great cultural and technological gap between today's youth and a school system that did not evolve along with society and the digital environment. Thus, it is intended that the results of this research have a direct impact on formal educational practices, offering data and a methodological proposal that allows institutions and professors to adapt their practices to the profile of their students, improving their relationship with the processes and practices of teaching and learning, thus ensuring excellence in the processes and practices of professional training in the areas of Art and Design.
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Nur Indra, Latif, Filosa Gita Sukmono, and Danang Kurniawan. "The Function of Social Media in Creating Participatory Based Government Policies in Indonesia." In 8th International Conference on Human Interaction and Emerging Technologies. AHFE International, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1002761.
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Public participation is not only limited to direct movements such as demonstrations, the use of social media in the community has proven to be effective in escorting changes in government policies. This study aims to analyze the relationship between the "digital movement of opinion" on twitter social media through the hashtag "Percuma Lapor Polisi" in improving Indonesian Police services. This study uses a descriptive qualitative approach with the data source of social media twitter on #percumalaporpolisi. The #Percumalaporpolisi movement is a form of public disillusionment through social media twitter, towards the services of the Indonesian Police for the period 1 February – 1 March 2022. The data analysis phase of this research uses the “Social Network Analysis” method, to identify the social structure and explain the position of the main or affected stakeholders. can be called a vital player. In analyzing the data, the author is assisted by using tools based on the Netray.id website. The results of data analysis and visualization show that there are social networks of several key actors in the spread of #Percumalaporpolisi. The main actor plays a role in driving public opinion through conflicting information on social and economic cases that are not in favor of the community. Stimulating opinion is considered very effective in creating public support through the #Percumalaporpolisi movement on social media. Indonesians people are quicker to support movements that are oriented towards violence and blasphemy. The #Percumalaporpolisi movement focuses on the issue of agrarian conflicts between Wadas Village Residents and the government involving the military and police officers and the issue of alleged blasphemy. The incident created a tremendous digital opinion movement on the social media platform twitter. Social media can play an important role in overseeing the policy process at the national level, through leading opinion on social media.
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Reinsalu, Kristina. "Shedding Light on the Digital Vulnerability: Challenges and Solutions." In 13th International Conference on Applied Human Factors and Ergonomics (AHFE 2022). AHFE International, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1002576.
Full textAbstract:
There was a hope that digital transformation, in improving public service provision and delivery, and in promoting inclusion – with due regard to the needs of vulnerable populations – is instrumental in mitigating the effects of exclusion and improving people’s livelihoods (UN e-Government Survey 2012). Also, the rise of social media with their more inclusive tendencies and lower technical skill requirements was expected to open new horizons for the inclusion of vulnerable groups. Whereas these hopes have partly become true, we are also witnessing that vulnerable groups are facing new type of risks such as digital harassment, hate speech, disinformation/misinformation attacks and other risks which hinder those groups from fully benefitting from digital transformation.While traditional digital divide reasons (lack of access and skills) remain important, motivational reasons have increased in importance over time. Effective interventions aimed at tacklingdigital exclusion need to take into consideration national contexts, individual experience etc. What worked a decade ago in a particular country might not work currently in a different or even the same country (Helsper, E.J. and Reisdorf, B.C. 2016). The aim of research paper is to shed a light on the digital vulnerability, and to understand (a) which are the groups and activities where digital transformation (increase of digital awareness, skills, resources) could bring about the biggest change in the quality of life, and empowerment? (b) What are the main actors in this field? (c) What are the practical implications to rise their capacity and empower them?Our research collects and analyses data from Ukraine and Georgia. The democratic development of these two countries has been relatively similar. Both countries have also placed emphasis on digital development. However, the state of democracy is fragile in both countries, there are many inequalities and a great threat to security, especially in Ukraine. This makes the vulnerable groups even more vulnerable digitally and the risks mentioned above might have real dramatic consequences.Even though we are looking more closely at these two countries, there is a threat to democracy and societies everywhere, so this focus is universal.The research will make use of primary as well as of secondary data. The primary data will be collected using semi-structured interviews with different stakeholders. The secondary data will be collected from public sources (strategy and policy documents etc.)In our study the digitally vulnerable groups (DVG) are those whose digital engagement in political decision-making and e-services is hindered by their lack of awareness of digital issues, access to technological benefits, and / or digital literacy and skills. Irrespective of the causes (e.g. demographic, socioeconomic and/or health status, living conditions or social position, etc.), these barriers prevent the people from reaping the benefits of digital transformation and as such, have a negative impact on their rights, interests, and everyday life. The primary research shows that the priority target groups are similar in both countries – these are (a) children and young people; and (b) elderly people. Evidently those both groups have completely different needs, barriers, and enablers for benefitting from digital agenda. The research is part of a project DRIVE, the results will be used for preparing recommendations for action, train civil society organisations and public authorities to work on these recommendations and turn two of the recommendations into a pilot project to be implemented during the project.
Reports on the topic "Social actor structure of the party"
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Ripoll, Santiago, Eva Niederberger, and Leslie Jones. Key Considerations: Behavioural, Social and Community Dynamics Related to Plague Outbreaks in Madagascar. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/sshap.2021.044.
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This brief explores behavioural and community dynamics related to plague outbreaks in Madagascar. The aim is to support actors involved in plague response to acquire a deeper understanding of behavioural and cultural practices and structural inequities that may exacerbate plague transmission. It also provides suggestions on how to improve communications and community engagement as part of a context-adapted plague response. It is authored by Santiago Ripoll (IDS) and Eva Niederberger (Anthrologica) and edited by Leslie Jones (Anthrologica). Contributions were made by colleagues at Institut Pasteur Madagascar, the Institute of Development Studies, Rutgers University, the IFRC and UNICEF.
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Hicks, Jacqueline. Donor Support for ‘Informal Social Movements’. Institute of Development Studies, April 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.085.
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“Social movements” are by definition informal or semi-formal, as opposed to the formal structure of a stable association, such as a club, a corporation, or a political party. They are relatively long lasting over a period of weeks, months, or even years rather than flaring up for a few hours or a few days and then disappearing (Smelser et al., 2020). There is a substantial and growing body of work dedicated to social movements, encompassing a wide range of views about how to define them (Smelser et al., 2020). This is complicated by the use of other terms which shade into the idea of “social movements”, such as grass-roots mobilisation/ movements, non-traditional civil society organisations, voluntary organisations, civic space, new civic activism, active citizenship, to name a few. There is also an implied informality to the term “social movements”, so that the research for this rapid review used both “social movement” and “informal social movement”. Thus this rapid review seeks to find out what approaches do donors use to support “informal social movements” in their programming, and what evidence do they base their strategies on. The evidence found during the course of this rapid review was drawn from both the academic literature, and think-tank and donor reports. The academic literature found was extremely large and predominantly drawn from single case studies around the world, with few comparative studies. The literature on donor approaches found from both donors and think tanks was not consistently referenced to research evidence but tended to be based on interviews with experienced staff and recipients.
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Gu, Jing, Danielle Green, and Jiadan Yu. Building Back Better: Sustainable Development Diplomacy in the Pandemic Era. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), December 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ids.2021.065.
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This report critically examines the nature of the distinction between traditional inter-state diplomacy and sustainable development diplomacy. It then sets out the institutional changes which are necessary for the achievement of sustainable development diplomacy. Multi-stakeholder partnerships have been identified as a key means of implementation for the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Given the increasing centrality of the United States (US)–China relationship in global development cooperation, understanding the modalities of their engagement may provide useful insights into how partnerships may be cultivated and deepened to realise the SDGs. The Covid-19 pandemic and climate change have demonstrated the interconnection of the world, as well as the interconnection of challenges of the world. Sustainable development diplomacy is needed now more than ever to prioritise development strategies of different states and work on common shared challenges. Sustainable development diplomacy can only work when different actors recognise the value of the common goals and are willing to make an effort to accomplish them. Global sustainable development diplomacy requires a stronger policy agenda and greater cohesion. This report explores the idea of sustainable development diplomacy and, through two sectoral case studies, explores the nature, function, and rationale for interactive engagement. The form and structure of multi-actor relationships are a response to complex, trans-border political, social, economic, and environmental challenges which require a more nuanced and varied management approach than narrowly defined state-led development. However, the power dynamics, the modalities, and experiences of engagement that underpin these dynamic relationships, remain understudied, especially with regard to their impact on sustainable development.