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Sang, Nguyen Van, and Jolanta A. Daszyńska. "The problem of the abolition of slavery and maritime rights on U.S. vessels with regards to British-American relations in the first half of the 19th century." Przegląd Nauk Historycznych 19, no. 2 (December 30, 2020): 105–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1644-857x.19.02.04.
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The article analyses the struggle of Anglo-American relations connected to slaves and maritime rights on the sea from 1831 to 1842. The study is based on monographs, reports, treaties and correspondences between the two countries from the explosion of the Comet case in 1831 to the signing of the Webster–Ashburton treaty in 1842. This study focuses on three fundamental issues: the appearance of Comet, Encomium, Enterprise, Hermosa and Creole as international incidents with regards to British-American relations; the view of both countries on the abolition of slavery, maritime rights as well as the dispute over issues to resolve arising from these incidents; the results of British-American diplomacy to release slaves and maritime rights after the signing of the Webster–Ashburton treaty. The study found that the American slave ships were special cases in comparison with the previous controversies in bilateral relations. The American slave vessels sailed to the British colonies due to bad weather conditions and a slave rebellion on board. In fact, Great Britain and the United States had never dealt with a similar case, so both sides failed to find a unified view regarding the differences in the laws and policies of the two countries on slavery. The history of British-American relations demonstrated that under the pressures of the border dispute in Maine and New Brunswick, the affairs were not resolved. In addition, it could have had more of an impact on the relationship between the two countries, eventually p the two countries into a war. In that situation, the diplomatic and economic solutions given to the abolition of slavery and maritime rights were only temporary. However, the international affairs related to the American slave vessels paved the way for the settlement of maritime rights for British-American relations in the second half of 19th century.
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Shumakov, Andrey A. "Gabriel’s plot of 1800: the story of the failed uprising." Tyumen State University Herald. Humanities Research. Humanitates 8, no. 3 (2022): 125–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.21684/2411-197x-2022-8-3-125-142.
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This article analyzes one of the most significant, yet understudied events in African-American history. The Virginia Conspiracy or the Gabriel Conspiracy of 1800 is considered the most famous case of organizing a mass armed uprising of slaves in the United States. Inspired by the ideas and examples of the American, Great French and Haitian revolutions, black slaves tried not just to raise an uprising and achieve liberation, but actually challenged the slave-owning orders of the entire white South. The scale and geography of the conspiracy leave no doubt that it originally implied a mass armed demonstration, which was to begin simultaneously in several cities of Virginia and spread to neighboring states. The purpose of this study is to analyze and restore the chronicle of the main events related to the Virginia Conspiracy of 1800. The materials of the trial and some periodicals act as a source base, while the author also relies on the research of leading American experts on this topic. The main objectives of the study include: to consider the background of the conspiracy and some issues of Gabriel’s early biography and to study the process of preparing a speech and the immediate implementation of the plan. The article also analyzes the consequences of the events of 1800 for the legislation of Virginia and the entire white South. The main methods are historical-descriptive and comparative-historical, allowing to draw the necessary parallels with similar historical phenomena, such as the Virginia Uprising led by Nat Turner in 1831. The conclusion shows that the slave conspiracy of 1800 was planned in the most careful way, while the reason for its failure was a combination of purely subjective factors. Simultaneously, Gabriel’s failed rebellion demonstrated the vulnerability of the White South in the face of slave uprisings, as well as the high degree of self-organization of the Black community and the beginning of the formation of an African-American identity.
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KITLV, Redactie. "Bookreviews." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 83, no. 1-2 (January 1, 2009): 121–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002463.
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Afro-Atlantic Dialogues: Anthropology in the Diaspora, edited by Kevin A. Yelvington (reviewed by Aisha Khan)Central Africans, Atlantic Creoles, and the Foundation of the Americas, 1585-1660, by Linda M. Heywood & John K. Thornton (reviewed by James H. Sweet)An Eye for the Tropics: Tourism, Photography, and Framing the Caribbean Picturesque, by Krista A. Thompson (reviewed by Carl Thompson)Taíno Indian Myth and Practice: The Arrival of the Stranger King, by William F. Keegan (reviewed by Frederick H. Smith) Historic Cities of the Americas: An Illustrated Encyclopedia, by David F. Marley (reviewed by Richard L. Kagan) Arming Slaves: From Classical Times to the Modern Age, edited by Christopher Leslie Brown & Philip D. Morgan (reviewed by James Sidbury)Sweet Negotiations: Sugar, Slavery, and Plantation Agriculture in Early Barbados, by Russell R. Menard (reviewed by Kenneth Morgan)Jamaica in 1850 or, The Effects of Sixteen Years of Freedom on a Slave Colony, by John Bigelow (reviewed by Jean Besson) Moral Capital: Foundations of British Abolitionism, by Christopher Leslie Brown (reviewed by Cassandra Pybus) Caribbean Journeys: An Ethnography of Migration and Home in Three Family Networks, by Karen Fog Olwig (reviewed by George Gmelch) Afro-Caribbean Immigrants and the Politics of Incorporation: Ethnicity, Exception, or Exit, by Reuel R. Rogers (reviewed by Kevin Birth) Puerto Rican Arrival in New York: Narratives of the Migration, 1920-1950, edited by Juan Flores (reviewed by Wilson A. Valentín-Escobar)The Conquest of History: Spanish Colonialism and National Histories in the Nineteenth Century, by Christopher Schmidt-Nowara (reviewed by Aline Helg)Gender and Slave Emancipation in the Atlantic World, edited by Pamela Scully & Diana Paton (reviewed by Bernard Moitt) Gender and Democracy in Cuba, by Ilja A. Luciak (reviewed by Florence E. Babb) The “New Man” in Cuba: Culture and Identity in the Revolution, by Ana Serra (reviewed by Jorge Duany) Lydia Cabrera and the Construction of an Afro-Cuban Cultural Identity, by Edna M. Rodríguez-Mangual (reviewed by Brian Brazeal) Worldview, the Orichas, and Santeria: Africa to Cuba and Beyond, by Mercedes Cros Sandoval (reviewed by Elizabeth Pérez)The 1812 Aponte Rebellion in Cuba and the Struggle against Atlantic Slavery, by Matt D. Childs (reviewed by Manuel Barcia) Caliban and the Yankees: Trinidad and the United States Occupation, by Harvey R. Neptune (reviewed by Selwyn Ryan) Claims to Memory: Beyond Slavery and Emancipation in the French Caribbean, by Catherine A. Reinhardt (reviewed by Dominique Taffin) The Grand Slave Emporium, Cape Coast Castle and the British Slave Trade, by William St. Clair (reviewed by Ray A. Kea) History of the Caribbean, by Frank Moya Pons (reviewed by Olwyn M. Blouet) Out of the Crowded Vagueness: A History of the Islands of St Kitts, Nevis & Anguilla, by Brian Dyde (reviewed by Karen Fog Olwig) Scoping the Amazon: Image, Icon, Ethnography, by Stephen Nugent (reviewed by Neil L. Whitehead)
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Editors, RIAS. "IASA Statement of Support for the Struggle Against Racialized Violence in the United States." Review of International American Studies 13, no. 1 (August 16, 2020): 291–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/rias.9626.
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The International American Studies Association is dismayed to see the explosion of anger, bitterness and desperation that has been triggered by yet another senseless, cruel and wanton act of racialized violence in the United States. We stand in solidarity with and support the ongoing struggle by African Americans, indigenous peoples, ethnic minorities, migrants and the marginalized against the racialized violence perpetrated against them.
As scholars of the United States, we see the killing of George Floyd and many before them as acts on the continuum of the history of the powerful committing racialized violence against the powerless in the United States from before the birth of that country to the here and now of the present day. This continuum stretches from the transatlantic slave trade, the genocide of the indigenous population, the denial of rights and liberties to women, through the exploitation of American workers, slavery and Jim Crow, to the exclusion and inhumane treatment of the same migrants who make a profit for American corporations and keep prices low for the U.S. consumer. As scholars of the United States, we are acutely aware of how racialized violence is systemic, of how it has been woven into the fabric of U.S. society and cultures by the powerful, and of how the struggle against it has produced some of the greatest contributions of U.S. society to world culture and heritage.
The desperate rebellion of the powerless against racialized violence by the powerful is in turn propagandized as unreasonable or malicious. It is neither. It is an uprising to defend their own lives, their last resort after waiting for generations for justice and equal treatment from law enforcement, law makers, and the courts. In too many instances, those in power have answered such uprisings with deadly force—and in every instance, they have had alternatives to this response.
We are calling on those in power and the people with the guns in the United States now to exercise their choices and choose an alternative to deadly force as a response to the struggle against racialized violence. You have the power and the weapons—you have a choice to do the right thing and make peace.
We are calling on U.S. law makers to listen and address the issues of injustice and racialized violence through systemic reform that remakes the very fabric of the United States justice system, including independent accountability oversight for law enforcement.
We are calling on our IASA members and Americanists around the world to redouble their efforts at teaching their students and educating the public of the truth about the struggle against racialized violence in the United States.
We are calling on our IASA members and Americanists around the world to become allies in the struggle against racialized violence in the United States and in their home societies by publicizing scholarship on the truth, by listening to and amplifying the voices of black people, ethnic minorities and the marginalized, and supporting them in this struggle on their own terms.
We are calling on all fellow scholarly associations to explore all the ways in which they can put pressure with those in power at all levels in the United States to do the right thing and end racialized violence.
There will be no peace in our hearts and souls until justice is done and racialized violence is ended—until all of us are able “to breathe free.”
Dr Manpreet Kaur Kang, President of the International American Studies Association, Professor of English and Dean, School of Humanities & Social Sciences, Guru Gobind Singh Indraprastha University, India;Dr Jennifer Frost, President of the Australian and New Zealand American Studies Association, Associate Professor of History, University of Auckland, New Zealand;Dr S. Bilge Mutluay Çetintaş, Associate Professor, Department of American Culture and Literature, Hacettepe University, Turkey;Dr Gabriela Vargas-Cetina, Professor of Anthropology, Universidad Autónoma de Yucatán, Mexico;Dr Paweł Jędrzejko, Associate Professor of American Literature, University of Silesia in Katowice, Poland;Dr Marietta Messmer, Associate Professor of American Studies, University of Groningen, The Netherlands;Dr Kryštof Kozák, Department of North American Studies, Charles University, Prague;Dr Giorgio Mariani, Professor of English and American Languages and Literatures, Department of European, American and Intercultural Studies, Università “Sapienza” of Rome;Dr György Tóth, Lecturer, History, Heritage and Politics, University of Stirling, Scotland, United Kingdom;Dr Manuel Broncano, Professor of American Literature and Director of English, Spanish, and Translation, Texas A&M International University, Laredo, USA;Dr Jiaying Cai, Lecturer at the School of English Studies, Shanghai International Studies University, China;Dr Alessandro Buffa, Secretary, Center for Postcolonial and Gender Studies, University of Naples L’Orientale, Italy;
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VARA-DANNEN, THERESA C. "The Limits of White Memory: Slavery, Violence and the Amistad Incident." Journal of American Studies 49, no. 1 (August 7, 2014): 19–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875814001297.
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This article addresses the Amistad incident, and the evolving way this event was viewed by Connecticut journalists and residents; an examination of the language used in contemporary newspapers reveals why the Amistad story was largely forgotten in popular imagination in the United States until the 1980s, and completely forgotten in Sierra Leone, the homeland of the captives. The Amistad displayed the nation's most racist beliefs, along with its worst fears, in Connecticut newspaper accounts, accounting for the discomfort with which Southerners in particular regarded the case. The rebellious African kidnap victims were exotic visitors to Connecticut, eliciting much commentary about the “ignoble savages” who might be cannibals, but most certainly seemed to be murderers with insight and intellect; more troubling, they were men – this seemed indisputable – and they were fighting courageously and against the odds for their own freedom, the pivotal American value. In a culture that evaluated savagery visually, there was much to identify as “savage,” but, nonetheless, as the Africans came to reside in Connecticut awaiting their trial, they became human beings, with their own voices, recorded in newspaper accounts. They acquired names, translators, Western clothing, English and Bible lessons, transforming their threatening black masculinity into the only image acceptable to white America, “the suffering servant”; in spite of the pro-slavery newspaper portrayal of the Africans as being lazy, inarticulate in English, mendacious slave-traders, a deliberate process of “heroification” of Cinque was occurring. These competing stereotypes of black man as supplicating victim versus black man as intelligent, violently forceful agent of his own fate were difficult for Lewis Tappan and his fellow abolitionists to navigate. The images also brought into question the value of “moral suasion” as a tool, especially when white Americans were faced with the reality of a strong, potentially violent African man. The Supreme Court decision freed the African captives, but set no precedent for future cases, and it did not improve the lot of even one other enslaved soul; worse yet, the returned captives found no peace after their hard-won return to Africa, nor did they choose to maintain their Christianity, much to the disappointment of their American hosts. Furthermore, the unhappy postscript of the Africans' resettlement called into question the value of the colonization plans so beloved by activists.
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Freudenberger, Herman, and Jonathan B. Pritchett. "The Domestic United States Slave Trade: New Evidence." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 21, no. 3 (1991): 447. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/204955.
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Gibson, Gary M. "Justice Delayed is Justice Denied." Ontario History 108, no. 2 (July 23, 2018): 156–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1050593ar.
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In 1811, William and James Crooks of Niagara built the schooner Lord Nelson. A year later, that vessel was seized by the United States Navy for violating American law, beginning a case unique in the relations between the United States, Great Britain and Canada. Although the seizure was declared illegal by an American court, settlement was delayed by actions taken (or not taken) by the American courts, Congress and the executive, the Canadian provincial and national governments, the British government, wars, rebellions, crime, international disputes and tribunals. It was 1930 before twenty-five descendants of the two brothers finally received any money.
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Dal Lago, Enrico. "“States of Rebellion”: Civil War, Rural Unrest, and the Agrarian Question in the American South and the Italian Mezzogiorno, 1861–1865." Comparative Studies in Society and History 47, no. 2 (April 2005): 403–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417505000186.
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To date, only a handful of scholars, most notably C.L.R. James and Eugene Genovese, have seen slave rebellions and peasant revolts as having anything in common. Fewer scholars still would be prepared to accept the assumption that slaves and peasants were agrarian working classes that shared significant characteristics. Yet, the issues of rural unrest and class formation continue to haunt the historiography of both slave and peasant societies long after James' and Genovese's studies, and have forced several historians to revise and broaden their definitions of class conflict as a means to describe the social transformations of several rural regions. In this essay, I focus on the American South as a case study of a slave society and on the Italian South, or Mezzogiorno, as a case study of a peasant society. Notwithstanding the fundamental differences between the social structures of these two regions, in both cases debates on the class character of rural workers began when leftist historians raised the possibility of applying Marxist categories to their particular historical conditions. In both cases, they were dealing with a ‘south’ characterized by a preeminently agricultural economy and a persistent social and political conservatism. In both cases, too, the debate has moved from broad theoretical positions to the explanation of specific instances of class conflict in a rural setting—the slaves' resistance to their masters and the peasants' resistance to their landlords, respectively—and then on to a criticism of the Marxist approach to the problem.
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Cheathem, Mark Renfred. "The Domestic Slave Trade and the United States Constitution." Reviews in American History 35, no. 3 (2007): 374–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rah.2007.0048.
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DeLombard, Jeannine Marie. "Dehumanizing Slave Personhood." American Literature 91, no. 3 (September 1, 2019): 491–521. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00029831-7722104.
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Abstract Afrohumanism is crucial to the forward-looking “project of thinking humanity from perspectives beyond the liberal humanist subject, Man” (Weheliye 2014: 8). It is another question, however, whether such a humanist approach provides the best historical analytic for understanding slavery and its carceral afterlives. This question becomes particularly pressing when we consider that today’s prison-industrial complex, like the American slaveholder of the past, extracts profits by strategically exploiting—rather than denying—the lucrative humanity of its captive black and brown subjects. To illustrate these claims, this article examines a seldom-discussed slave case, United States v. Amy (1859), which was tried before Supreme Court chief justice Roger B. Taney two years after his infamous decision in Dred Scott v. Sandford (1857). Centering on the figure of the legal person rather than the human or the citizen, United States v. Amy alerts us to the lethal legacy of slave personhood as a debilitating mixture of civil death and criminal culpability. Nowhere, perhaps, is that legacy more evident than in viral videos of police misconduct. And nowhere do we see a more vivid assertion of black counter-civility than in the dash cam video of the late Sandra Bland’s principled, outraged response to her pretextual traffic stop by Trooper Brian Encinia. The essay closes by considering Bland’s arrest and subsequent death in custody in the context of her own and other African Americans’ efforts to achieve and maintain a civil presence in an American law and culture where black personhood remains legible primarily as criminality.
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Sparks, Randy J. "Blind Justice: The United States's Failure to Curb the Illegal Slave Trade." Law and History Review 35, no. 1 (February 2017): 53–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248016000535.
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On March 2, 1807, President Thomas Jefferson signed a bill outlawing the African slave trade. Opponents of the traffic rejoiced that the bill was passed at almost the same time as a similar anti-slave-trade bill in Britain. As one Philadelphia newspaper put it, “Thus, will terminate, on the same day, in two countries of the civilized world, a traffic which has hitherto stained the history of all countries who made it a practice to deal in the barter ofhuman flesh.” Efforts to end the African slave trade in the British colonies of North America dated back to the 1760s, proceeded in fits and starts, and resulted from a wide range of motives. In contrast to Great Britain, the United States 1807 bill was not the result of a long, hard-won, popular abolition campaign. However, despite a series of laws intended to curb the trade, eventually making the United States laws the world's toughest, smugglers continued to bring enslaved Africans into the South after 1808, and, more significantly, American vessels played a crucial role in the massive illegal slave trade to Cuba and Brazil during the nineteenth century. The impact on the United States economy was not inconsequential, but even more important was the trade's impact on the Atlantic economy, fueling the rapid economic growth of Cuba and Brazil in the decades that followed.
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ERICSON, DAVID F. "The United States Navy, Slave-Trade Suppression, and State Development." Journal of Policy History 33, no. 3 (July 2021): 231–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030621000099.
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AbstractThe mission of the United States Navy expanded significantly because of the presence of the institution of racial slavery on American soil. Most important, both proslavery and antislavery forces favored, for very different reasons, a substantial naval buildup in the late 1850s. The navy had, however, long been engaged in securing the nation’s borders against slave smuggling, an activity that also seemed to have broad support at the time. Finally, somewhat more controversially, the navy had been associated with the American Colonization Society’s Liberian enterprise from its very inception, deciding to deploy vessels to Africa in an otherwise unimaginable time frame. The relationship between the presence of slavery and the pre–Civil War activities of the navy is a largely untold—or, at best, half-told—story of American state development.
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Schermerhorn, C. "Capitalism's Captives: The Maritime United States Slave Trade, 1807-1850." Journal of Social History 47, no. 4 (March 27, 2014): 897–921. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jsh/shu029.
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Buckner, Phillip. "The Canadian Civil Wars of 1837–1838." London Journal of Canadian Studies 35, no. 1 (November 30, 2020): 96–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.14324/111.444.ljcs.2020v35.005.
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Canadian historians have traditionally stressed that the rebellions of 1837 and 1838 in Upper and Lower Canada were revolts against British imperial authority. Less stressed has been the fact that the rebellions were also civil wars and that British troops were aided by substantial numbers of loyalists in defeating the rebels. In recent years historians have tended to downplay the importance of French-Canadian nationalism, but by 1837–8 the rebellion in Lower Canada was essentially a struggle between French-Canadian nationalists and a broadly-based coalition of loyalists in Lower Canada. Outside Lower Canada there was no widespread support for rebellion anywhere in British North America, except among a specific group of American immigrants and their descendants in Upper Canada. It is a myth that the rebellions can be explained as a division between the older-stock inhabitants of the Canadas and the newer arrivals. It is also a myth that the rebels in the two Canadas shared the same objectives in the long run and that the rebellions were part of a single phenomenon. French-Canadian nationalists wanted their own state; most of the republicans in Upper Canada undoubtedly believed that Upper Canada would become a state in the American Union. Annexation was clearly the motivation behind the Patriot Hunters in the United States, who have received an increasingly favourable press from borderland historians, despite the fact that they were essentially filibusters motivated by the belief that America had a manifest destiny to spread across the North American continent. Indeed, it was the failure of the rebellions that made Confederation possible in 1867.
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Reece, Robert L. "Whitewashing Slavery: Legacy of Slavery and White Social Outcomes." Social Problems 67, no. 2 (June 25, 2019): 304–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spz016.
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AbstractLegacy of slavery research has branched out into an important new niche in social science research by making empirical connections between the trans-Atlantic slave trade and contemporary social outcomes. However, the vast majority of this research examines black-white inequality or black disadvantage without devoting corresponding attention to the other side of inequality: white advantage. This study expands the legacy of slavery conversation by exploring whether white populations accrue long-term benefits from slave labor. Specifically, I deploy historical understandings of racial boundary formation and theories of durable inequality to argue that white populations in places that relied more heavily on slave labor should experience better social and economic outcomes than white population in places that relied less on slave labor. I test this argument using OLS regression and county-level data from the 1860 United States Census, the 2010–2014 American Community Survey (ACS), and the 2014 United States Department of Agriculture Economic Research Service (USDA ERS). The results support my hypothesis. Historical reliance on slave labor predicts better white outcomes on five of six metrics. I discuss the implications of these findings for race, slavery, whiteness studies, and reparations.
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Wright, Donald R. "Gerald Horne.The Deepest South: The United States, Brazil, and the African Slave Trade.:The Deepest South: The United States, Brazil, and the African Slave Trade." American Historical Review 113, no. 2 (April 2008): 465. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.113.2.465.
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Bailey, Ronald. "The Slave(ry) Trade and the Development of Capitalism in the United States: The Textile Industry in New England." Social Science History 14, no. 3 (1990): 373–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014555320002085x.
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The significance of the slave trade and slavery-related commerce—what I will call the slave(ry) trade—in contributing to the development of colonial America and the United States has been a persistent theme in the work of Afro-American scholars. Two scholars in particular should be cited in this regard. W. E. B. DuBois (1896: 27) pointed out that slave labor was not widely utilized because the climate and geography of New England precluded the extensive development of agriculture: “The significance of New England in the African slave-trade does not therefore lie in the fact that she early discountenanced the system of slavery and stopped importation; but rather in the fact that her citizens, being the traders of the New World, early took part in the carrying slave trade and furnished slaves to the other colonies.” DuBois’s account of the role of Massachusetts and of Rhode Island, which later became “the clearing house for the slave trade of other colonies,” was similar to what was popularized as the “triangular trade” thesis.
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Soriano Díaz, Ramón Luis. "La guerra justa de Barack Obama y la Primavera Árabe. De la retórica discursiva a la experiencia práctica =The just war of Barack Obama and the Arab Spring. From the discursive rhetoric to practical experience." UNIVERSITAS. Revista de Filosofía, Derecho y Política, no. 26 (July 14, 2017): 99. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/universitas.2017.3748.
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RESUMEN: Trata este trabajo de la actitud del presidente Barack Obama en relación con las rebeliones de la denominada Primavera Árabe, desvelando si los criterios de la guerra justa por él señalados y defendidos en sus discursos se compaginan con la real política bélica de Estados Unidos. Se insertan ambos planos en el escenario de las rebeliones acaecidas en tres países: Libia, Egipto y Túnez. La conclusión principal es que hay un largo, además de irregular, distanciamiento entre la teoría y la práctica del presidente Obama, prevaleciendo los intereses de Estados Unidos por encima de la protección de los derechos humanos, que es uno de los vectores principales de su concepto de guerra justa.ABSTRACT: This work refers the attitude of the President Barack Obama concerning the rebellions of the so-called Arab Spring, revealing if the criteria of the just war defended in his speeches correspond to the real policy of the United States. Both planes are included in the scene of rebellions occurred in three countries: Libya, Egypt and Tunisia. The main conclusion is that there is a long, as well as irregular, distance between theory and practice of president Obama, prevailing the interests of United States respect to the protection of human rights, which is one of the main vectors of their concept of just war.PALABRAS CLAVE: primavera árabe, guerra justa, rebeliones árabes, Obama y política exterior, Obama y filosofía bélica.KEYWORDS: Arab spring, just war, Arab revolts, Obama and foreign policy, Obama and war philosophy.
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K, Chellapandian. "Impact of slavery System in America with Reference to Colson Whitehead’s the Underground Railroad." SMART MOVES JOURNAL IJELLH 8, no. 2 (February 28, 2020): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.24113/ijellh.v8i2.10402.
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This article tells you that how the slavery system flourished in America and the impact of slavery system in America. Slavery system in America started when Christopher Columbus discovered America in the year 1492. In 1508 the first colony settlement was established by Ponce de Leon in Samjuan. The first African slaves arrived in South Carolina in 1526. During the 16th and 17th century the city St. Augustine was the Hub of the slave trade. Once Britishers established colonies in America, they started importing slaves from Africa. At one point Mary land and Virginia full of African slaves. After the discovery America Britishers came to know that America is suitable for cotton cultivation so they dawned with an idea that for cultivating cotton in America, Africans are the most eligible persons. On the other hand Britishers believed that Africans know the methods of cultivation and they are efficient labours. So they brought African through the Atlantic slave trade to work in cotton plantation. The amounts of slaves were greatly increased because of rapid expansion of the cotton industry. At the beginning of 17th century Britishers were cultivating only cotton and later on they invented the cotton gin. The invention of the cotton gin demanded more manpower and they started importing more slaves from Africa.At the same time southern part of America continued as slave societies and attempted to extend slavery into the western territories to keep their political share in the nation. During this time the United States became more polarized over the issue of slavery split into slaves and free states. Due to this in Virginia and Maryland a new community of African and American culture developed. As the United States expanded southern states, have to maintain a balance between the number slave and free state to maintain political power in the united states senate.
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Wilson, Ivy G. "On Native Ground: Transnationalism, Frederick Douglass, and “The Heroic Slave”." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 121, no. 2 (March 2006): 453–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/003081206x129657.
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Beginning with a reconsideration of the symbolic ending of “The Heroic Slave,” where Madison Washington and his compatriots find themselves in the Bahamas and not the United States, this article works through Frederick Douglass's understanding of national affiliation. Taking two specific problems in his imagination–the rhetoric of democracy and transnationalism–I reassess the concept of national affiliation for African Americans when political citizenship is denied. Through its protagonist, Washington, who is thoroughly versed in the vocabulary of United States nationalism, “The Heroic Slave” discloses the incongruence between the rhetoric of nationalism and its materialization as a failure of democratic enactment. The text also intimates Douglass's increasing recognition of transnationalism as an affective system of imagined belonging based on either a shared belief (in democracy) or racial contingency. By deterritorializing cultural belonging, “The Heroic Slave” depicts the liminal position of African Americans, suspended between the nation-state and the black diaspora. (IGW)
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Fleming, Dan B. "A Review of Slave Life in Fourteen United States History Textbooks." Journal of Negro Education 56, no. 4 (1987): 550. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2295352.
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Pritchett, Jonathan B. "QUANTITATIVE ESTIMATES OF THE UNITED STATES INTERREGIONAL SLAVE TRADE, 1820–1860." Journal of Economic History 61, no. 2 (June 2001): 467–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002205070102808x.
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Schroeder, Walter A., Edwin S. Munger, and Darleen R. Powars. "Sickle Cell Anaemia, Genetic Variations, and the Slave Trade to the United States." Journal of African History 31, no. 2 (July 1990): 163–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700024981.
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Examination of the DNA of individuals with sickle cell anaemia who reside in various geographical areas in Africa has led to the conclusion that the gene for this genetic disease arose separately in three different locations. Similar studies of sickle cell anaemia patients in the United States provide considerable information about the frequency in the United States of these three genetic variations. On the basis of such data, it is possible to estimate the percentage of slave imports from a given African locale into the United States. When this is done, there is general concordance with previous conclusions from such sources as language studies, shipping data, etc.
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Lettsome, Raquel S. "Mary’s Slave Song: The Tensions and Turnarounds of Faithfully Reading Doulē in the Magnificat." Interpretation: A Journal of Bible and Theology 75, no. 1 (December 3, 2020): 6–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020964320961670.
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This article traces the enduring legacy of slavery in the United States and its biblical foundations that create interpretive tension around the Greek words doulos/doulē for readers and translators. Following Clarice Martin’s lead, I advocate for a faithful reading of doulē as “slave” in Luke 1:38, 48 and draw parallels between African-American slave songs and Mary’s Magnificat. I then explicate the tensions inherent in reading Mary as “the slave of the Lord” and “his [God’s] slave” against the socio-historical backdrop of U.S. slavery and explore how Mary’s slave song and narrative depiction by Luke “turns around” Mary’s slave language by reversing Orlando Patterson’s three constituent elements of slavery. When using this model, Luke transforms Mary’s slave language into a homeopathic practice and Mary into the embodiment of an African- American woman’s slave song.
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Wilson, Betty L. "Under the Brutal Watch: A Historical Examination of Slave Patrols in the United States and Brazil During the 18th and 19th Centuries." Journal of Black Studies 53, no. 1 (October 6, 2021): 3–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00219347211049218.
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Though less discussed in the literature, slave patrols played a significant role in continuing and sustaining the system of slavery. While few scholars have dedicated attention to exploring the history of slave patrols in the United States (US), there remains a dearth of research analyzing the slave patrol system in Brazil, despite the existence of slavery in this area of the African Diaspora. Using a historical perspective, this article compares and examines the establishment, function, expansion of slave patrols in the US and Brazil between the 18th and 19th centuries. This article adds to the scholarly discourse and historical literature on the experiences and conditions of enslaved people in the African diaspora (i.e., US and Brazil) under the brutal watch of slave patrols. Future research and investigation is needed to gain nuanced understanding of slave patrols not only in these two specific geographical regions, but globally across the African diaspora.
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Carroll, Francis M. "Civil War Diplomacy: A Fresh Look." Canadian Review of American Studies 52, no. 1 (April 1, 2022): 83–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cras-2021-003.
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The American Civil War had a serious impact in Europe because the United States supplied vital raw materials for both Britain and France and was also a major market for their manufactured goods. The prospect of intervention in the war raised difficult issues—morally repugnant support of slavery on the one hand, but on the other, in the aftermath of the rebellions of 1848 in Europe, the possibility to weaken democratic republicanism. Mediation remained elusive. Britain, being the leading economic, naval, and colonial power, was the most threatening and most involved with both the Union and Confederate sides in the war. Britain’s diplomatic and maritime policy is the most extensively studied, augmented by fresh examinations of the British minister to the United States, Lord Lyons. New research also examines possible French involvement in the war and the complications arising from France’s invasion of Mexico.
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Parry, Tyler D. "White Southern Memories and the Legacy of “Slave Marriage” in the United States." Journal of Global Slavery 1, no. 2-3 (2016): 296–324. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2405836x-00102007.
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This article intersects various secondary works that analyze regional memories in the US South, slave marital practices, and the intellectual history of slavery in the United States. Following a brief analysis of the “Plantation Myth,” it examines the proslavery framework established by southern apologists in the antebellum era and gauges how postbellum authors built upon these arguments. The next part critically probes memoirists’ usage of descriptive material, scrutinizing their motivations for producing the literature, the tone conveyed through their writing, and how they used the wedding ceremony as a symbol for slavery’s benignity. Following this qualitative data, this study examines a research sample found in the collections of Herman Clarence Nixon, a prolific author in the early twentieth century who interviewed former slave owners for his research on slavery in northern Alabama. Finally, this article reveals how postbellum reminiscences portrayed a myth of gender solidarity that transcended racial boundaries.
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Miron, Layli Maria. "A Persian Preacher’s Westward Migration." Journal of Communication and Religion 42, no. 4 (2019): 5–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jcr201942421.
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During her brief life in the early nineteenth century, the Persian poet and theologian Táhirih advocated for a spiritual revolution. Authorities executed her for heresy in 1852. After death, Táhirih attracted admirers around the world; Western writers—especially women—have interpreted her history to argue for gender equality, religious renewal, and global interdependence. This Middle Eastern preacher has established a posthumous pulpit in the United States, as members of the Bahá’í Faith there have authored a dozen books about her. After introducing Táhirih’s rhetorical rebellions, this essay demonstrates her transnational influence by analyzing her afterlives in U.S. Bahá’í discourse.
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Djata, Sundiata, and Gerald Horne. "The Deepest South: The United States, Brazil, and the African Slave Trade." Journal of Southern History 74, no. 2 (May 1, 2008): 448. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27650165.
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Daly, M. W., and Ahmed E. Elbashir. "The United States, Slavery and the Slave Trade in the Nile Valley." International Journal of African Historical Studies 18, no. 1 (1985): 172. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/217986.
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Harrell, Willie J. "The Deepest South: The United States, Brazil, and the African Slave Trade." African American Review 43, no. 1 (2009): 183–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/afa.0.0026.
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Olsen, Otto H. "Historians and the Extent of Slave Ownership in the Southern United States." Civil War History 50, no. 4 (2004): 401–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cwh.2004.0074.
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O’Malley, Gregory E., and Alex Borucki. "Patterns in the intercolonial slave trade across the Americas before the nineteenth century." Tempo 23, no. 2 (May 2017): 314–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/tem-1980-542x2017v230207.
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Abstract: The slave trade within the Americas, after the initial disembarkation of African captives in the New World, has received scant attention from historians, especially before the abolition of the transatlantic traffic. This article examines such intra-American trafficking as an introduction to the digital project Final Passages: The Intra-American Slave Trade Database, which aims to document evidence of slave voyages throughout the New World. This article does not provide statistics on this internal slave trade, as ongoing research will deliver new data. Instead, we consolidate qualitative knowledge about these intercolonial slave routes. As the article focuses on the era prior to British and U.S. abolition of the transatlantic trade (1807-1808), we leave out the nineteenth-century domestic slave trades in the United States and Brazil to focus on survivors of the Atlantic crossing who endured subsequent forced movement within the Americas.
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Borucki, Alex, and José Luis Belmonte Postigo. "The Impact of the American Revolutionary War on the Slave Trade to Cuba." William and Mary Quarterly 80, no. 3 (July 2023): 493–524. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wmq.2023.a903165.
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Abstract: Scholars intent on considering the American Revolution's relationship to and influence on systems of slavery must be sure to look outside of the United States. In mid-September 1783, the schooner Eagle , captained by David Miller, landed 104 enslaved Africans in Charleston. This is the first known U.S.-flagged transatlantic slave voyage arriving in the United States after independence. Before bringing these captives from Africa, Miller had conducted a previous voyage on the Eagle , which landed fifty other captives in Havana in May 1783. The latter group of enslaved men, women, and children, whom Miller brought from the Danish colony of Saint Thomas in the eastern Caribbean, were some of the nearly 14,500 captives we have found who were shipped to Havana, mainly from other Caribbean ports, by merchants based in Cuba, the Danish West Indies, and the United States from 1781 to 1785. Examining the actions of U.S. slave traders in Cuba during the American Revolution also opens up the chance to dramatically increase our understanding of the broader traffic in enslaved people to the island during this period, emphasizing the merchant networks connecting Saint Thomas, Saint Domingue, and Charleston with Havana.
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Moore, Jonathan Jacob. "Starships and Slave Ships." Qui Parle 31, no. 1 (June 1, 2022): 143–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10418385-9669525.
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Abstract Evidence suggests that the UFO/alien abduction phenomenon is exclusively experienced by white people in the United States. But while scholars have probed abductee narratives to surface political and symbolic anxieties for decades, none have thought of the phenomenon’s whiteness alongside the archival absence of Black abductees. Using abductee accounts, interdisciplinary studies of the UFO abduction phenomena, and critiques of Black subjectivity, this article attends to the ontological anxieties that permeate UFO abduction narratives and their choreographic resonance with the psychosomatics of Black life. This article begins by examining the exceptional narrative of Barney Hill, America’s first and thus far only popular Black abductee. Then it brings into focus UFOlogy’s aporetic negation of racial subjectivity and suggests that the UFO abduction phenomenon is, a posteriori, inaccessible to the Black nonsubject. Finally, it returns to Hill’s experience and offers speculative implications of a libidinal relationship between the starship’s technics and the slave ship’s terror.
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Lander, Kevin, and Jonathan Pritchett. "When to Care." Social Science History 33, no. 2 (2009): 155–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200010944.
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Prior to the Civil War, many hospitals in the southern United States treated both free and slave patients. In this article we develop a model for the selective medical treatment of slaves. We argue that the pecuniary benefits of hospital care increased with the price of the slave if healthy. Using a rich sample of admission records from New Orleans Touro Hospital, we find a positive correlation between the predicted price of the slave and the probability of hospital admission. We test the robustness of the model by controlling for the length of residence in the city, ownership by traders and doctors, and the type of illness.
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Schaefer, Donovan. "Our Peculiar Institution." Bulletin for the Study of Religion 43, no. 1 (February 14, 2014): 34–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/bsor.v43i1.34.
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Read through the lens of Sharon Patricia Holland's work on the "erotic life of racism," Steve McQueen's 12 Years a Slave offers ways of thinking the intertwining of religion and race in the United States from the antebellum era up to today.
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GLEIJESES, PIERO. "Clashing over Cuba: The United States, Spain and Britain, 1853–55." Journal of Latin American Studies 49, no. 2 (August 30, 2016): 215–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x16001450.
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AbstractBefore 1898, the most sustained attempt by the United States to acquire Cuba occurred during the presidency of Franklin Pierce when the debate about slavery was roiling US domestic politics. Spain responded to the threat with a dramatic change of policy: in order to gain the favour and protection of Britain, it ordered that the slave trade to Cuba be ended. This article analyses Pierce's strategy and examines the complex jockeying it precipitated among Washington, London and Madrid. Mining US, British and Spanish archives, it is the first international history of the crisis that Washington's avarice provoked.
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Bischof, Günter. "United States Responses to the Soviet Suppression of Rebellions in the German Democratic Republic, Hungary, and Czechoslovakia." Diplomacy & Statecraft 22, no. 1 (March 15, 2011): 61–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2011.549737.
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Okere, Gloria, and La Sheria Nance Bush. "Qualified immunity: unveiling police violence and misconduct in the United States." Forensic Research & Criminology International Journal 11, no. 3 (August 28, 2023): 105–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.15406/frcij.2023.11.00376.
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Police violence and misconduct have been evident throughout American history. The earliest forms of policing began in the 1700s in the Carolinas with “Slave Patrols”. It was established to terrorize and suppress enslaved Africans and to apprehend and return the runaway slaves to their owners.1 During the 1960s, direct causations of racial tension and riots was also a conjunction with President Lyndon Johnson’s “War on Crime” initiative. This section documents the history of police violence and misconduct between the periods of 1960 through the early 2000s. The overlapping theme of qualified immunity highlights a prominent role in issues arising from civil rights and accountability.
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Morgan, Philip D. "The United States and the Transatlantic Slave Trade to the Americas, 1776–1867." Journal of American History 105, no. 1 (June 1, 2018): 172–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jay064.
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Dawson, Kevin. "The United States and the Transatlantic Slave Trade to the Americas, 1776–1867." Hispanic American Historical Review 100, no. 1 (February 1, 2020): 158–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-7993320.
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Coughtry, Jay, Ernest Obadele-Starks, and Natalie S. Robertson. "Freebooters and Smugglers: The Foreign Slave Trade in the United States after 1808." Journal of American History 96, no. 1 (June 1, 2009): 205. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27694775.
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Narny, Yenny. "THE UNITY OF INDONESIA." Historia: Jurnal Pendidik dan Peneliti Sejarah 12, no. 1 (July 23, 2018): 120. http://dx.doi.org/10.17509/historia.v12i1.12122.
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Since independence Indonesia’s military has played an active role in defending the territorial integrity of Indonesia. For example, the military has been used to put down rebellions in various regions, such as Darul Islam in West Java in 1948, the Acehnese rebellion that was led by Daud Beurueh in 1950, Pemerintah Revolusioner Republik Indonesia (PRRI), the Revolutionary Government of the Indonesian Republic) in West Sumatra in 1958, and Piagam Perjuangan Semesta Alam (Permesta) Charter of Universal Struggle in North Sulawesi in 1958. Disagreements with central government policies were the cause of these rebellions since they were intended to change the central government, not to achieve separatism. In addition, in 1961 a military operation was used to support the claim of Indonesia to West Irian (now Papua). By carrying out a military operation and negotiating with those giving support from the United States, in 1969 Indonesia succeeded in its goal of claiming Papua as a part of Indonesia. The success in pulling Papua into Indonesia’s territory did not directly stop the military operation there because the military had to maintain order in the region to frustrate the Organisasi Papua Merdeka (OPM), Free Papuan Organisation, separatist movement that began in 1964 and continues to the present day
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Ericson, David F. "The United States Military, State Development, and Slavery in the Early Republic." Studies in American Political Development 31, no. 1 (March 13, 2017): 130–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x17000049.
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The U.S. military was the principal agent of American state development in the seven decades between 1791 and 1861. It fought wars, removed Native Americans, built internal improvements, expedited frontier settlement, deterred slave revolts, returned fugitive slaves, and protected existing property relations. These activities promoted state development along multiple axes, increasing the administrative capacities, institutional autonomy, political legitimacy, governing authority, and coercive powers of the American state. Unfortunately, the American political development literature has largely ignored the varied ways in which the presence of slavery influenced military deployments and, in turn, state development during the pre–Civil War period.
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Ingersoll, Thomas N. "Slave Codes and Judicial Practice in New Orleans, 1718–1807." Law and History Review 13, no. 1 (1995): 23–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/743955.
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Slave law in early Louisiana is of great interest because it was shaped by three major European legal traditions under the rule of France (1699 to 1769), Spain (1769 to 1803), and the United States (after 1803). In this article, the types and origins of slave laws in early Louisiana and their application in the slave society of New Orleans is examined. Several different imperial, local, and mixed codes were ordained in the colony to govern relations between masters and slaves, and these laws reveal either the political strategies of imperial policymakers or the social tactics of slaveowners, but very little about actual slave treatment. The administration of justice in New Orleans was mostly determined by the planters: local needs and ideals prevailed when they conflicted with those represented by the crown's laws, and the courts rarely interfered with the authority of indivdual slaveowners over their chattels.
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Smith, Kai Alexis. "Popular culture as a tool for critical information literacy and social justice education: Hip hop and Get Out on campus." College & Research Libraries News 79, no. 5 (May 4, 2018): 234. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/crln.79.5.234.
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We live in a politically polarizing climate and at a time when there is great economic and social unrest in the United States. Our current moment brings to my mind other periods in our nation’s history. First, the 1857 Dred Scott decision, when the Supreme Court decided that slaves were not U.S. citizens and could not sue for their freedom. So that even if a slave escaped to the North, he or she was still considered the property of the slave owner and must be returned.1 The second is in the 1960s, when the antiwar and civil rights movements occurred.2,3
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Chen, Chin Yu. "Black, Slave, Woman—The Role of Slave Women in the Ante-bellum South." International Journal for Innovation Education and Research 3, no. 3 (March 31, 2015): 146–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31686/ijier.vol3.iss3.334.
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There is a famous Chinese proverb which says “a good man never fights with a woman.” From the viewpoint of this Chinese custom, women should always be respected. This maxim certainly was never applied to Black women in the Ante-bellum south of the United States prior to the Civil War. The intent of this paper is to bring to the attention of the reader some of the inhumanity practiced on slave women when they were required to work, without pay, on the plantations in the American South before that country’s Civil War. The women learned quickly to “respect” the “lash” which beat them if they did not do their work properly, or sassed their master. Slavery, at its best, is a terrible institution, and this paper does not address the subject of slavery in other parts of the world. This study is designed to study the plight of Black women, and their struggles, in that time of supposed Southern “gentility.” This study will also attempt to provide an insight into the work and family life of Black women in the era of the Antebellum South.
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Pereira, Thales Augusto Zamberlan. "Poor Man's Crop? Slavery in Brazilian Cotton Regions (1800-1850)." Estudos Econômicos (São Paulo) 48, no. 4 (December 2018): 623–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0101-41614843tzp.
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Abstract Much of the literature about cotton production in Brazil during the nineteenth century considers cotton as a "poor man's crop" - cultivated by small farmers who did not employ a large slave labor force. However, information provided in population maps from the period between 1800 and 1840 shows that slaves represented half the population in Maranhão, the most important cotton exporter in Brazil until the 1840s. This represented a higher share than in any region in northeast Brazil and was comparable to the slave population shares recorded in the United States' cotton South. This paper shows that, during the cotton boom years (1790-1820), not only was the cotton exported from northeast Brazil to Britain and continental Europe cultivated on large plantations, but also, slave prices were higher in Maranhão than in other Brazilian provinces.
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Botwick, Bradford. "Gullah-Geechee settlement patterns from slavery to freedom: Investigation of a Georgia plantation slave quarter." North American Archaeologist 39, no. 3 (July 2018): 198–228. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0197693118793795.
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Gullah-Geechee is a creole culture that emerged among enslaved African Americans in the coastal Southeastern United States. Modern material expressions of this culture include a distinctive settlement type, the family compound, consisting of loosely clustered residences and outbuildings. The arrangement of these settlements resembles colonial slave quarters but differs from antebellum “slave rows.” Gullah-Geechee family compounds existed by the mid-20th century, but their origin, time depth, and evolution from linear quarters are unclear. Archaeological study of the Wilson–Miller plantation slave quarter near Savannah, occupied over most of the 19th Century, indicated that the Gullah-Geechee residential compound appeared soon after Emancipation. The study also suggested that communal outdoor space was important in maintaining cultural practices that were expressed in both colonial and post-Emancipation settlement patterns.