Academic literature on the topic 'Small colleges Victoria'

UNDERPINNING the debate on the desirable size of secondary schools is the assumption that larger schools are able to offer a more diverse curriculum and thereby provide greater equality of educational opportunity and outcomes. A detailed study of curriculum provision at Year 12 in Victoria showed that the positive relationship between school size and the number of distinct subjects offered was generalisable across ‘mainstream’ schools and all curriculum fields. But many small schools were able to offer a broad range of subjects, and the increase in diversity with school size was uneven across fields. Furthermore, evidence that students actually enrolled in the additional subjects offered in the larger schools was equivocal. It remains problematic whether the apparent diversity in Year 12 subject offerings achieved in the new, larger, secondary colleges in Victoria has led to a more equitable curriculum.

This article uses the photographic examples from a small female college to explore the use of photography as a social practice in late Victorian female colleges. It argues that photographs of students worked as both frames and surfaces: framing the visual details of their daily lives, while simultaneously allowing them a surface on which to fashion self-portraits. The photographs of Hellmuth Ladies’ College demonstrate the multiple arenas of late Victorian educational experience, the idealistic and aesthetic links between female educational institutions in the circum-Atlantic World, and the importance of school photographs to Canada’s photographic history.

In June 1994, the Renfrew Victoria Hospital was selected as the first-ever recipient of the Health Care Quality Team Award in the “Small and Rural Provider” category. This award, offered by the Canadian College of Health Service Executives and 3M Health Care, was established to recognize health care organizations that have sustained measurable improvements in their network of services, and have done so through the use of a team. Renfrew Victoria Hospital's entry focused on the establishment of a hemodialysis unit for the residents of Renfrew County. This article summarizes the parameters of this award, as presented in our submission.

Des English was a person of great charm, innovation, and inner strength. His early death at the age of 44 in 1977 came as a bitter blow not only for his family but for the many teachers and parents he had influenced and guided in respectively providing and in seeking educational opportunities for children with disabilities. Des grew up in a small town in Victoria called Donnybrook, north of Melbourne. He was educated by the Marist Brothers at Kilmore College, and in the 50’s trained as a primary teacher at Geelong Teachers College, from which he gained an extension of one year to study as a Special Teacher at Melbourne Teachers College. His first appointment was as an Opportunity Grade teacher at North Melbourne State School. His talent for leadership surfaced early and in his second appointment he became Principal of Footscray Special School for children and adolescents with intellectual disability. Throughout the rest of his career he gained one promotion after another to the Principal positions at Ormond, Travencore and St. Alban’s Special schools. I was fortunate to work as a deputy principal with him throughout his last two appointments.

Abstract This article argues for the importance of restoring girls’ aspirations and self-education to narratives of Victorian educational reform. Studies typically focus upon the efforts of professionals, politicians and campaigners in plotting the pioneering changes to girls’ education in the second half of the nineteenth century. Here it is contended that the success of these developments depended upon a new generation of girls with the confidence and ambition to take advantage of the new opportunities to sit examinations and attend university. To do this, the article excavates the neglected phenomenon of the manuscript magazine. It examines how young females used well-established periodicals to advertise their own amateur magazines. Inviting readers to contribute to their ventures, they constructed independent networks of collaborative cultural endeavour. Manuscript magazines, it will be suggested, need to be understood as part of a ‘magazine culture’ widely embraced by Victorian girls. To tease out the small but subtle ways in which magazine culture could enhance the aspirations of young women, the article focuses upon the extraordinary diary archives of Eva Knatchbull-Hugessen (1861–95). The educational career of Knatchbull-Hugessen, who was an early student at Newnham College in the 1880s, exemplifies the impact which engagement in girlhood culture could engender and the significant role played by magazines, both professional and amateur, in this process. Understanding teenage responses to educational reforms requires a recalibration of our analytical lens to focus not upon grand narratives of feminist awakening but rather upon the small subjective shifts which typically underlay young females’ decisions.

Abstract Despite small victories for black South Carolinians in desegregating Clemson College and the University of South Carolina in 1963, federal court cases dealing with public education in the mid- to late 1960s reveal that South Carolina officials were willing to go to great lengths to preserve segregation. 1963 as a turning point on South Carolina’s desegregation history should be reconsidered. The state had no lack of white politicians, bureaucrats, and parents who continued to appeal to the courts to undermine the transformative intent of Brown v. Board. Despite some minor steps toward desegregation—small steps that whites were willing to allow as long as they helped to forestall any real integration—white South Carolinians were able, through legal delay and obfuscation, to subvert the promise of “integration with dignity.” Ultimately, policy-related efforts failed and by the early 1970s, desegregation had become a reality. However, personal defiance successfully thwarted integration, leading some white parents to permanently quit the public school system.

Keele received its Charter as the University College of North Staffordshire in 1950. The first Vice Chancellor was Lord Lindsay, formerly the Warden of Magdalen College, Oxford. In the pre-war years Lindsay was a frequent visitor to the Potteries, presenting lectures within the Workers Education Association. He was unusual as an Oxford don not only in this respect but also in his approach to university education. He was closely involved in the development of the Modern Greats degree at Oxford and had strong views on the need for a broad liberal university education. Keele was founded on this principle as a teaching university offering a four year degree, the foundation year requiring students to study arts, sciences and humanities. At its inception the university was housed in a Victorian stately home, Keele Hall, and several ex-army huts. For the first decade of its life a “community of scholars” ethos was strongly emphasised and academics as well as students were required to live on campus. There were weekly small group student seminars involving academics from the three different disciplines. The academics look back on these seminars fondly, although it is not clear whether the students derived the same enjoyment from these interdisciplinary talking shops.

In January 1886 Sir John Lubbock, a Liberal MP and scientist, addressed the members of the London Working Men's College on “Books and Reading,” and recommended a list of a “hundred good books.” The Pall Mall Gazette decided to publicise the list, as “the hundred best books,” a small but significant revision which has as its ultimate reference Matthew Arnold's idea that culture can make the “best that has been known and thought in the world current everywhere” (Arnold 113). Though Arnold himself declined to comment on Lubbock's list, the ensuing column on “The Best Hundred Books by the Best Judges” proved to be enduringly popular. It ran for four weeks, and the responses to Lubbock – which ranged greatly in tone, manner and content – were reprinted in a Pall Mall Gazette “Extra” which appeared on 10 March 1886 and sold more than forty thousand copies within the next three weeks. Obviously this debate took place in a context of growing anxiety amongst the intelligentsia about the seemingly endless proliferation of mass produced cheaper books, especially in the area of fiction. In the face of such abundance, it was generally felt that it was important for the “Best Judges” to instruct the newly literate classes on what to read. Indeed, as N. N. Feltes has shown in Literary Capital and the Late Victorian Novel, the response to Lubbock's original list may be read as index of late Victorian ideologies of literary value.

If Jose Harris was right when she asserted that ‘there was no such thing as a homogeneous Victorian work ethic’ and that a history of work, especially between 1870 and 1914, can only be written on the basis of the reported observations of, and reflections on, the work of individual farms, factories, homes, offices, and workshops, she would find few better sources than the astonishing variety of personal experiences and insights of Randall Davidson (1846-1930), England’s longest-serving Archbishop of Canterbury. Davidson’s early career touched a range of contacts from middle-class urban Edinburgh, to the Lowland small country estate, English public school, and Oxford college; as well as the doctor-dominated private sickroom, smart shooting parties on grouse moors, the staid Lambeth Palace bureaucracy, the tradition-infested Court at Windsor, the arcane Board of the British Museum, and the privileged confines of the House of Lords and West End clubs with their opportunities for strategic socializing and quiet persuasion. At the same time there was a coming to terms with the new consumer society as manifested in the new shopocracy of retail stores like Debenhams. These different worlds imposed their own power-structures, work expectations, and demands on both providers and purchasers. They produced their own stresses and strains which called for mitigation. The huge range of what constituted work was part of the concerns of the socially-alert clergyman in late Victorian Britain, none more so than Randall Davidson, who can be profitably considered as an exponent of, participant in, and observer of the place of work and use of time in his society.

Background: Diabetic patients show serious complications of chronic liver disease. The monitoring of glucose in diabetic patients with chronic liver disease is very challenging. Generally, the glycaemic control monitoring in chronic liver disease patients is the same as in a person who does not have any liver disease. Flash glucose monitoring system is a way to measure glucose levels of body without pricking the body. It is an innovative method of measuring glucose levels. A flash glucose monitor is a small sensor. This sensor is a small sticky chip and is attached on the skin of the arm. One side of the chip has a small needle that goes inside the skin. It records glucose levels throughout day and night continuously. Levels of glucose can be assessed whenever wanted. Materials and Methods: The study was conducted in the Medical Ward 1, Bahawal Victoria Hospital, Bahawalpur and the Department of Pathology, Quaid-e-Azam Medical College, Bahawalpur from 1st January 2018 to June 2020. Freestyle Libre Sensor flash glucose monitoring system (by CoolPlus Medical) was used to measure glucose of subcutaneous interstitial fluid. The disposable sensor was applied to the back of the arm for up to 14 days. Sensor is calibrated by the factory with no automatic alarms. Results: We noticed that the results of the patients who had co-existing disease of chronic hepatitis and diabetes mellitus had same results of glucose readings when measured by flash glucose monitoring system and by finger prick for glucose measurement by glucometer. Conclusion: Flash glucose monitoring system is way better than self monitoring blood glucose method by glucometer in diabetic patients with chronic liver disease. Keywords: Diabetes, glucose, monitoring, chronic liver disease, complications

Small businesses represent by far the largest proportion of business entities within Australian business, and as such represent a vital component of the country’s economic structure (ABS, 2016). There has been a significant increase in the Australian population due to immigration from a range of countries. In fact, Australia is now very diverse, with migrants arriving from more than 200 countries across the world. There are approximately 5.3% of all small businesses that are run by Vietnamese entrepreneurs in Australia (ABS, 2016). It is clear from this figure that Vietnamese small businesses make up a significant proportion of this sector in Australia. This thesis examines the dynamics of Vietnamese migrants in small business in Victoria. The consideration of environmental and personal factors in understanding Vietnamese migrant business start-ups, survival and Ethnic Entrepreneurship theories has been the focus of discussion for this study. Firstly, there is a general consensus of what contributing environmental and personal factors influence the Vietnamese migrant in business start-up. Secondly, the thesis looks at how these factors are associated with the Ethnic Entrepreneurship theories identified in the literature. Lastly, the work identifies what factors have contributed to the Vietnamese migrant in sustaining their small business.

Alcohol has been used for thousands of years and, indeed, in very different ways. Two thousand years ago, the occupying Romans sipped wine regularly but reasonably moderately, and marvelled at the local English serfs who celebrated bringing in their crops with brief episodes of unrivalled drunkenness. The use of alcohol was not only tolerated but sometimes encouraged by the ruling classes as a way of subjugating the population and dulling their awareness of the conditions in which they had to live and work. The adverse impact of gin consumption was famously recorded by Hogarth’s painting of ‘Gin Lane’ but, at the same time, beer was reckoned a safer alternative to water for fluid intake and was linked to happiness and prosperity in the sister painting of ‘Beer Street’. It was against the ‘pernicious use of strong liquors’ and not beer that the president of the Royal College of Physicians, John Friend, petitioned Parliament in 1726. Some desultory attempts were made by Parliament in the eighteenth century to introduce legislation in order to tax and control alcohol production but they were eventually repealed. It was really the onset of the Industrial Revolution in nineteenth-century England that brought into sharp relief the wasted productivity and lost opportunity from excess consumption. England moved from a rural, relatively disorganized workforce to an urban, more closely scrutinized and supervised one—for instance, in factories, where men needed their wits about them to work heavy machinery, workers that were absent (in body or mind) were noticed. And, in Victorian Britain, there arose a greater social conscience—an awareness, for example, of the harm, through neglect, inflicted on the children of those who spent their wages and their days in an alcoholic stupor. Nonetheless, the per capita consumption of alcohol in the UK at the end of the nineteenth century was greater than it is today. It fell progressively through the first half of the twentieth century, with two marked dips. The first coincided with the introduction of licensing hours restrictions during the First World War, and the second with the economic depression of the 1930s. Following the Second World War, there was a doubling of alcohol consumption between 1950 and the present day, to about 10 l of pure alcohol per capita. There has been a small fall of 9% in the last 5 years; this may be, in part, related to the changing ethnic mix and increasing number of non-drinkers. There has always been a mismatch between the self-reported consumption in lifestyle questionnaires, and the data from customs and excise, with the latter being 40% greater. From the latter, it can be estimated that the average consumption of non-teetotal adults in England is 25 units (0.25 l of pure alcohol) per week, which is well above the recommended limits of 14 units for women, and 21 units for men. Of course, average figures hide population differences, and it is estimated that the heaviest-consuming 10% of the population account for 40% of that drunk. While men continue to drink, on average, about twice the amount that women do, the rate of rise of consumption in women has been steeper. Average consumption is comparable across socio-economic groups but there is evidence of both more teetotallers and more drinking in a harmful way in the poorest group. In 2007, 13% of those aged 11–15 admitted that they had drunk alcohol during the previous week. This figure is falling, but those who do drink are drinking more. The average weekly consumption of pupils who drink is 13 units/week. Binge drinking estimates are unreliable, as they depend on self-reporting in questionnaires. In the UK, they are taken as drinking twice the daily recommended limits of 4 units for men, and 3 units for women, on the heaviest drinking day in the previous week. In 2010, 19% of men, and 12% of women, admitted to binge drinking, with the figures being 24% and 17%, respectively, for those aged 16–24. The preferred venue for drinking in the UK has changed markedly, mainly in response to the availability of cheap supermarket drink. Thirty years ago, the vast majority of alcohol was consumed in pubs and restaurants, whereas, in 2009, the market share of off-licence outlets was 65%. However, drinkers under 24 years of age still drink predominantly away from home. The UK per capita consumption is close to the European average, but consumption has been falling in Mediterranean countries and rising in northern and eastern Europe. Europe has the highest consumption of all continents, but there is undoubtedly massive under-reporting in many countries, particularly because of local unregulated production and consumption. It is estimated that less than 10% of consumption is captured in statistics in parts of Africa.

AbstractFrom the 1851 Exhibition Scholarship Committee to Pawsey on 1 October 1931:Pawsey started out in research in the midst of excitement over the possibilities of radio communications and the iteratively developing physical understanding of the ionosphere and of the equipment that might be used to investigate it. During 1926–28 he completed his BSc at the University of Melbourne, Victoria. In 1929 he began a Master’s Degree, which was at that time a research-only degree, under the direction of Professor T.H. Laby. He was supported by receiving the M.J. Bartlett Research Scholarship. Presumably this, along with his work as a tutor in Physics at Queens College, provided him with a small, but independent, income. He embarked on a study of “atmospherics”—electrical disturbances in the atmosphere that Appleton, at King’s College, London, and others had linked in part with thunderstorm activity—and their impact on radio broadcasting. From January 1930 to August 1931, he carried out observations using a cathode ray direction finder, working with George H. Munro and Lenard Huxley as part of the Australian Radio Research Board (RRB). Pawsey wrote in 1933: “We were able to give strong evidence that all atmospherics originate in lightning flashes, and made measurements of intensity enabling the distance of the thunderstorms to be roughly determined.” (Ratcliffe & Pawsey, 1933)

This chapter examines the function of the electoral college during the controversial 2016 presidential elections. It argues that the electoral college did not work at all as its defenders said it would. Instead of encouraging candidates to take their cases to the entire country and pay special attention to small states, it distorted the electoral process and gave the candidates strong incentives to ignore most of the country, especially the smallest states. It did not guarantee victory to the candidate receiving the most votes. It did not ensure national harmony, and it did not provide the winner a broad coalition and a mandate to govern. Moreover, the electoral college did not preclude extreme partisan polarization. As such, the chapter asserts that there is a need to focus directly and systematically on the core questions surrounding the electoral college and assess whether it warrants a role in American democracy.

Joseph Burney Trapp (1925–2005), a Fellow of the British Academy, was librarian; editor and teacher; scholar of humanism, letters, and the humanities; and an enlightened but efficient administrator. His career, or rather his life from first encounter, was bound up with the Warburg Institute in London. Trapp was born in New Zealand, at Carterton, near Wellington, on July 16, 1925. His maternal grandfather had founded an agency there for registering and distributing land tenure, which his father, Burney Trapp, had joined. Trapp attended Dannevirke School, a small state boarding school where his elder sister Phyllis taught English. He went on, with a national scholarship, to Victoria University College, Wellington, graduating in 1946 in English and Greek, with subsidiary qualifications in Latin and French. From the late 1950s, Thomas More's work, both in English and Latin, became a preoccupation. It was at this time that Trapp was commissioned to edit the volume on the Apology for the Complete Works of More for Yale University Press.

The Epilogue examines Coleridge’s reception and influence at the British Association for the Advancement of Science (BAAS) at Trinity College, Cambridge, in 1833, and explores his small role in the nomenclature of Victorian science. The mythography that elevated Alfred, Lord Tennyson’s scientific standing above that of his forebears is shown to be false, although it played into Counter-Enlightenment narratives of the sort propounded by Isaiah Berlin, who contended that for the Romantics ‘Science is submission’. In fact, Wordsworth’s and Coleridge’s compulsively analogical imaginations awakened in them a lasting curiosity for scientific structures which parallels Tennyson’s own scientific allegiances. It was a trajectory that they experienced together, on the Somersetshire hills, in the pages of the Philosophical Transactions, and in the poems, schemes, and experiments which culminated in Wordsworth’s pivotal 1802 amendments to the Preface to Lyrical Ballads.

I have attended the launch of an education programme. It was blasted into orbit. I was in French Guyana for the launch of an Ariane rocket carrying a telecommunications satellite which would deliver broadband access to educational services for parts of Africa not reached by fibre or mobile phone masts. Many education programmes and teaching materials are available on-line but schools and colleges in parts of Ethiopia or Kenya or Rwanda do not have the broadband connections to access them. A small and affordable satellite dish at a local school or college opens up higher education to them. For centuries our picture of education has been very different. A wonderful image in a medieval illuminated manuscript shows a professor lecturing a class. It is a scene we recognize today: students at the front who are keen and attentive and others at the back who aren’t. The place is Bologna and the lecturer is Henry of Germany so the university is international. Some of the most profound features of university life are not very different from what those students experienced centuries ago, even whilst at the same time a student may be learning about the latest intellectual advances. This mix of ancient and modern is part of the particular appeal of the university—graduates dressed up in medieval robes and perhaps with some Latin thrown in are awarded doctorates for research out at the frontiers of knowledge. We are now at the moment when the technological revolution which has changed so much else in our lives is going to transform education. It won’t be the first time innovation has had this effect—the Victorian Penny Post made the correspondence course and the University of London external degree possible. There are sceptics who doubt the balance of ancient and modern is about to change radically. They argue that even whilst technology has changed the classic forms of academic study—the lecture, the printed book, the essay—are going to continue to be impervious to innovation because they meet deep human needs. Moreover there have been bold claims for the impact of technology on education which now sound pretty silly.

Spring was a gentle wrestler holding the body of Nice in an agonizing embrace. Then he made her kiss the canvas. The sky cleared. Mason’s first lecture for IHICE would take place the last weekday of April, two weeks away, at the American College in Paris. What was this intense windstorm blowing inside? Alpes-Maritimes Agency d’Immobilieres’d located a furnished three-room apartment for him up on the old Roman Road, Route de Bellet. He could move in the first of May. … He’d bought a lemon: a Simca, new and blue and difficult. Parking was a hassle … the morning he started driving toward Paris he felt he was in a struggle buggy about to fall apart. Looseness always bothered him. By the time he reached Aix he was cursing himself for not having gotten the Renault. Then just north of the view of Mont Sainte Victoire, as he felt the geometry of Cézanne’s landscape, in a BMW speeding south, on the other side, he was sure he saw—would you believe?—Edith Levine: in the passenger seat. The guy driving looked Italian or French. Small world? Mason toyed with the idea of exiting and following her—just to ...

The early 1960s saw the biggest transformation of English higher education of the past hundred years. It is only matched by the break-up of the Oxbridge monopoly and the early Victorian reforms. It will be forever associated with the name of Lionel Robbins, whose great report came out in November 1963: he is for universities what Beveridge is for social security. His report exuded such authority and was associated with such a surge in the number of universities and of students that Robbins has given his name to key decisions which had already been taken even before he put pen to paper. In the 1950s Britain’s twenty-five universities received their funding from fees, endowments (invested in Government bonds which had largely lost their value because of inflation since the First World War), and ‘deficit funding’ from the University Grants Committee, which was a polite name for subsidies covering their losses. The UGC had been established in 1919 and was the responsibility not of the Education Department but the Treasury, which was proud to fund these great national institutions directly. Like museums and art galleries, higher education was rarefied cultural preservation for a small elite. Public spending on higher education was less than the subsidy for the price of eggs. By 1962 there were 118,000 full-time university students together with 55,000 in teacher training and 43,000 in further education colleges. This total of 216,000 full-time higher education students broadly matches the number of academics now. Young men did not go off to university—they were conscripted into the army. The annual university intake of around 50,000 young people a year was substantially less than the 150,000 a year doing National Service. The last conscript left the army in the year Robbins was published. Reversing the balance between those two very different routes to adulthood was to change Britain. It is one of the many profound differences between the baby boomers and the generation that came before them. Just over half of students were ‘county scholars’ receiving scholarships for fees and living costs from their own local authority on terms decided by each council.