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Journal articles on the topic 'Slavery – maryland'

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Published: 25 July 2024

Last updated: 31 July 2024

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1

Menard, Russell R. "Making a “Popular Slave Society” in Colonial British America." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 43, no. 3 (December 2012): 377–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_a_00423.

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Evidence from probate inventories in St. Mary's County, Maryland, suggests that the transition from servants to slaves in colonial British America was not the sole mechanism by which the Chesapeake transformed into a fully developed slave society. Rather, this transition was only the first step in a century-long process by which slavery gradually took root, until, by the eve of the Revolution, the Chesapeake finally bore the imprint of slavery in every avenue of its activity.

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2

K, Chellapandian. "Impact of slavery System in America with Reference to Colson Whitehead’s the Underground Railroad." SMART MOVES JOURNAL IJELLH 8, no. 2 (February 28, 2020): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.24113/ijellh.v8i2.10402.

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This article tells you that how the slavery system flourished in America and the impact of slavery system in America. Slavery system in America started when Christopher Columbus discovered America in the year 1492. In 1508 the first colony settlement was established by Ponce de Leon in Samjuan. The first African slaves arrived in South Carolina in 1526. During the 16th and 17th century the city St. Augustine was the Hub of the slave trade. Once Britishers established colonies in America, they started importing slaves from Africa. At one point Mary land and Virginia full of African slaves. After the discovery America Britishers came to know that America is suitable for cotton cultivation so they dawned with an idea that for cultivating cotton in America, Africans are the most eligible persons. On the other hand Britishers believed that Africans know the methods of cultivation and they are efficient labours. So they brought African through the Atlantic slave trade to work in cotton plantation. The amounts of slaves were greatly increased because of rapid expansion of the cotton industry. At the beginning of 17th century Britishers were cultivating only cotton and later on they invented the cotton gin. The invention of the cotton gin demanded more manpower and they started importing more slaves from Africa.At the same time southern part of America continued as slave societies and attempted to extend slavery into the western territories to keep their political share in the nation. During this time the United States became more polarized over the issue of slavery split into slaves and free states. Due to this in Virginia and Maryland a new community of African and American culture developed. As the United States expanded southern states, have to maintain a balance between the number slave and free state to maintain political power in the united states senate.

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3

Bernier, Julia W. "Georgetown and Slavery, from Plantation to Campus." Journal of the Early Republic 44, no. 1 (March 2024): 87–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jer.2024.a922052.

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Abstract: In 1838, the Maryland Province Jesuits sold the nearly three hundred people they enslaved on their plantations to Louisiana. Part of the proceeds of that sale went to pay down the debts amassed by Georgetown University. This is how most people understand the historical ties between Georgetown and slavery. This article situates Georgetown’s relationship to the institution in a more sustained context. It emphasizes slavery’s role in the daily life of campus, examines the lives of the enslaved there, and illuminates the university’s deeper relationship to both the Maryland plantations and regional Catholic slaveholding networks. Further, it considers how these connections influenced intellectual thought on campus. The article extends scholarship on slavery and higher education to not only focus on the institution’s foundational complicities, but also emphasizes the demands of the enslaved and their descendants in our contemporary moment.

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4

MORGAN, KENNETH. "George Washington and the Problem of Slavery." Journal of American Studies 34, no. 2 (August 2000): 279–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875899006398.

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Slavery was not the most important issue for which George Washington is remembered; nor were his views on the institution as revealing as those of some of his fellow Founding Fathers. But Washington was a slaveowner for all of his adult life and he lived in Virginia, which was dominated by tobacco plantations based on slave labour. Slavery was central to the socio-economic life of the Old Dominion: after 1750 40 per cent of the North American slave population lived there and the first United States census of 1790 showed 300,000 slaves in Virginia. The tobacco they produced was the most valuable staple crop grown in North America. At his home Mount Vernon, situated on the upper Potomac river overlooking the Maryland shore, Washington created an estate, based on the latest agricultural practice, that was also a set of plantation farms centred around the work of enslaved Africans. Slavery, then, was clearly a persistent part of Washington's life and career. Because of this and his pre-eminent position in American public life, Washington's use of slave labour and his views on an important paradox of American history in the revolutionary era – the coexistence of slavery and liberty – deserve close attention. One man's dilemma in dealing with the morality of his own slaveholding was mirrored in the broader context of what the United States could or would do about the problem of slavery.

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5

Thompson, Patricia. "“Father” Samuel Snowden (c. 1770–1850): Preacher, Minister to Mariners, and Anti-Slavery Activist." Methodist History 60, no. 1 (June 1, 2022): 136–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/methodisthist.60.1.0136.

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ABSTRACT This article traces the life and ministry of the Rev. Samuel Snowden, the first Black pastor in the New England Conference of the United Methodist Church, who began his life as a slave on the eastern shore of Maryland. In 1818 he was called from Portland, Maine, to pastor the growing Black Methodist Episcopal congregation in Boston, Massachusetts. There he grew the first Black Methodist Episcopal congregation in New England and became a well-known and respected preacher and anti-slavery activist with a special ministry to Black seaman. At the end of his life, he opened his home as a refuge for fugitive slaves. Snowden’s son, Isaac Humphrey, became one of the first three Black men to enroll in Harvard Medical School.

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6

YOUNG, VERNETTA D. "All the Women in the Maryland State Penitentiary: 1812-1869." Prison Journal 81, no. 1 (March 2001): 113–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032885501081001008.

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This article examines the role of race in the patterns of incarceration of women in the state of Maryland during three critical periods: pre-Civil War, Civil War, and post-Civil War. Maryland, a border state, was wedged geographically and politically between the forces of slavery and abolition. In addition to race, the author identifies female offenders by examining place of birth, age, and occupation. The author supports the view that “plantation justice” was inapplicable to Blacks in Maryland. The author also suggests that the historical neglect of women in prison can be attributed to the small contribution of “native” White women to the total female prison population. Racial differences in why female offenders were incarcerated and how long they were sentenced are addressed. These differences are examined across the three time periods, noting the focus on controlling Blacks (free and slave), women, and immigrants.

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7

Ulshafer, Thomas R. "Slavery and the Early Sulpician Community in Maryland." U.S. Catholic Historian 37, no. 2 (2019): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cht.2019.0013.

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8

Cofield, Sara Rivers. "French-Caribbean Refugees and Slavery in German Protestant Maryland." International Journal of Historical Archaeology 10, no. 3 (June 27, 2006): 268–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10761-006-0010-6.

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9

Whitman, T. Stephen. "Industrial Slavery at the Margin: The Maryland Chemical Works." Journal of Southern History 59, no. 1 (February 1993): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2210347.

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10

Endres, David J. "The Elder Family: Intergenerational Slaveholding in Early American Catholicism." Pennsylvania History: A Journal of Mid-Atlantic Studies 90, no. 3 (2023): 349–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/pennhistory.90.3.0349.

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ABSTRACT For at least five generations, the Elder family held enslaved persons as part of their agricultural, commercial, and domestic pursuits in Maryland, Kentucky, and Louisiana. Though scholars have highlighted slaveholding by US religious orders, especially the Jesuits, little attention has been paid to how lay Catholics bought, sold, and treated their bondspeople. This study explores how the Elder family was connected to slavery, including the intergenerational transfer of human property—and the practices and mentality that sustained it.

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11

Johnson, Michael P., and Barbara Jeanne Fields. "Slavery and Freedom on the Middle Ground: Maryland during the Nineteenth Century." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 18, no. 2 (1987): 377. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/204312.

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12

MacLean, William Jerry, and Barbara Jeanne Fields. "Slavery and Freedom on the Middle Ground: Maryland during the Nineteenth Century." Journal of the Early Republic 5, no. 3 (1985): 424. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3122611.

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13

Olsen, Otto H., and Barbara Jeanne Fields. "Slavery and Freedom on the Middle Ground: Maryland during the Nineteenth Century." Journal of American History 72, no. 4 (March 1986): 956. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1908926.

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14

Littlefield, Daniel C., and Barbara Jeanne Fields. "Slavery and Freedom on the Middle Ground: Maryland during the Ninteenth Century." American Historical Review 91, no. 2 (April 1986): 464. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1858286.

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15

Cody, Cheryll Ann, and Barbara Jeanne Fields. "Slavery and Freedom on the Middle Ground: Maryland during the Nineteenth Century." Journal of Southern History 52, no. 2 (May 1986): 311. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2209690.

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16

Mendoza, Elsa Barraza. "Catholic Slaveowners and the Development of Georgetown University’s Slave Hiring System, 1792–1862." Journal of Jesuit Studies 8, no. 1 (December 15, 2020): 56–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22141332-0801p004.

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Abstract This article examines the place of enslaved laborers in the founding and operations of Georgetown University. It draws evidence from the school’s administrative and financial records; the archives of the Maryland Province of the Society of Jesus; and manuscript collections in Maryland and Washington, DC. The school generally rented rather than bought and owned enslaved people to work on campus. The school used its position as a provider of education and religious services to obtain enslaved laborers from two types of Catholic slaveowners: priests and parents—women in particular—who sent their children to Georgetown. Enslaved laborers worked at the school from its earliest days until the abolition of slavery in Washington, DC, in 1862. Indeed, the school’s last enslaved worker, Aaron Edmonson, left campus in March of 1862, only a month before the passage of the Compensated Emancipation Act of the District of Columbia.

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17

Russo, J. Elliott. ""Fifty–Four Days Work of Two Negroes": Enslaved Labor in Colonial Somerset County, Maryland." Agricultural History 78, no. 4 (October 1, 2004): 466–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00021482-78.4.466.

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Abstract The uses of enslaved labor outside the context of staple crop production become evident through an examination of colonial Somerset County, the southernmost Maryland county on the Chesapeake Bay’s Eastern Shore. By the early eighteenth century, conditions in Somerset amounted to something of a paradox. The county’s planters were thoroughly embedded in the larger Chesapeake plantation society and replicated, insofar as they were able, the features of that society, including the use of slave labor and cultivation of tobacco. Yet poor soil conditions pushed residents to the edges of the tobacco economy. Unable to grow tobacco profitably, Somerset’s men and women identified alternative export commodities that were more suited to the resources at hand, including lumber, meat, and ships. In addition, many Somerset residents were active in an expanding coastwide trade that linked economic activity in the county to markets elsewhere in the colonies. Russo examines the allocation of enslaved labor in Somerset’s diversified economy using information drawn from judicial, tax, probate, and land records. Consideration of the evidence for Somerset County indicates that scholars need to devote more attention to the characteristics of slavery in anomalous areas that exist within broad staple-producing regions.

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18

Cottrol, Robert J., and T. Stephen Whitman. "The Price of Freedom: Slavery and Manumission in Baltimore and Early National Maryland." Journal of American History 85, no. 1 (June 1998): 222. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2568476.

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19

Williams, Carolyn, and T. Stephen Whitman. "The Price of Freedom: Slavery and Manumission in Baltimore and Early National Maryland." History Teacher 34, no. 2 (February 2001): 280. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3054302.

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20

Winch, Julie, and T. Stephen Whitman. "The Price of Freedom: Slavery and Manumission in Baltimore and Early National Maryland." William and Mary Quarterly 55, no. 3 (July 1998): 479. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2674551.

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21

Sheller, Tina H., and T. Stephen Whitman. "The Price of Freedom: Slavery and Manumission in Baltimore and Early National Maryland." Journal of Southern History 64, no. 2 (May 1998): 342. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2587954.

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22

Madaras, Larry. "The Price of Freedom: Slavery and Manumission in Baltimore and Early National Maryland." History: Reviews of New Books 26, no. 1 (October 1997): 14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1997.10525267.

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23

Schweninger, Loren, and T. Stephen Whitman. "The Price of Freedom: Slavery and Manumission in Baltimore and Early National Maryland." American Historical Review 103, no. 2 (April 1998): 591. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2649906.

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24

Debe, Demetri D., and Russell R. Menard. "The Transition to African Slavery in Maryland: A Note on the Barbados Connection." Slavery & Abolition 32, no. 1 (February 13, 2011): 129–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0144039x.2011.538203.

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25

Raley, J. Michael, and Lauren R. Rippy. ""We Have a Right to Live in This Country": Reverend Moses Broyles and the Struggle for Social Justice and Racial Equality in Nineteenth-Century Indiana." Indiana Magazine of History 120, no. 1 (March 2024): 32–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/imh.00002.

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ABSTRACT: Rev. Moses Broyles (1826–1882) ranks as a leading figure in Indiana's African American religious, political, racial, educational, and legal history. Born a slave in Maryland, he was sold as a child to John Broyles of Paducah, Kentucky, from whom he purchased his freedom in 1854. Thence he moved to Lancaster, Indiana, where he enrolled at the Eleutherian Institute. In 1857, he relocated to Indianapolis and joined the Second Baptist Church. Recognizing his oratorical skills and spiritual leadership, its members soon called Broyles as their pastor. As a bi-vocational minister, Rev. Broyles also taught at a private school for African American children and helped integrate Indianapolis High School. He was a fierce opponent of slavery who demanded equal rights and privileges for African Americans as U.S. citizens. Later, he served as a statewide leader in the Republican Party of Abraham Lincoln and Ulysses S. Grant even as he challenged Indiana's anti-Black laws.

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26

Perry, Tony C. "In bondage when cold was king: the frigid terrain of slavery in antebellum Maryland." Slavery & Abolition 38, no. 1 (January 2, 2017): 23–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0144039x.2017.1284923.

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27

Mohr, James C. "Slavery and Freedom on the Middle Ground: Maryland during the Nineteenth Century (review)." Civil War History 32, no. 2 (1986): 179–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cwh.1986.0018.

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28

Leone, Mark P., Elizabeth Pruitt, Benjamin A. Skolnik, Stefan Woehlke, and Tracy Jenkins. "The Archaeology of Early African American Communities in Talbot County, Eastern Shore, Maryland, U.S.A., and Their Relationship to Slavery." Historical Archaeology 52, no. 4 (November 19, 2018): 753–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s41636-018-0143-6.

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29

Miller, James D. "The Price of Freedom: Slavery and Manumission in Baltimore and Early National Maryland, by T. Stephen WhitmanThe Price of Freedom: Slavery and Manumission in Baltimore and Early National Maryland, by T. Stephen Whitman. New York, Routledge, 1997. xiv, 238 pp. $35.95 U.S. (cloth), $20.95 U.S. (paper)." Canadian Journal of History 36, no. 3 (December 2001): 596–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.36.3.596.

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30

Woodruff, N. E. "Slavery and Freedom on the Middle Ground: Maryland during the Nineteenth Century. By Barbara Jeanne Fields (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1985. 268 pp.)." Journal of Social History 20, no. 4 (June 1, 1987): 807–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jsh/20.4.807.

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31

Schweninger, Loren. "T. Stephen Whitman. The Price of Freedom: Slavery and Manumission in Baltimore and Early National Maryland. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky. 1997. Pp. 238. $35.95." American Historical Review 103, no. 2 (April 1998): 591–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr/103.2.591-a.

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32

Moss, Hillary. "ReviewT. Stephen Whitman, Challenging Slavery in the Chesapeake: Black and White Resistance to Human Bondage, 1775-1865. Baltimore: Maryland Historical Society, 2007. Pp. 320. Paper $20.00." Journal of African American History 95, no. 1 (January 2010): 101–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.5323/jafriamerhist.95.1.0101.

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33

Games, Alison. "The Price of Freedom: Slavery and Manumission in Baltimore and Early National Maryland. By T. Stephen Whitman. Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1997. Pp. 256. $35.95." Journal of Economic History 58, no. 1 (March 1998): 284–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700020428.

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34

Albert, Bill. "Dale W. Tomich, Slavery in the Circuit of Sugar: Martinique and the World Economy 1830–1848 (Baltimore, Maryland: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1990), pp. xiii + 353, £33.50." Journal of Latin American Studies 23, no. 3 (October 1991): 646–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00015911.

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35

Irving, T. B. "King Zumbi and the Male Movement in Brazil." American Journal of Islam and Society 9, no. 3 (October 1, 1992): 397–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v9i3.2577.

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Three great regions of America deserve a Muslim's attedon because oftheir Islamic past: Brazil in South America; the Caribbean, which scarcely hasbeen explored in this tespect; and the United States. Over 12 percent of theUnited States' population, and even more in the Caribbean, is of African origin,whereas Brazil has a similar or greater proportion of African descent.The enslavement and transportation of Africans to the New World continuedfor another three or four centuries after the region's indigenous Indianpopulations had either been killed off or driven into the plains and wooc1s.While knowledge of the original African Muslims in Notth America is vaguely acknowledged, teseatch is still required on the West Indies. Brazil's case,however, is clearer due to its proud history of the Palmares republic, whichalmost achieved its freedom in the seventeenth century, and the clearly Islamicnineteenth-century Male movement. As a postscript, the Canudos movement in 1897 also contained some Islamic features.In the Spanish colonies, the decline of the indigenous Indian populationsbegan quickly. To offset this development, Bartolome de Las Casas (1474-1566), Bishop of Chiapas, Mexico, suggested the importation of enslavedAfricans to the new colonies, whete they could then be converted to Christianity.Few persons have exercised such a baneful effect on society as thisman, who is often called the "Apostle of the Indies." However, othes knewhim as the "Enslaver of Africans," especially the Muslims, who he called"Moots." These facts of African slavery apply to almost all of the Atlanticcoast of the Americas, from Maryland and Virginia to Argentina, as well asto some countries along the Pacific coast such as Ecuador and Peru. If thisaspect of Muslim history and the Islamic heritage is to be preserved for humanhistory, we need to devote more study to it.This tragedy began in the sixteenth century and, after mote than four hundredyears, its effects are still apparent. If those Africans caught and sold intoslavery were educated, as many of them were, they were generally Muslimsand wrote in Arabic. Thus, many educated and literate slaves kept the recordsfor their sometimes illiterate plantation masters, who often could not read ormake any mathematical calculations, let alone handle formal bookkeeping.In 1532, the first permanent European settlement was established in Brazil,a country which since that date has never been wholly cut off from WestAfrica: even today trade is carried on with the Guinea coast. Yoruba influencefrom Nigeria and Benin has been almost as pervasive in some regions of ...

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36

KITLV, Redactie. "Book Reviews." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 62, no. 1-2 (January 1, 1988): 51–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002046.

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-Brenda Plummer, Carol S. Holzberg, Minorities and power in a black society: the Jewish community of Jamaica. Maryland: The North-South Publishing Company, Inc., 1987. xxx + 259 pp.-Scott Guggenheim, Nina S. de Friedemann ,De sol a sol: genesis, transformacion, y presencia de los negros en Colombia. Bogota: Planeta Columbiana Editorial, 1986. 47 1pp., Jaime Arocha (eds)-Brian L. Moore, Mary Noel Menezes, Scenes from the history of the Portuguese in Guyana. London: Sister M.N. Menezes, RSM, 1986. vii + 175 PP.-Charles Rutheiser, Brian L. Moore, Race, power, and social segmentation in colonial society: Guyana after slavery 1838-1891. New York; Gordon and Breach, 1987. 310 pp.-Thomas Fiehrer, Virginia R. Dominguez, White by definition: social classification in Creole Louisiana. Rutgers, New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 1986. xviii + 325 pp.-Kenneth Lunn, Brian D. Jacobs, Black politics and urban crisis in Britain. Cambridge, London, New Rochelle, Melbourne and Sydney: Cambridge University Press, 1986. vii + 227 pp.-Brian D. Jacobs, Kenneth Lunn, Race and labour in twentieth-cenruty Britain, London: Frank Cass and Co. Ltd., 1985. 186 pp.-Kenneth M. Bilby, Dick Hebdige, Cut 'n' mix: culture, identity and Caribbean Music. New York: Metheun and Co. Ltd, 1987. 177 pp.-Riva Berleant-Schiller, Robert Dirks, The black saturnalia: conflict and its ritual expression on British West Indian slave plantations. Gainesville, Fl.: University of Florida Press, Monographs in Social Sciences No. 72. xvii + 228.-Marilyn Silverman, James Howe, The Kuna gathering: contemporary village politics in Panama. Austin, Texas: University of Texas Press, 1986. xvi + 326 pp.-Paget Henry, Evelyne Huber Stephens ,Democratic socialism in Jamaica: the political movement and social transformation in dependent capitalism. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1985. xx + 423 pp., John D. Stephens (eds)-Bridget Brereton, Scott B. Macdonald, Trinidad and Tobago: democracy and development in the Caribbean. New York, Connecticut, London: Praeger Publishers, 1986. ix + 213 pp.-Brian L. Moore, Kempe Ronald Hope, Guyana: politics and development in an emergent socialist state. Oakville, New York, London: Mosaic Press, 1985, 136 pp.-Roland I. Perusse, Richard J. Bloomfield, Puerto Rico: the search for a national policy. Boulder and London: Westview Press, Westview Special Studies on Latin America and the Caribbean, 1985. x + 192 pp.-Charles Gilman, Manfred Gorlach ,Focus on the Caribbean. 1986. Amsterdam/Philadelphia, John Benjamins., John A. Holm (eds)-Viranjini Munasinghe, EPICA, The Caribbean: survival, struggle and sovereignty. Washington, EPICA (Ecumenical Program for Interamerican Communication and Action), 1985.-B.W. Higman, Sidney W. Mintz, Sweetness and power: the place of sugar in modern history. New York: Elisabeth Sifton Books, Viking Penguin Inc., 1985. xxx + 274 pp.

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37

Engerman, Stanley L. "Barbara Jeanne Fields, Slavery and Freedom on the Middle Ground: Maryland During the Nineteenth Century (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1985, £27.50). Pp. xv 268. ISBN 0 300 02340 5 (alk. paper)." Journal of American Studies 20, no. 1 (April 1986): 123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875800016510.

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38

González, Felipe, Guillermo Marshall, and Suresh Naidu. "Start-up Nation? Slave Wealth and Entrepreneurship in Civil War Maryland." Journal of Economic History 77, no. 2 (June 2017): 373–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050717000493.

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Slave property rights yielded a source of collateral as well as a coerced labor force. Using data from Dun and Bradstreet linked to the 1860 census and slave schedules in Maryland, we find that slaveowners were more likely to start businesses prior to the uncompensated 1864 emancipation, even conditional on total wealth and human capital, and this advantage disappears after emancipation. We assess a number of potential explanations, and find suggestive evidence that this is due to the superiority of slave wealth as a source of collateral for credit rather than any advantage in production. The collateral dimension of slave property magnifies its importance to historical American economic development.

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39

Chace, Russell E. "Sugar and Slavery, Family and Race: The Letters and Diary of Pierre Dessalles, Planter in Martinique, 1808-1856, edited and translated by Elborg Forster and Robert ForsterSugar and Slavery, Family and Race: The Letters and Diary of Pierre Dessalles, Planter in Martinique, 1808-1856, edited and translated by Elborg Forster and Robert Forster. Baltimore, Maryland, The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996. 322 pp. $55.00 U.S. (cloth), $19.95 U.S (paper)." Canadian Journal of History 32, no. 1 (April 1997): 138–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.32.1.138.

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40

Jennings, Lawrence C. "Slavery in the Circuit of Sugar: Martinique and the World Sugar Economy, 1830-1848, by Dale W. TomichSlavery in the Circuit of Sugar: Martinique and the World Sugar Economy, 1830-1848, by Dale W. Tomich. Baltimore, Maryland, The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1990. xiv, 353 pp. $55.00 U.S." Canadian Journal of History 26, no. 3 (December 1991): 542–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.26.3.542.

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41

Miller, Steven F. "Slavery and Freedom on the Middle Ground: Maryland during the Nineteenth Century. By Barbara Jeanne Fields. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1985. Pp. xv, 268. $27.50. - Essays on the Postbellum Southern Economy. Edited by Thavolia Glymph and John J. Kushma. Texas A&M University Press. Pp. 119. $17.50." Journal of Economic History 46, no. 3 (September 1986): 864–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700047215.

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42

Morgan, Kenneth. "Convict Runaways in Maryland, 1745–1775." Journal of American Studies 23, no. 2 (August 1989): 253–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875800003765.

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That the newspaper press in the eighteenth-century Chesapeake colonies was chock-full of advertisements for runaway convicts is a clear indication of the significance of transportation to America in that period. The existence of convicts in Virginia and Maryland stemmed from the provisions of the Transportation Act passed by the British parliament in 1718. This stated that felons found guilty of non-capital crimes against property could be transported to America for seven years while the smaller number of criminals convicted on capital charges could have their death sentence commuted to banishment for either fourteen years or life. Between 1718 and 1775, when the traffic ended with the approach of war, more than 90 percent of the 50,000 convicts shipped across the Atlantic from the British Isles were sold by contractors to settlers in the Chesapeake, where there was a continuous demand for cheap, white, bonded labour. Though many convicts were people who had resorted to petty, theft in hard times rather than habitual criminals, they were often viewed with jaundiced eyes in the Chesapeake as purveyors of crime, disease and corruption. They also had to endure, along with slaves and indentured servants, the everyday reality of lower-class life in colonial America: the exploitation of unfree labour. It is therefore not surprising that many convicts, like other dependent labourers, tried to free themselves from bondage by escaping from their owners.

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Reid, Patricia A. "The Legal Construction of Whiteness and Citizenship in Maryland, 1780–1820." Law, Culture and the Humanities 15, no. 3 (June 20, 2016): 656–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1743872116652886.

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In the years before the Missouri Compromise, petitioners who won their freedom suits based upon their ancestral links to white women, with land, could participate in the body politic. However, as Maryland legislators began to identify with the plantation south, they invented a legal understanding that would deny ambiguously freed blacks freedom, and justices would re-invent proslavery jurispudence, using the attachment clause, which would remand the previously freed into a status worse than before they had petitioned the court. Those who were freed and could claim citizenship in the years immediately after the American Revolution, by 1810, case law had changed and they lost many of their rights they once held. By using a slave state like Maryland as a microcosm, this research hopes to show the gradual way African Americans were not only denied claims to legal protections but, were deprived of their rightful place as agents in this new democratic experiment.

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Schablitsky, Julie M., Kelsey E. Witt, Jazmín Ramos Madrigal, Martin R. Ellegaard, Ripan S. Malhi, and Hannes Schroeder. "Ancient DNA analysis of a nineteenth century tobacco pipe from a Maryland slave quarter." Journal of Archaeological Science 105 (May 2019): 11–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jas.2019.02.006.

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Johnson, Edwin T. "Stealing Freedom along the Mason-Dixon Line: Thomas McCreary, the Notorious Slave Catcher from Maryland." History: Reviews of New Books 45, no. 1 (December 12, 2016): 6–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2017.1255050.

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Klingelhofer, Eric. "Aspects of early Afro-American material culture: Artifacts from the slave quarters at Garrison Plantation, Maryland." Historical Archaeology 21, no. 2 (July 1987): 112–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf03373489.

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Mahoney, John F. "Benjamin Banneker and the Law of Sines." Mathematics Teacher 98, no. 6 (February 2005): 390–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.5951/mt.98.6.0390.

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Benjamin Banneker (1731–1806), the son of a freed slave from Guinea and a black woman, born free in the territory of Maryland, was a self–taught mathematician, surveyor, and astronomer. He lived and worked on the farm he owned with his father near Baltimore. His grandmother, an Englishwoman who had come to the colonies as an indentured servant, taught Banneker how to read and write. She arranged for him to go to a local oneroom school, which was attended by several white and a few black children. The Quaker schoolmaster may have lent Banneker some books then, and later, a neighbor lent him some books on mathematics and astronomy. From these books he learned mathematics as far as double–position as well as surveying and astronomy. He began publishing annual almanacs containing his astronomical observations and predictions. He kept his notes in journals, but only one of the journals is preserved. This journal served as his notebook for astronomical observations, his diary, and his mathematics notebook. The mathematics in his journal consisted of six puzzles and two pages of mathematical writing.

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Reid, Patricia A. "Stealing Freedom Along the Mason-Dixon Line: Thomas McCreary, the Notorious Slave Catcher from Maryland. By Milt Diggins." Journal of Social History 50, no. 4 (March 15, 2017): 731–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jsh/shx013.

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Hardin, William Fernandez. "Stealing Freedom Along the Mason-Dixon Line: Thomas McCreary, the Notorious Slave Catcher from Maryland by Milt Diggins." Journal of Southern History 83, no. 1 (2017): 168–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/soh.2017.0024.

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Maxson, Stanley D. "Stealing Freedom along the Mason-Dixon Line: Thomas McCreary, the Notorious Slave Catcher from Maryland by Milt Diggins." Civil War History 63, no. 2 (2017): 210–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cwh.2017.0030.

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