Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Social activism'
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Wei, Jiaying. "Corporate social responsibility and shareholder activism." Thesis, Cergy-Pontoise, Ecole supérieure des sciences économiques et commerciales, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018ESEC0007/document.
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Motivés par des articles et des discussions récentes sur les valeurs monétaires par rapport aux valeurs sociales, j'ai un grand intérêt à étudier l'impact des valeurs sociales ou de la responsabilité sociale des entreprises (“CSR”) sur les valeurs des entreprises. Le chapitre un et le chapitre deux étudient tous deux l'activisme des actionnaires sur les questions de CSR, tout en ayant des objectifs différents. Le premier chapitre étudie les propositions d'actionnaires déposées par des fonds socialement responsables (“SRIs”) en utilisant un échantillon collecté à la main. Le premier chapitre fournit des statistiques descriptives sur ces propositions et examine les caractéristiques de l'entreprise cible. Deuxièmement, à l'aide de la méthodologie de l'étude des événements, il examine la réaction du marché autour du dépôt de la proposition et constate une réaction positive du marché à ces propositions. Troisièmement, il examine l’horizon à plus long terme et étudie l’impact à long terme de ces propositions sur la valeur marchande, la performance opérationnelle et la performance sociale des entreprises. Le deuxième chapitre étudie un échantillon plus large de propositions d'actionnaires déposées par différentes parties, notamment des investisseurs institutionnels (par exemple, fonds de pension, fonds SRI), des syndicats, des fondations, des groupes religieux et des particuliers. Le chapitre deux se concentre plus sur l'identification de l'impact des différents déclarants sur le résultat de la proposition, et les résultats montrent que les investisseurs institutionnels tels que les fonds SRI et les fonds de pension sont des déclarants plus performants. Si une proposition est déposée par des fonds SRI ou des fonds de pension, elle a beaucoup plus de chances de réussir et recevoir des votes plus favorables. La réaction du marché aux activités de dépôt de propositions est également positive pour ces déposants et a également une incidence à long terme sur les entreprises cibles. Le chapitre trois étudie la performance des fonds SRI. En choisissant une période de temps particulière (c’est-à-dire la crise financière), elle tente de séparer la performance des investissements des fonds des rendements générés par des groupes spécifiques d’entreprises (c’est-à-dire les entreprises ayant de bonnes notes CSR). Les résultats montrent que ces SRIs génèrent des rendements inférieurs à ceux des fonds conventionnels pendant la crise, alors que ces entreprises obtiennent en moyenne des rendements plus élevés pendant la crise, comme le suggèrent d'autres études (Lins et al. 2017). Cependant, ce résultat ne persiste pas après la crise financière dans l'échantillon correspondant. La volatilité des flux des SRIs est inférieure à celle des fonds conventionnels. L'analyse de la sensibilité des flux dans une régression linéaire par morceaux montre que les SRIs attirent plus de flux que les fonds conventionnels après avoir contrôlé divers autres facteurs. Une analyse plus poussée montre que les SRIs ont tendance à avoir un horizon d'investissement plus long et à vendre moins pendant la crise. Il aborde également les raisons potentielles et les motivations des investisseurs en examinant les flux de fonds SRI, les sensibilités aux performances des flux, horizons des investisseurs et les activités de vente pendant la criseMotivated by papers and recent talks on monetary values versus social values, I have great interest in studying how social values or corporate social responsibility (“CSR”) could impact firm values. Recent studies have shown that there are mainly three potential channels, through which CSR affects firm value. Firstly, employees help create firm value. Employee welfare is part of CSR (measured by MSCI ESG KLD Statistics, known as KLD scores), and employee satisfaction improves firm value shown by positive long-term abnormal stock market returns. (eg. Edmans 2011) Secondly, customers strongly link to firm value. Product quality and safety are part of CSR, and product characteristics are the main reasons directly linked to customer purchasing decisions, especially for firms in manufacturing and retail industries. Moreover, part of the customers may be socially conscious and are sensitive to firms’ actions towards environmental, community or human rights issues. They may form updated opinion of the firm based on their CSR activities and thus influence their purchasing decisions. Papers find that firms with more customer awareness benefit more from CSR. (eg. Servaes and Tamayo 2013) Thirdly, investors are associated with firm value. Investors, especially socially-conscious investors help discipline the firms’ CSR activities. Shareholder proposal is one good venue where they raise their voice and engage in the firms. Investors could use exit strategy to sell their shares, and changes in investment flows could affect firms’ value. (eg. Bialkowski & Starks 2016) The third channel, investors’ engagements in CSR issues in the firm and their association with firm value implications, as well as the related SRI investment performance are the main focus of this dissertation
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Davis, Leslie Karen. "The impact of long-term psychotherapy on the social activism of social activists." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp02/NQ35398.pdf.
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Santos, Ana Cristina. "Enacting activism : the political, legal and social impacts of LGBT activism in Portugal." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2008. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.493602.
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The title "Enacting Activism" suggests the idea of activism applied to different fields, at the same time that it highlights the power of social movements in respect to influencing change. Situated at the intersection of new social movement theory and queer studies, this thesis examines the impact of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) activism in Portugal since 1995.
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Mecham, Michael G. "William Walker : social activism and Belfast labourism." Thesis, St Mary's University, Twickenham, 2018. http://research.stmarys.ac.uk/2393/.
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This thesis examines the social and political activism of the Belfast labour movement though one of its leaders, William Walker (1870 - 1918). It reassesses his place in Irish historiography which often dismissed him despite his acknowledged prominence in early twentieth century Ireland. The thesis argues that Walker has been narrowly defined as a political activist and makes the case for broadening the understanding of him through his social activism. [...]. The thesis conclused by arguing that Walker deserves greater recogniition for his courage, sense of dury and commitment to improving working-class conditions.
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Greenslade, Lyndal. "Social Work Activism: Resistance at the Frontier." Thesis, Griffith University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/367865.
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When social and economic systems disadvantage individuals and groups, social workers have historically been amongst those who protest. The contemporary context provides particular challenges for social workers discontent with welfare service delivery influenced by neo-liberal ideology. Recent research reports on a range of barriers to activist practice, with participants identifying the negative impact of contemporary welfare ideologies, which have contributed to a dominance of technical practice models and an accompanying loss of structural, activist approaches. Participants in these studies informed that contemporary welfare organisations have led to a concealing of activist activities, for fear of reprisal should more open forms of radical practice be attempted. This thesis explores the motivations and behaviours of social workers employed in statutory workplace settings who identified that they undertook covert activist activities as a response to challenges resulting from the current service delivery model. The overarching research question was: What are the experiences of Australian statutory social workers regarding the types of covert activism they practice, and their reasons for doing so? Findings from this research are aimed at informing current discussions on the relevance of radical practice methods in challenging the contemporary welfare model and the role of social workers as agents of change.
This study involved fifteen professional social workers involved in statutory work within the fields of health, mental health, child protection and income support in Australia. Qualitative interviews were conducted over a six month period via the method of Email Facilitated Reflective Dialogue. The purpose of the dialogues was to investigate how social work practitioners utilised covert resistance strategies within statutory welfare organisations to challenge organisational-professional conflict and what the experience of doing is like for them. Additionally, the dialogues also explored the identity of this group of practitioners, with the goal of understanding more about who contemporary social work activists are.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Human Services and Social Work
Griffith Health
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Lahiri, Debtanu. "Corporate Politics, Social Activism, and Corporate Social Performance : Three essays underscoring firms' complex relationships with non-market stakeholders." Thesis, Jouy-en Josas, HEC, 2022. http://www.theses.fr/2022EHEC0002.
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Cette dissertation étudie les conséquences des relations complexes entre les entreprises et les diverses parties prenantes non commerciales. Le premier essai tente de déterminer si l'activité politique des entreprises (APE) contribue à maintenir les avantages concurrentiels. Les recherches antérieures n'abordent pas cette question et se contentent d’estimer si l'APE augmente les bénéfices, avec des résultats mitigés sur de courtes échelles de temps. Nous théorisons sur la manière dont le capital politique affecte la régression vers la moyenne des bénéfices, par le biais de mécanismes de persistance de l'entreprise et du secteur. En utilisant des données sur plus de 6 000 entreprises de 14 pays démocratiques, nous estimons des coefficients de persistance de la performance variant dans le temps et spécifiques à l'entreprise avec des modèles à coefficients aléatoires et des mesures de volatilité des bénéfices. La triangulation sur diverses méthodes d'identification suggère que la demi-vie du capital politique est plus courte que prévu, et l’est également par rapport à d'autres interventions stratégiques. Les connexions politiques sont très peu efficaces pour maintenir la performance et réduire la volatilité, puisqu’elles retardent la convergence des bénéfices de 0,180 an seulement et sont sans effet au-delà de sept ans. Le deuxième essai met en évidence les compromis impliqués dans la relation des entreprises avec deux parties prenantes non marchandes : les politiciens et les activistes sociaux. Cette étude soutient que la présence de connexions politiques au sein du conseil d'administration augmente la sensibilité de l'entreprise aux actions militantes, en raison, i. des objectifs contradictoires de ces deux acteurs non marchands, et ii. de la perception d'une plus grande sensibilité des entreprises connectées aux attentes de la société. En outre, à l'aide d'un modèle analytique simple, je démontre que cet effet dépend fortement du niveau d'adoption des politiques ESG (politiques sociales, de gouvernance et relatives aux salariés) par les entreprises, de sorte qu’à des niveaux plus élevés d'adoption des politiques ESG, la responsabilité de la connectivité se dissipe (ou diminue considérablement). Les deux propositions sont étayées de façon adéquate par l'analyse empirique. Sur le plan théorique, en révélant un déterminant spécifique à l'entreprise des actions militantes, cette étude nous rapproche de la définition de la « structure d'opportunité de l'entreprise » pour l'activisme, tout en caractérisant mieux les compromis complexes intervenant dans les relations des entreprises avec les différentes parties prenantes. Enfin, le troisième essai étudie les motivations des entreprises à adopter des pratiques de RSE (responsabilité sociale des entreprises). J'adopte le point de vue de « l’assurance-risque » sur l'engagement RSE des entreprises pour soutenir que, face à un changement brutal du paysage institutionnel, conduisant à un assouplissement considérable des règles et réglementations relatives à la durabilité, les entreprises seraient désireuses d'améliorer de manière proactive la performance sociale de l'entreprise (PSE), afin de neutraliser la responsabilité associée à l'intégration dans un régime mettant peu l’accent sur la RSE. Cette étude utilise la victoire de Trump à l'élection présidentielle américaine de 2016 comme un événement exogène qui a entraîné une réduction marquée de l'importance accordée par le gouvernement américain aux politiques liées à la durabilité. L'analyse Diff-in-diff sur un échantillon apparié d'entreprises américaines et non américaines suggère qu'en moyenne, les entreprises américaines ont amélioré leur empreinte de durabilité après l'élection de Trump. Une hétérogénéité considérable a été observée sur la base des tendances idéologiques des entreprises : les entreprises non partisanes ont rapporté un degré d'amélioration sensiblement plus faible que leurs homologues partisanesThis dissertation investigates the consequences of the complex relationships between firms and various non-market stakeholders. The first essay examines if corporate political activity (CPA) helps sustain competitive benefits. Prior literature does not address this question, only whether CPA increases profits – with mixed results over short timescales. We theorize about how political capital affects the regression-to-the-mean of profits through firm and industry persistence mechanisms. Using data on over 6,000 firms from 14 democratic countries, we estimate time-varying, firm-specific performance persistence coefficients with random-coefficient models - and profit volatility measures. Triangulation over various identification methods suggests that the half-life of political capital is shorter than expected, and also compared with other strategy interventions. Political connections are marginally effective at sustaining performance and reducing volatility, delaying profit convergence by only 0.180 years – and with no effect beyond seven years. These modest CPA benefits are further curbed by legislative constraints and political stability. The second essay highlights the tradeoffs involved in the firms’ relationship with two non-market stakeholders: politicians and social activists. This study argues that the presence of board political connections increases the susceptibility of the firm to activist actions – owing to, i. the conflicting objectives of these two non-market actors, and ii. the perceived higher sensitivity of connected firms to societal expectations. Furthermore, using a simple analytical model, I demonstrate that this effect is strongly contingent on the firms’ level of ESG (employee, social and governance policies) adoption – such that, at higher levels of ESG adoption, the liability of connectedness dissipates (or diminishes considerably). Both propositions find adequate support in the empirical analysis.Theoretically, by revealing a firm-specific determinant of activist actions, this study takes us a step closer towards defining the ‘corporate opportunity structure’ for activism, while also better characterizing the complex trade-offs involved in the firms’ relationship with various stakeholders. Finally, the third essay examines firms’ motivations for adopting CSR (corporate social responsibility) practices. I adopt the ‘risk-insurance’ view of firms’ CSR engagement to argue that when faced with an abrupt change in the institutional landscape leading to considerable muting of the rules and regulations pertaining to sustainability, firms would be keen to proactively improve corporate social performance (CSP) in order to neutralize the liability associated with being embedded in a low CSR-emphasis regime. The study uses Trump’s win in the 2016 US Presidential election as an exogenous event that resulted in a marked reduction in the US govt’s emphasis on sustainability related policies. Diff-in-diff analysis on a matched sample of US and non-US firms suggest that, on average, US firms improved their sustainability footprint after Trump’s election. Considerable heterogeneity was observed based on firms’ ideological proclivities: non-partisan firms reported a significantly lower magnitude of improvement compared to their partisan counterparts
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Gu, Xiaoting. "The influence of social media on chinese college students' social activism." Scholarly Commons, 2012. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/839.
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Guided by Uses and Gratifications Theory, this study investigated the relationship between Chinese college students' use of social media and their social activism. Data collected from a goup-administered survey of 309 undergraduate students at a large university in eastern China was used to answer four research questions. The results indicated that Chinese college students who used social media for information seeking were likely to participate in individual social activism. Besides, students who used social media for self-status seeking and information seeking were likely to participate in collective social activism. No significant correlation between entertainment motivation and social activism were found. Neither can socializing motivation predict Chinese college students' social activism. In addition, gender had an impact on individual social activism and frequency of social media use could affect both individual and collective social activism.
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Rhodes-Kubiak, Robert. "Activist citizens : social movement theory, citizenship and the development of LGBT activism in Serbia." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2013. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.599556.
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Between 1990 and 2010, lesbian, gay, bisexual and trans (LOBT) people in Serbia moved from a legal prohibition of homosexuality and widespread hostility, to a legislative and institutional framework of increasing recognition and protection. Social attitudes, too, 3re shifting towards greater acceptance. A vibrant social movement of LGBT activists has been vitally important in these shifts. This thesis explores and analyses a series of semi-structured interviews with these activists, campaigning materials, and primary and secondary literature to present a contextualised account of the history and practice of this under-researched movement. Beginning by developing a model of a theoretical toolbox, the thesis identifies the continuing relevance of a range of social movement theories and concepts, arguing that these must be utilised pragmatically to ensure a full understanding of the complex processes at work in a social movement. It particularly identifies the importance of contextually situated grievances, resources and opportunities to the development of LOBT activism in Serbia. A background of nationalism, warfare, ethnic fragmentation, authoritarianism, shifting international and domestic resources and opportunities have influenced the strategies and tactics, participation, leadership, motivations for taking part, and patterns of cooperation, all of which are explored. At the same time the thesis stresses the importance of actors making choices and acting creatively to influence, as well as work within, this context. To this end, the movement is theorised as representing a model of 'activist citizenship' based on rights, participation and belonging, utilising identity strategically whilst seeking a wider citizenship based on common humanity and linking struggles between oppressed groups. In doing so, this interdisciplinary research fills an important gap in existing sociological literature on the former Yugoslavia and makes a contribution to social movement theory and citizenship studies, as well as contributing to political sciences work on the former Yugoslavia and social movement studies.
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Reiprich, Barbara. "Feeling activism: Emotionalized and visual-based strategic communication within environmental small-scale activism on social media." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för informatik och media, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-364217.
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This master thesis aims to understand whether the connection of visuals and emotions on social media can be utilized by activists to increase awareness of environmental issues. In particular, this thesis discussed if emotional visual content about environmental activism on social media increases recipients' emotional awareness and small-scale activism when embedded in visual framing communication. The work is based on theories like affective visual framing, affective intensity, stickiness and grab, which define the dynamics of emotions online and the merits that come with it, when used for strategic communication. In combination with visual communication on social media and the emotional impact of visuals, environmental imagery develops power for social transformation. Analyzing the organization Greenpeace and the Leonardo DiCaprio Foundation for their emotional strategic communication on Instagram, the research uses mixed-methods to gather data about the reception of emotional visuals. A questionnaire collects data about broad responses to images and seven in-depth interviews focus on deeper motivations and opinions behind the emotional reaction. The research reveals that first of all emotions are generated by emotionally framed visual contents. These emotions also lead to an emotional awareness of environmental issues. Nevertheless, small-scale activism was neither increased by emotional content nor by general emotional awareness. Solely short-term interest in activism could be identified.
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Coretti, Lorenzo. "The Purple Movement : social media and activism in Berlusconi's Italy." Thesis, University of Westminster, 2014. https://westminsterresearch.westminster.ac.uk/item/964wx/the-purple-movement-social-media-and-activism-in-berlusconi-s-italy.
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This research project assesses the relationship between the use of Facebook and the development of social movements throughout their life cycle by focusing on the case study of Popolo Viola. On 5th December, 2009, hundreds of thousands of Italian citizens took to the streets of Rome to say ‘no’ to the politics of Silvio Berlusconi’s government and to ask for his resignation as Prime Minister. The demonstration was planned and organized, mainly on Facebook, by a group of bloggers. A single-issue protest rapidly evolved into a social movement, called ‘Popolo Viola’, ‘Purple People’. The colour purple was chosen because it was not previously associated with any political movement, and as a word to the wise that the movement was not linked to any political party. New groups and pages arose on Facebook: apart from the page ‘il Popolo Viola’, which now had more than 460,000 members (data August, 2013), thousands of pages and groups were opened at a local level, both inside and outside Italy. Through the lenses of Social Movement Theory and the Critical Theory of Technology this study focuses on the role played by the use of Facebook in the development of the movement’s organizational structure, the building of its collective identity, and its mobilization processes. The methodology adopted for this purpose includes both quantitative and qualitative methods: on the one hand, there is an analysis of membership data and interaction levels on the Popolo Viola Facebook page, and a survey; on the other hand, there are in-depth interviews with the Facebook page administrators, influential members and activists of the movement, and content analysis of the online conversations among activists. The findings of this research show how Facebook proved to be an efficient mobilizing structure for the social movement only on a short-term basis. After its initial success, the incompatibility between the commercial interests behind Facebook’s design, and the ideology of Popolo Viola became manifest. Facebook failed to provide the movement with the necessary instruments in terms of a shared democratic management of its resources. The inability to manage Facebook pages and groups according to commonly agreed values promoted vertical power structures within the movement, contributing to controversial management of the Facebook page and to internal divisions which significantly hindered the potential of the anti-Berlusconi protest. Moreover, gradual changes in the Facebook code increasingly promoted top-down flows of communication which, in conjunction with controversial decisions in the moderation of discussions that were made by the page administrators, progressively decreased the plurality of voices within the movement’s page, and hampered the formation of a strong collective identity. Facebook therefore proved to represent much more than a mere communication tool for Popolo Viola, playing a vital role in influencing the movement’s structure, leadership, communication flows and collective identity. The rise and fall of Popolo Viola, with all its complexity, constitutes a useful case study of the evaluation of technology as a problematic force for social change. That said, this is not an issue which relates to the technology itself, but rather to the values and interests that drive the actors who are involved in this power struggle. Taking into account the relationships between culture, technology and capital, this study offers a balanced assessment of the dynamics which characterize the development of social movement protest on commercial Social Network Media.
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Chuang, Ya-Chung. "Activism as a vocation social movements in urban Taiwan /." Click to view dissertation via Digital dissertation consortium, 2000.
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ROSSI, TERESINHA DE JESUS NOSKE. "SOCIAL NETWORKS AND CYBER-ACTIVISM: MOTIVATIONS, EXPECTATIONS AND HOPE." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2017. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=30541@1.
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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIROCONSELHO NACIONAL DE DESENVOLVIMENTO CIENTÍFICO E TECNOLÓGICO
Após o surgimento da internet, pudemos observar várias transformações em nosso modo de obter informações, interagir com outras pessoas e até mesmo de nos mobilizar politicamente. Movimentos sociais passaram a utilizar o ciberespaço para divulgar, protestar e captar mais adeptos para suas causas. A chegada das redes sociais facilitou ainda mais a participação política. Em 2013, diversas manifestações tiveram as redes sociais como ponto de partida e troca de informações para organizar protestos, entre eles, as Jornadas de Junho, no Brasil. É possível detectar nesse período um crescimento exponencial do ciberativismo. Através de websites, perfis no Facebook, Youtube, Twitter, Instagram, entre outros, diversos movimentos em prol de mudanças sociais, políticas e ambientais vêm expandindo suas ações e aumentando a quantidade de apoiadores para suas causas. Um dos movimentos destacados neste trabalho é o veganismo, isto é, a luta pelo abolicionismo animal. Com atuação ciberativista intensa, o movimento vem se expandindo e ocasionando mudanças de hábitos e pensamentos, além da desconstrução de vários aspectos da cultura vigente. Este trabalho tem por objetivo investigar os impactos do ciberativismo em nossas vidas e as transformações em nossa configuração subjetiva, ocasionadas por movimentos sociais, com recorte especial no veganismo.
After the emergence of the Internet, we were able to observe several transformations in our way of obtaining information, interacting with other people and even mobilizing us politically. Social movements began to use cyberspace to spread, protest and attract more followers to their causes. The arrival of social networks has further facilitated political participation. In 2013, several demonstrations had social networks as a starting point and exchange of information to organize protests, among them, the June Days in Brazil. It is possible to detect in this period an exponential growth of cyber-activism. Through websites, profiles on Facebook, Youtube, Twitter, Instagram, among others, various movements for social, political and environmental changes have been expanding their actions and increasing the number of supporters for their causes. One of the movements highlighted in this work is veganism, that is, the struggle for animal abolitionism. With intense cyberactivism, the movement has been expanding and causing changes in habits and thoughts, as well as the deconstruction of various aspects of the current culture. This work aims to investigate the impacts of cyber-activism on our lives and the transformations in our subjective configuration, caused by social movements, with a special cut in veganism.
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Lower, Jonathan. "Lead Belly: Race and Social Activism in Blues Music." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1405422192.
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Schoene, Matthew. "Transnational Social Movement Activism in the New Urban World." The Ohio State University, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1437519854.
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Foote, Justin Gus. "#DigitalDissentRhetoric: A Rhetorical Grounding of Contemporary Social Media Activism." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1554307381165225.
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Cederlund, Veronica, and Helena Larsson. "Advocacy for Effective Activism." Thesis, Linköping University, The Tema Institute, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-6746.
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The Movement Action Plan (MAP) was created by Bill Moyer (1933-2002), an experienced activist engaged in movements for civil rights, peace and the environment, as he believed activists need to become aware of the roles they and their organisations are playing in the larger social movement in order to become successful. MAP is a practical strategy and action-planning model as well as a “how-to-do it” analytical tool for evaluating and organising social movements. The aim of this study is to investigate if the success of the Swedish Society for Nature Conservation (SSNC) can be explained by the MAP model through a triangulation of methods; quantitative content analysis of the SSNC’s action plans and annual reports (2000-2005), as well as qualitative interviews with employees at the SSNC. Throughout the research materials and interviews, the organisation clearly demonstrates that they advocate as effective activists according to Moyer. The overall conclusion from this research is that Moyer’s tools to a great extent already is utilised, and that this could explain the SSNC’s success in transforming from a small group of educated elites into becoming a social movement.
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Crawford, Fiona. "Augmenting author-activism: An examination of how a continuing primary text and digital media inform contemporary non-fiction author-activism." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2016. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/101096/1/Fiona_Crawford_Thesis.pdf.
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Using a print magazine and associated digital media, this research focused on the intersection of existing writing practice, transmedia activism, and their interplay with old and new media. It identified and examined existing non-fiction author–activists' practices and considered innovative storytelling approaches that might enhance and extend contemporary author–activist practices to encourage social change.
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Eriksson, Asa. "Empowering women activists : creating a monster : the contentious politics of gender within social justice activism." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/14627.
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Includes bibliographical references (p. 160-167).This Master's Research Project has sought to investigate the discursive space for 'gender struggles' within contemporary South African class based social justice activism. It has done so in the form of a qualitative case study, analysing particular 'gender' interventions designed by a left-wing popular education organisation during 2006, and how these are theorized and contextualised against this specific moment in time in post-apartheid South Africa. The research has looked at how and why the organisation is presently trying to challenge gendered power inequalities in its internal and external work, strengthening women activists in the Community-based organisations and Social Movements which it targets, and contribute to putting women's strategic gender interests on the agenda of these movements, while simultaneously seeking to theorize the meaning of 'political' gender work in relation to its dominant perspective of class justice. The researcher has followed a specific empowerment initiative targeting women activists during the year, and has also engaged closely with the institutional dynamics in the organisation under study. The data has been gathered through interviews with staff members and women activists, and through participatory observation in educational events and office meetings. The theoretical framework for the study was designed in relation to Shireen Hassim's investigations of the "discursive space" for South African feminist groups to articulate their demands while continuing to work within the dominant, male-led resistance movements (Hassim, 2006:14-19), and to Amanda Gouws' theorizing of citizenship as including 'embodied' participation in political processes and activism (Gouws, 2005:1-16,71-87). It furthermore builds on contemporary theories on social movements and grassroots mobilisation in South Africa (recaptured by Ballard et. aI., 2006:3-19), on feminist consciousness-raising (Kaplan, 1997) and on organisational change for gender equality (Rao and Kelleher, 2003). Some of the suggestions made, while analysing the data against this theoretical framework, include; That the conflict which has emerged in the organisation under study in relation to the new 'gender programme' is indeed a contestation over the meaning of 'political' gender work, and over who can be a legitimate 'political actor' (Hassim, 2006: 17); simultaneously and contradictive, there is an awareness in the organisations that the nature of the 'working class' is shifting in pace with neo-liberal globalisation processes, and that rank-and-file members in working class organisations are now the unemployed or the casual workers, a majority of them being women (although leadership structures largely remain male territory), which theoretically should also prompt a shift in the focal organisations approach to 'political' gender work, but in practice, this is still a struggle; the empowerment programme which the research has followed closely throughout the year has led to women participants being ostracised, after surfacing issues of sexual harassment in the movements, but the rational/intellectual, spiritual and emotional learning which has happened in the group is analyzed as having been empowering on both an individual and collective level, inspiring new women's network to develop within movements of both men and women. The study suggests that engaging 'gender' and expanding the notion of 'political work' and who can be a 'political actor' is crucial if left-wing education and support organisations seek to remain relevant within a rapidly changing context.
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Snizhko, Yana. "“I can’t stop being an activist” : study on mediated activism and social change in Belarusian LGBT+ community." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för mediestudier, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-157026.
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During the last five years mediated activism dedicated to LGBT+ issues in Belarus has flourished despite restrictive context: several new online initiatives, including a media project, have been launched. The current study investigates how one of the most politically underprivileged and marginalized groups – LGBT+ activists – make use of online social media to advocate for positive social and political modification in the Belarusian society. By collecting interviews with activists as a primary source of lived experiences, applying thematical analysis on the data from 13 interviews, and then contributing with netnography-informed content analysis as an instrument to analyse 34 posts written in February of 2018 on the personal Facebook pages of the same activists, the current research examines patterns of experiences surrounding participation in mediated LGBT+ activism. The power dynamics and the influence of the repressive context on the practices of mediated activism are analysed through feminist critical discourse analysis with specific focus on heteronormativity as a key-concept of imposing power on marginalized identities. Four global themes emerged in the result of the analysis: 1) heteronormativity and state control; 2) identity as “doing”; 3) the “other” activism, and 4) social change as individual transformation. Topics of heteronormativity, homophobia, hate-crime and violence turned out to be most present in the posts produced by the activists. It was found that in the restrictive spaces mediated activism and social media, instead of serving as tools for mass outreach and mobilization, endanger activists engaged in LGBT+ issues. Burnout, risk of poverty, emotional and physical assaults, and exposure to social sanctions are happening to activists because of their presence online, and there are extremely limited tools to combat these consequences of publicity. In Belarusian context, the shrinking space for civil society and limited political opportunities outweigh the potential of online social media, lower their impact and determine prospects of social change in such a way, when viral organizing or structural transformations become extremely limited.
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Loomis, Jennifer Cullen. "Activist Doctors: Explaining Physician Activism in the Oregon Movement for Single-Payer Healthcare." PDXScholar, 2015. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2214.
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Changes in American healthcare over the last half century have created social and economic crises, presenting challenges for doctors and patients. The recently-implemented Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act is an incremental reform that does little to change the complex multi-payer financing characterizing American healthcare. There have been growing demands for more equitable financing arrangements, notably, a single-payer healthcare system in which medical care is financed through a single, non-profit payer and in which medical care is treated as a public good and medically-necessary care is available to everyone.
Nationally-representative surveys have demonstrated widespread physician support for single-payer legislation. Yet, very little scholarship has examined physician activism and virtually no studies have examined physician activism for single-payer healthcare. It is important to examine physician activism for single-payer because their participation is considered fundamental to achieving the goals of the movement. If the movement is successful in implementing single-payer financing , more efficient use of healthcare resources will ensure that all residents have access to needed medical care without being saddled by financial burdens from their care.
Oregon is one of several US states with a growing grassroots movement to enact single-payer healthcare at the state level. This study seeks to examine the determinants of collective action for physicians in the Oregon movement for single-payer healthcare by answering two research questions. First, what accounts for differences in activism among physicians who support single-payer healthcare system? And second, for those physicians who are active, what activities do they do and what shapes those choices of activities? Data includes 21 semi-structured interviews with physicians around the state of Oregon supplemented with participant observation data. The interview data was analyzed using techniques from grounded theory and thematic analysis.
I find that among collective action theories, collective identity theory best accounts for whether or not a physician engages in single-payer activism. A strength of collective identity theory is that it brings to light the importance of subjective interpretations of structural conditions by movement actors. The findings suggest that differences in interpretation shape the influence of motivators for and barriers to an individual's decision to engage in activism.
Physicians that become active are primed to engage in single-payer activism because of their moral value sets and frustrating work experiences. They seek out groups of like-minded physicians who then are part of the process of socially-constructing a collective identity. This collective identity is emotionally-laden, is a reaction to state policies, serves to distinguish insiders from outsiders, and facilitates activism. Activist physicians engaging in the process of collective identity come to believe that altering financing is the only way to solve healthcare system issues. The activists view the political and cultural barriers to single-payer as surmountable by their activism.
In contrast, non-activists interpret structural conditions like American politics and American culture as immutable barriers that will prevent the attainment of single-payer at the national or state level. In addition, non-activists lack the collective identity activists share because their beliefs contradict key beliefs of activists. The combination of the lack of collective identity and the perception of immutable barriers results in their non-participation.
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Scott, David Malcolm Robert. "Minority activism : trends informing political participation across Australian communities." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2009. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/41033/1/David_Scott_Thesis.pdf.
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In the late 1990’s, intense and vigorous debate surrounded the impact of minority communities on Australia’s mainstream society. The rise of far-right populism took the stage with the introduction to the political landscape of Pauline Hanson and her One Nation party, whilst John Howard’s Liberal-National Coalition Government took the fore on debate over immigration issues corresponding with an influx of irregular arrivals. In 2001, following the September 11 terrorist attacks in the United States of America and subsequent attacks on western targets globally, many of these issues continued to be debated through the security posturing that followed. In recent years, much effort has been afforded to countering the threat of terrorism from home grown assailants. The Government has introduced stringent legislative responses whilst researchers have studied social movements and trends within Australian communities, particularly with respect to minorities. In 2008, the Scanlon Foundation, in association with Monash University and various government entities, released its findings into its survey approach to mapping social cohesion in Australia. It identified a number of spheres of exploration which it believed were essential to measuring cohesiveness of Australian communities generally including, economic, political and socio-cultural factors (Markus and Dharmalingam, 2008). This doctoral project report will explore the political sphere as identified in the Mapping Social Cohesion project and apply it to identified minority ethnic communities. The Scanlon Foundation project identified political participation as one of a number of true indicators of social cohesion. This project acknowledges that democracy in Australia is represented predominantly by two political entities representing a vast majority of constituents under a compulsory voting regime. This essay will identify the levels of political activism achieved by minority ethnic communities and access to democratic participation within the Australian political structure. It will define a ten year period from 1999 to 2009, identifying trends and issues within minority communities that have proactively and reactively promoted engagement in achieving a political voice, framed within a mainstream-dominated political system. It will research social movements and other influential factors over that period to enrich existing knowledge in relation to political participation rates across Australian communities.
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Burton, Kerry. "Re-presenting geopolitics : ethnography, social movement activism, and nonviolent geographies." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/3607.
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This thesis starts from the premise that Geopolitics is performative, an iterative discourse “of visualising global space…reproduced in the governing principles of geographic thought and through the practices of statecraft” (Agnew 1998:11). During the last decade, two dominant discourses have shaped the contemporary geopolitical imagination – the ‘war on terror’ and ‘climate change’. These have steered conceptualisations of security and insecurity - performative iterations of who, where, and what poses a threat. The resulting geopolitical picture of the world has enabled the legitimisation of human and geographical domination – an acceptance of geographical norms that enable the continuation of uneven geographies. The research is concerned with the performative spaces of alternative geopolitics; spaces that emerge where nonviolent social movement activism and geopolitics intersect and the sites through which these are practiced and mediated. The motivations are twofold. The first is a desire to intervene in a critical geopolitical discourse that remains biased toward engagement with violent geographies. The second is to take seriously ‘geopolitics from below’, alternative geographical imaginations. I address the first of these through research that is concerned primarily with the spacing of nonviolence – the performed and performative spaces of nonviolent geographies shaped through a politics of the act. The second is approached through substantial empirical engagement with social movement activists and sites of contention and creation in opposition to dominant environmental geopolitics. ‘Militant’ ethnographic research took place over six months in 2009. It traced the journeys of two groups as they organised for, and took part in, large counter-summit mobilisations. The first was a UK based social movement, the Camp for Climate Action (UK). The second was an intercontinental caravan, the Trade to Climate Caravan. Both groups shared a common aim – to converge on the 16th of December in a mass demonstration of nonviolent confrontation; the ‘People’s Assembly’, to contest dominant discourses being performed inside the intergovernmental United Nations Conference of the Parties 15. Social movement groups from around the world would present alternative narratives of insecurity and offer ‘alternative solutions’ garnered through non-hierarchical forms of decision-making. The research followed the route each group took to the People’s Assembly and the articulations (narrative and practices) of nonviolent action.
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Holyoak, Rose Erin. "Young women's gendered subjectivity and agency in social movement activism." Thesis, University of Leicester, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/36127.
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This thesis examines the experiences of young women participating in anarchist and environmental activism within the UK as a means of exploring the relationship between youth, gender, and political participation in a postfeminist, neoliberal context. Recent scholarship has identified young women as the ideal subjects of neoliberalism, where flexibility and reflexivity are prized and rewarded. Young women have been presented with new subject positions and forms of citizenship engagement but these are, for the most part, individualised and depoliticised. Concurrently theorists have warned of an impending crisis of democracy precipitated by youth political disengagement, while governments have condemned ‘incorrect’ or ‘disruptive’ forms of youth civic engagement. This thesis intervenes in these debates by exploring the significance of social movement participation for young women in contributing to their political agency and gendered subjectivity. The research utilised a qualitative feminist methodology, analysing data from 20 semi-structured interviews, three diaries completed by interview participants, and 200 hours of participant observation. The thesis finds little evidence that young activist women are individualised or disengaged. Instead, their participation in collective action and their identification as feminists contribute to my theorisation of them as ‘wilful women’, whose conscious, reflexive political engagement marks them apart from individualised neoliberal subjects. Through a relational, feminist political agency they are able to reframe femininity as active and compassionate rather than passive and compliant, and engage politically on this basis. The study also finds that the non-hierarchical organisational structures of activist organisations effectively contribute to the creation of anti-oppressive pedagogic strategies for confronting inequality within activist cultures. This thesis makes an original contribution by developing a set of theoretical concepts that enable an understanding of the means by which young activist women construct dissident, wilful gendered subjectivities that confront sexism and inequality both within their own activist communities and within society at large.
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Lintelman, Karryn Audra. "Students for Social Change: Activist Literacy and Digital Media." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1248473294.
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Haas, Anne E. "Political process, activism, and health." Connect to resource, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1127220576.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2005.Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xi, 260 p. Includes bibliographical references (p. 236-260). Available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center.
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Roosth, Joshua. "UNIVERSITY LEADERSHIP IN SUSTAINABILITY AND CAMPUS-BASED ENVIRONMENTAL ACTIVISM." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2010. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/3963.
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This thesis examines the development of environmental sustainability on 194 of the wealthiest colleges and universities in the United States and Canada. Campus-based environmental organization membership data, organizational profiles, participant observation, and sustainability grades (from the Sustainable Endowment Institutes College Sustainability Report Cards 2009) are used to examine the relationship between campus-based environmental organizations and sustainability of higher educational institutions. Linear regression is used to analyze the overall university sustainability grades as an outcome variable. Overall university sustainability grades are impacted by campus-based environmental activism social movement organizations, high endowment per student, the age of the university, and the presence of state renewable portfolio standards. My findings suggest that the Sustainable Endowment Institute s College Sustainability Report Card might be improved by including indicators of greenhouse gas reports and interdisciplinary courses on sustainability.M.A.
Department of Sociology
Sciences
Applied Sociology MA
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Stoffberg, Kendra. "Celebrity humanitarian activism in conflicts: a critical descriptive study." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/11970.
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Includes abstracts.Includes bibliographical references.
The phenomenon of celebrities becoming involved in humanitarian activism is by no means new, and yet recently the amount of international attention that it attracts has increased dramatically. It appears that certain advances in media technology, coupled with shifts in international political power relations, have allowed for celebrity humanitarian activism to develop into a prominent international phenomenon. Academic studies on the topic are still relatively scarce. It is therefore the intention of this dissertation to help fill this gap by providing a descriptive analysis of the emergence and development of celebrity humanitarian activism.
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Armstrong, Michael N. PhD. "Modeling the Relationship between a Social Responsibility Attitude and Youth Activism." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2011. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/psych_diss/85.
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Despite existing literature that demonstrates the relation between an attitude of social responsibility and activism; few studies have examined the underlying factor structure of social responsibility. The current study had two goals. The first goal was to examine the structure of a measure of social responsibility attitude for urban adolescents. The second goal was to examine the associations of social responsibility with civic and political activism. The participants were 221 adolescents from schools and youth serving organizations in metropolitan Atlanta, GA. Confirmatory factor analysis of social responsibility items revealed that a model with a single latent factor explained the data better than a two-factor model with one latent factor representing neighborhood social responsibility and the other representing global social responsibility. There were significant positive relations between social responsibility and civic activism and political activism when controlling for parental activism and peer activism. This study suggests that a social responsibility attitude may exist as a single factor amongst urban adolescents and it has added empirical support to show that higher levels of social responsibility are associated with greater depth of involvement in civic and political activism. Implications for both theory and practice are discussed.
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Zantinge, Robert. "Shareholder activism: performing for publicity or actual policy change? : The influence of social and environmental shareholder activism on CSR performance." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Företagsekonomiska institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-316396.
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Demetrious, Kristin Mary, and kristin demetrious@deakin edu au. "Speaking Up: changing social relations in south-west Victorian grassroots activism." Deakin University. Communication and Creative Arts, 2007. http://tux.lib.deakin.edu.au./adt-VDU/public/adt-VDU20090917.145427.
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Grassroots activist groups have received limited attention in Australia and research-based examinations of their communication and relationship to social change are rare. My central research question asks: what changes are occurring in the approach of grassroots activists to contemporary communication, and, as a form of social relations, does this differ from the approach of state and business organisations? My thesis analyses the scope and significance of three grassroots activists campaigns in south-west Victoria, Australia, between 1995 and 2003 that are distinctive for their sustained vigour and inclusive, ethical and novel approaches to communication. They are: Werribee Residents Against Toxic Dump (WRATD), Batesford and Geelong Action Group (BAGAG) and Otway Ranges Environment Network (OREN). My thesis also focuses on the groups response to public relations issued by the state and business interests they opposed. To investigate the case study data that is face to face interviews with case study participants, media transcripts and textual samples from the campaigns, such as flyers and newsletters I use a double research methodology: discourse analysis and reception analysis. These methods reveal how meanings are created that influence power and control in society and any transformations in this. As an overarching framework for analysis, I apply Ulrich Becks theories of risk society, reflexive modernisation and individualisation. These theories discuss social conditions transforming the contemporary world. In particular, I use them to explain the growth of sub-political networks, what grassroots activists seek to promote and their capacity to create change in state and business sectors. I also draw on a range of other communicative and citizenship theories that shed light on some of the invisible effects of communication on society, particularly unethical practices. Lastly, my thesis sets out an alternative set of social relations to public relations that I call public communication. The principles of public communication are distilled from the case studies and are inclusive of all organisational types and seek to address the inherent problems and flawed coherences of public relations. The results of this research provide policy decision makers, educators, activists and other communication strategists with deep and unusual understanding of public communication and public relations and its relationship to social change. Overall, this thesis explores a rupture a point of transformation in the relationship between contemporary civil, state and business sectors in Australia and the surfacing of a new discursive formation. In particular, it explores a transformation in texts, discursive practice and social practice (Fairclough 1999) and analyses its significance, within an emerging and distinct discursive formation, peculiar to late modernity.
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Akerbergs, Ilze. "Stories about stories life story collecting as commemoration and social activism /." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2007. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3274240.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of Folklore and Ethnomusicology, 2007.Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 68-07, Section: A, page: 3081. Title from dissertation home page (viewed Mar. 28, 2008). Advisers: John McDowell; Inta Carpenter.
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Di, Gregorio Monica. "Social movement networks, policy processes, and forest tenure activism in Indonesia." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2011. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/215/.
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This thesis aims to answer the following question: How do environmental movement networks sustain collective action in order to influence forest tenure reforms in Indonesia? In doing so, it expressly relies on a relational approach to social movement studies that recognizes the interaction between the social structure and agency and the role of culture in shaping social movement networks. It relies on a mixed methods research design to study the forms and features of networks as well as the context, the meaning and the ongoing social processes that underlie environmental networks. The first paper provides a macro-level analysis of the changing political context and of the forces internal to the environmental movement that have led to reforms in forest tenure policies in the last decade in Indonesia. The second paper presents the research design of the thesis and discusses how specific theoretical approaches to social movement networks affect the choice of analytical methods and how relational approaches call for the use of mixed methods. The rest of the thesis analyzes meso-level features of inter-organizational networking among environmental movement organizations (EMOs) and between EMOs and state actors. The third paper examines the role communication networks among EMOs in coalition work and illustrates how environmental values and common discursive practices can be important coalescing forces. The fourth paper investigates the role of external institutionalization, contention and cooperation in relational forms of activism with state actors. It analyzes how the environmental movement, despite the use of moderate tactics, has avoided co-optation. The fifth paper investigates the contingency of political opportunities at the mesolevel. It suggests that at the inter-organizational level access to the state is dependent on the type of actors involved, their behavior and experiences, and the issue of contention, and it shows that EMOs can in part shape political opportunities
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Omar, Abdurahman. "The Ethiopian Muslims Protest in the Era of Social Media Activism." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-419675.
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The Islamic movement study mostly focused on radical, extremist, violent, or military aspects. The current research was carried out to examine the nonviolent elements of the Islamic movement. Based on the ethnographic photo research conducted in the Ethiopian Muslims Protest, the Islamic movements nonviolent aspect investigated. The Ethiopian Muslims were organized social media-led protests called Let Our Voices be Heard for their religious rights between 2011 and 2015. The study first examined where this Let Our Voices be Heard protest fits in civil resistance studies. Second, it investigated Facebook's role in initiating, organizing, and sustaining the nonviolent Islamic movement in Ethiopia. Using Johnston's defining terms of social movement theory, the Let Our Voices be Heard protest tested. The result shows that the protest well fit with the dimensions and components of social movement theory. The result indicates that the Let Our Voices be Heard protest exemplifies nonviolent Islamic movement in the Eastern Africa region, Ethiopia. The study further shows that Facebook, when used for a common goal, is a robust platform for successfully mobilizing nonviolent Islamic movements.
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Roberts, Yasmin. "#MeToo: The Harm and Limitations of Social Media in Modern Activism." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1255.
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In our current internet-driven society, social media platforms act as the most central tool for communication and social activism. Through my observations of the #MeToo movement, I argue that despite success in visibility, external factors stemming from social media have prevented the movement’s development beyond online platforms. These factors include Slacktivism, the online presence and power of celebrities, and popular feminism and it’s commodification. Considering that the #MeToo movement is ongoing, my observations of the movement thus far aim to answer the question if social media based movements, such as #MeToo, will produce any structural change within and beyond the entertainment industry.
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Perelló, Sobrepere Marc. "The Use of New Media and ICT by Social Movements in Contemporary Processes of Political Activism." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Ramon Llull, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/664631.
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El començament del segle XXI va ser testimoni del naixement de les xarxes socials, que van portar les comunicacions personals i socials a noves fites. Aquests nous mitjans de comunicació, recolzats per unes tecnologies de la informació i la comunicació en un canvi constant, van permetre la creació de noves esferes de discussió multidisciplinàries i multiculturals. En aquest context, l'ús dels nous mitjans per part dels moviments activistes polítics ha atret l'atenció de la comunitat acadèmica en els últims anys. Recentment, ha aparegut un nou actor en aquest camp: Catalunya. Aquesta regió autònoma d’Espanya ha estat testimoni de les majors manifestacions a Europa en els últims temps, amb centenars de milers de persones obstruint els carrers de les seves ciutats per demanar la independència de Catalunya. El nostre estudi se centra en les diverses teories dels moviments socials i l'activisme polític, en com es relacionen amb els nous mitjans de comunicació i les noves tecnologies, i en com s'apliquen al cas català, mentre es comparen les característiques de les protestes catalanes amb altres com la Primavera Àrab, la Revolució Egípcia, el moviment indignats 15-M, o les marxes Occupy Wall Street.El comienzo del siglo XXI fue testigo del nacimiento de las redes sociales, que llevaron las comunicaciones personales y sociales a nuevas metas. Estos nuevos medios de comunicación, respaldados por unas tecnologías de la información y la comunicación en constante cambio, permitieron la creación de nuevas esferas de discusión multidisciplinarias y multiculturales. En este contexto, el uso de los nuevos medios por parte de los movimientos activistas políticos ha atraído la atención de la comunidad académica en los últimos años. Recientemente, ha aparecido un nuevo actor en este campo: Cataluña. Esta región autónoma en España ha sido testigo de las mayores manifestaciones en Europa en los últimos tiempos, con cientos de miles de personas obstruyendo las calles de sus ciudades para pedir la independencia de Cataluña. Nuestro estudio se centra en las diversas teorías de los movimientos sociales y el activismo político, en como se inter-relación con los nuevos medios de comunicación y las nuevas tecnologías, y en cómo se aplican al caso catalán, mientras se comparan las características de las protestas catalanas con otras como la Primavera Árabe, la Revolución Egipcia, el movimiento indignados 15-M, o las marchas Occupy Wall Street.
The beginning of the 21st century witnessed the birth of social networks, which took personal and social communications to new heights. These new means of communication, supported by ever-changing information and communication technologies, allowed for the creation of new, multidisciplinary and multicultural spheres of discussion. In this context, new media usage by political activist movements has attracted the attention of the academic community over recent years. Recently, a new actor has appeared in this field: Catalonia. This autonomous region in Spain has witnessed the biggest demonstrations in Europe in recent times, with hundreds of thousands clogging the streets calling for Catalan independence. Our study focuses on the various theories of social movements and political activism, how do these relate to new media and new technologies, and how these apply to the Catalan case, while comparing the characteristics of the Catalan protests to others such as the Arab Spring, the Egyptian Revolution, the 15-M Indignados movement, or the Occupy Wall Street marches.
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Fernández, Planells Ariadna 1983. "Keeping up with the news: youth culture, social activism & digital communication." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/371740.
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Esta tesis presenta una exploración global del uso de medios e información a partir del estudio de las generaciones más jóvenes, tanto en su día a día así como en situaciones excepcionales. Para tal fin, hemos abordado los hábitos de consumo de medios, noticias e información de jóvenes y activistas, los soportes utilizados para el consumo de información, las motivaciones para consumir-la de un medio u otro, en un soporte u otro y las demandas de la juventud sobre los contenidos informativos.
Se trata de una tesis doctoral por compendio de artículos. Los seis artículos que la componen contribuyen, de este modo, a aumentar la comprensión de las actitudes informativas de las personas jóvenes en etapas, edades y contextos distintos. A partir de una primera aproximación al consumo mediático de jóvenes adolescentes en sus rutinas diarias, la tesis se adentra en un contexto específico (el activismo) y en una práctica mediática definida (la búsqueda de información). El resultado presenta un escenario amplio y completo de la ecología de medios de las personas jóvenes y, concretamente, de los/las jóvenes activistas de los nuevos movimientos en red como el Movimiento 15M o el Umbrella Movement. De este modo, nuestra investigación aporta conocimientos sobre un segmento de la población de vital importancia para comprender el futuro de la comunicación, dada su condición de ciudadanos jóvenes, activos y comprometidos con la sociedad. Además, aporta modelos de análisis que pueden ser utilizados para futuras investigaciones o por parte de otros investigadores.Aquesta tesi presenta una exploració global de l'ús de mitjans i informació d'actualitat a partir de l'estudi de les generacions més joves, tant en el seu dia a dia així com en situacions excepcionals. Hem abordat l’estudi dels hàbits de consum de mitjans, notícies i informació de joves i activistes, els suports utilitzats per consumir informació d'actualitat, les motivacions per consumir-la d'un mitjà o d’un altre, amb un suport o un altre i què esperen les persones joves dels continguts informatius. Es tracta d'una tesi doctoral per compendi d'articles. Sis són els articles que la composen i que contribueixen a incrementar la comprensió de les actituds informatives de les persones joves en etapes, edats i contextos diferents. A partir d'una primera aproximació al consum mediàtic de joves adolescents en les seves rutines diàries, la tesi s'endinsa en un context específic (l’activisme) i en una pràctica mediàtica definida (la cerca d’informació). Els resultats presenten un escenari ampli i complert de l'ecologia de mitjans de les persones joves i, concretament, dels i les joves activistes dels nous moviments en xarxa com el Moviment 15M o l’Umbrella Movement. D'aquesta manera, la nostra investigació aporta coneixement sobre un segment de la població d'importància vital per comprendre el futur de la comunicació, donada la seva condició de ciutadans joves, actius i compromesos amb la societat. A més, aporta models d'anàlisi que poden ser utilitzats per a futures investigacions i/o per part d'altres investigadors.
The thesis presents a global exploration of youth information behaviour, both in their daily lives and in specific situations. Media and information consumption habits among young people and young activists have been studied, as well as the media used for news consumption, the motivations to choose information from one media or another, and youth expectations about news content. This is a thesis submitted in the form of compendium of publications. Each of the six papers contributes to enhance the understanding of young people’s information behaviour in different stages, ages and contexts. The first approach is made through teenagers’ media habits. Afterwards, the thesis delves into a specific context (activism) and a particular media practice (keeping up with the news). The results show us a broad and comprehensive picture of young people’s media ecology. More concretely, it sheds light on the ecology of young activists who participated in the so-called networked social movements, such as the 15M Movement or the Umbrella Movement. Therefore, our research provides insight into a crucial age group that can help us to understand future trends of the communicative landscape. The thesis also provides models of analysis that can be used for future research and/or by other researchers.
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Nilsson, Josefine. "Online to On-Ground Activism : Contemporary Indian feminism and the #MeToo movement from an urban activist perspective." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-87051.
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The #MeToo movement is related to new forms of feminism, taking advantage of the online space for mobilisation. There are currently debates on the effect of feminist universalisation, post-colonial feminism and global movement’s on a local level. This study aims to understand how a globalmovement like the #MeToo integrates into already existing feminist efforts. While using India as a caste study, 10 urban Indian feminists have been interviewed to share their experiences on contemporary feminist mobilisation and the #MeToo movement. The study finds that the #MeToo movement have had an impact on Indian feminism, but at the same time is limited in its reach. Indian feminism is identified as ever diverse, with an increased incentive to learn and exchange experiences over identities to make feminist efforts more inclusive.
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Whelan, James M., and n/a. "Education and Training For Effective Environmental Advocacy." Griffith University. Australian School of Environmental Studies, 2002. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20040526.140105.
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Research on environmental advocacy has tended to focus on outcomes and achievements rather than the processes through which these are achieved. In addition, minimal research has attended in detail to the complexity of environmental advocacy, or explored measures to through which to enhance advocates prospects of success. The environment movement itself has given scarce attention to promoting the skills, abilities and predispositions that contribute to effective advocacy. Indeed, most environmental non-government organisations (ENGOs) in Australia appear to believe that scientific or expert knowledge will be sufficient to influence environmental decision-makers and consequently provide minimal training or education to enhance advocacy. This thesis is a response to these problems. It seeks to develop an understanding of, and model for, activist education and training in the Australian environment movement. The two main bodies of literature that inform the study are social movement and adult education literature. The former provides the context for the study. Social movement theorists present various explanations of how and why environmental activists work for change. These theorists also discuss the organisational structures and modes of operation typically adopted by activists. The second body of literature is utilised in this thesis to provide a synthesis of relevant educational orientations, traditions and practices. Popular, experiential and adult environmental education offer promising strategies for advocacy organisations that seek to enhance activists skills and abilities. The research questions posed in this study lie at the convergence of these two bodies of literature. Two empirical studies were undertaken during this inquiry. The first was conducted with the Queensland Conservation Council, an environmental advocacy organisation where the researcher was employed for five years. The study drew on methods and techniques associated with ethnography and action research to identify, implement and evaluate a range of interventions which aimed to educate and train advocates. Three cycles of inquiry generated useful insights into environmental advocacy and identified useful strategies through which advocacy may be enhanced. The second study, a case study based on interviews and observation, explored the Heart Politics movement. The ethnographic research methods utilised in this case study resulted in a rich description and critical appreciation of the strengths and weaknesses of Heart Politics gatherings as activist education. These two studies contributed to the development of a grounded and endogenous theory of education and training for environmental advocacy. This theory is based on a set of observations concerning the provision of activist education: (1) that most activist learning occurs informally and unintentionally through participation in social action such as environmental campaigns; (2) that this learning can be assessed according to a five-category framework and tends to favour specific categories including the development of social action and organisational development skills rather than alternative categories such as political analysis and personal development; (3) that this informal learning can be harnessed and enhanced through strategies which situate learning in the context of action and promote heightened awareness of the learning dimension of social action; and (4) that a key obstacle to education and training in the environment movement is a conspicuous lack of professional development or support for the people involved in facilitating and coordinating activist education activities and programs. These people are often volunteers and infrequently possess qualifications as educators or facilitators but are more likely to be seasoned activists. They tend to work in isolation as activist education activities are sporadic, geographically diffuse and ad hoc. These observations along with other insights acquired through participatory action research and ethnographic inquiry led to a set of conclusions, some of which have already been implemented or initiated during the course of this study. The first conclusion is that strategies to promote the professional development of activist educators may benefit from the development of texts tailored to the tactical orientations and political and other circumstances of Australian environmental advocacy groups. Texts, alone, are considered an inadequate response. The study also concludes that informal networks, formal and informal courses and other strategies to assist collaboration and peer learning among activist educators offer considerable benefits. Other conclusions pertain to the benefits of collaborating with adult educators and tertiary institutions, and professionals, to the relative merits of activist workshops and other forms of delivery, to the opportunities for activist training presented by regular environment movement gatherings and conferences and to the significant merits of promoting and supporting mentorship relationships between novice and experienced activists.
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Krüger, Katharina. "Ontological Security of Women : The Role of Digital Feminist Activism." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-89032.
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Ontological Security Studies have been grounded on the ideas of Giddens (1991a,b). It describes how humans can face challenges of the modern world without being overwhelmed by anxieties. Since then many scholars such as Steele (2008) and Mitzen (2006) have developed his ideas furthermore. However, ontological security still lacks in terms of gender aspects (Kinnvall and Mitzen, 2016), individual security seeking (Croft and Vaughan-Williams, 2016) or the role of community rather than the state to secure ontological security (Berenskoetter, 2012). This thesis focusses on all three themes when analysing how women use mechanisms to strengthen their ontological security within the online community. Feminism is a strategy for women to build a common identity. Women used the #metoo to share their experience of sexual harassment and anxieties in a gender-hierarchical power system. Human development and security is not only physical security but includes living in freedom of fear, want and in dignity. Threats which challenge systems of believe, such as living in an equal world or living without fear, lead to ontological insecurity. Therefore, women look out for new routines which provide security. Drawing on existing scholarship, this thesis aims to undercover if digital feminist activism can be a source for women to gain ontological security when the state fails to provide it. A social constructivist approach is followed within the research. The aim is to acknowledge the experience and practices of the different perspectives: by female activists and women opposed to feminist movements. Therefore, the empirical basis of this study contains 198 Twitter posts which are sampled out of 6679 posts. A content analysis helped to understand the dynamics of online behaviour and furthermore, puts it into the context of their everyday experience.
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Rojas, Monica M. "Docile devils : performing activism through Afro-Peruvian dance /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/6407.
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Tanskanen, Ellimaija Maaria. "Collective identity formation and commercial platform logics in social activism: Representation of women and black feminist activism on Instagram under #BlackLivesMatter." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Institutionen för konst, kultur och kommunikation (K3), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-45866.
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Due to the participatory nature of social media platforms, users contribute to the narratives built around online action for social change and shape the discourse on societal topics through their participation. At the same time as social media has become a space for societal activism and participation facilitating connective action of individuals, social media platforms are ultimately, for most, owned by private companies. This makes them products of the attention economy, where the attention of consumers has been quantified and commodified and where different players compete for such attention. The current research presents an analysis of content related to online advocacy to inform on the effects of a social media platform on social change and the use of a platform by citizens. More specifically, the research focuses on collective identity building through visual self-representation and how the commercial structures of the platform and the participation of users affect the representation of women in the context of the Black Lives Matter movement on Instagram. Methodologically the research was performed through a quali-quantitative exploration of publications associated to the hashtag #BlackLivesMatter, using cultural analytics and content analysis. The research concludes that while the complexity of technological and human variables in online societal participation makes the research on representations of women challenging because of the various actors and forces at play affecting it directly or indirectly, the hashtag #BlackLivesMatter is largely used for collective identity building that can contribute to empowering marginalized groups on social media. This type of finding nevertheless emphasizes the memetic characteristic of the hashtag rather than a tool for direct social activism.
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Mohan, Jaya. "Partne(RED) activism (Product)RED and the enactment of cooperative social responsibility /." Click here for download, 2009. http://proquest.umi.com.ps2.villanova.edu/pqdweb?did=1942690581&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=3260&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Lindemann, Carmen Suzana Fontes. ""Landless peasant" activism in Brazil : fighting for social inclusion though land reform /." Connect to thesis, 2010. http://repository.unimelb.edu.au/10187/8495.
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Willett, Benjamin Michael. "Ethnic tourism and indigenous activism power and social change in Quetzaltenango, Guatemala /." Diss., University of Iowa, 2007. http://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/149.
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Webb, Martin. "Boundary paradoxes : the social life of transparency and accountability activism in Delhi." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2011. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/6970/.
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Based on fieldwork carried out in Delhi during 2006-2007 this thesis explores the social world of transparency and accountability activism in the city. I focus in particular on the activism scene that has grown up around the campaign for and implementation of the national Right to Information Act 2005. There is a global interest in improving the transparency and accountability of government bureaucracies, and in schemes to foster active citizenship. In tune with this campaigns to provide Indian citizens with a right to access government information have captured the imagination of activists, policy makers, and national and international donor organisations. For transparency and accountability activists rights to access government information offer Indian citizens opportunities to interrogate official procedures and hold officers individually accountable; to provide people with mechanisms with which they might become more ‗active‘ as citizens; and to provide a means of monitoring the performance of the state in fulfilling its constitutional responsibilities regarding welfare, equality and social justice. Taking boundaries as my theme my work looks at the activist scene in Delhi from an ethnographic perspective, investigating how activist projects work. I argue that the ideology and practice of transparency and accountability activism is concerned with boundaries in two ways. First it is directed at illuminating and delineating boundaries between the state and society, and public and private roles. The intention is to combat the effects of private influence and unofficial practices that might lead to the misallocation of government resources. Second it is directed at transcending social and spatial boundaries based on class, caste or community in order to enrol people into projects aimed at producing empowered and active citizens. However, in looking at the activist scene a number of what I call ‗boundary paradoxes‘ become apparent. Activist campaigns to get transparency and accountability legislation passed rely in part on the personal connections to the highest levels of government of activists from India‘s social elite. At the grassroots level activists play a mediating role between the local state and poor or illiterate clients. Social and cultural capital, space, class and gender distinctions emerge as significant factors in the everyday practice of activism, in turn reproducing existing social hierarchies in activist organisations. While seeking transparency and accountability from others activists have to negotiate the boundaries of transparency and accountability in their own organisations, deciding what can be made public and what should remain hidden. And, as activism is organised through informal networks sustaining a livelihood and a full time role in the scene immerses activists in webs of patron-client relations, recommendations and obligations, the antithesis of the disciplined, transparent and accountable bureaucratic organisation that transparency and accountability activism requires from the state. My thesis contains examples of the positive effects that involvement in activism can have, particularly for people from some of Delhi‘s poorer neighbourhoods. However, although activism is directed at producing a future that conforms to activist‘s ideal constructions of how India should be, activists must work in the present to bring this future about. I argue that even as activists work for change, activism itself is a site in which the existing structures of society are reproduced.
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Schnaith, Marisa Caitlin Weiss. "A Policy Window for Successful Social Activism: Abortion Reform in Mexico City." Miami University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=muhonors1240332556.
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Haugeberg, Karissa Ann. "The violent transformation of a social movement : women and anti-abortion activism." Diss., University of Iowa, 2011. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/1333.
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This dissertation explores women's activism in the anti-abortion movement in the United States, from the 1960s through the close of the twentieth century. I study the transformation of the movement, from its origins in the Catholic Church in the 1960s, to the influx of evangelical Christians into the movement in the early 1980s. My primary sources include organizational records, personal papers, newspapers, legal documents, and oral histories. I analyze women's roles within the movement and the religious contexts that influenced their ideology and informed their choice of tactics.
Anti-abortion activism provided a forum for many religiously conservative women to engage in public debates, shape public policy, and protest publicly. First, I examine the relationships between women who established national anti-abortion organizations with those women who participated in grassroots activism. I suggest that evangelical Protestant women were more likely to hold leadership positions in the mainstream movement because most leaders in the evangelical grassroots wing of the movement enforced a patriarchal organizational structure. On the other hand, progressive Catholic women had considerably more influence in the grassroots organizations they formed apart from the Roman Catholic Church.
Second, I address how women responded to the rise of the New Right and the subsequent influx of evangelical Christians into the movement. I trace the history of violence in the history and suggest that women had prepared the movement to accept the radicalism of evangelical Christians by the 1980s. By focusing on women, I seek to reveal the contradictions between religiously conservative ideas about proper gender roles that many women in the movement espoused and the actual work they performed as activists.
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Pierre, Yvette. "Rooted Pedagogies: Black Women Activist Teachers For Social Change." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1282101174.
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England, Megan. ""I'm Not a Rapper, I'm an Activist Who Rhymes": Native American Hip Hop, Activism, and Twenty-First Century Identities." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/20512.
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In this thesis, I examine the ways in which a growing number of Indigenous artists in the United States and Canada are using hip hop not only as a form of artistic expression, but also to vent frustration about and to draw attention to contemporary issues affecting their communities. These artists participate in a tradition of politically conscious performance that has influenced and been influenced by Indigenous social movements across North America. Indigenous hip hop serves to affirm and redefine twenty-first century Indigenous identities, disrupting and reinterpreting stereotypical representations of Native Americans in a process which I describe as an “authenticity loop.” By utilizing artistic choices and strategic representations of indigeneity, the artists I examine have firmly established that they along with their communities are not remnants of the past, even as they maintain a continuity between previous generations and the present day.
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Boesten, Jelke. "AIDS activism, stigma and violence: A literature review." University of Bradford, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/3846.
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yesThis paper provides an overview of the literature on AIDS activism, stigma, and violence. The literature on AIDS activism, stigma and violence discussed suggests that the physical, emotional and social violence that AIDS as a disease, and stigma as a social construct tied to that disease, can be turned into an empowering experience that joins HIV positive people in productive and constructive networks, that this empowerment fundamentally changes one¿s identity, and that such disease-based identities are reshaping notions of citizenship around the globe. This hypothesis is built, however, on theory and on experiences in a) richer countries with a completely different epidemiology than that of sub-Saharan Africa, b) a highly politicised and activist country such as South Africa, and on c) initial ethnographic evidence from West African countries. Although this seems enough evidence to tentatively observe a trend, we need far more evidence from diverse contexts if this transformative potential is to be explored to the full. The paper concludes by drawing out a research agenda.