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Academic literature on the topic 'Slave rebellions, united states'

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Published: 25 July 2024
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Journal articles on the topic "Slave rebellions, united states"

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Sang, Nguyen Van, and Jolanta A. Daszyńska. "The problem of the abolition of slavery and maritime rights on U.S. vessels with regards to British-American relations in the first half of the 19th century." Przegląd Nauk Historycznych 19, no. 2 (December 30, 2020): 105–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1644-857x.19.02.04.

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The article analyses the struggle of Anglo-American relations connected to slaves and maritime rights on the sea from 1831 to 1842. The study is based on monographs, reports, treaties and correspondences between the two countries from the explosion of the Comet case in 1831 to the signing of the Webster–Ashburton treaty in 1842. This study focuses on three fundamental issues: the appearance of Comet, Encomium, Enterprise, Hermosa and Creole as international incidents with regards to British-American relations; the view of both countries on the abolition of slavery, maritime rights as well as the dispute over issues to resolve arising from these incidents; the results of British-American diplomacy to release slaves and maritime rights after the signing of the Webster–Ashburton treaty. The study found that the American slave ships were special cases in comparison with the previous controversies in bilateral relations. The American slave vessels sailed to the British colonies due to bad weather conditions and a slave rebellion on board. In fact, Great Britain and the United States had never dealt with a similar case, so both sides failed to find a unified view regarding the differences in the laws and policies of the two countries on slavery. The history of British-American relations demonstrated that under the pressures of the border dispute in Maine and New Brunswick, the affairs were not resolved. In addition, it could have had more of an impact on the relationship between the two countries, eventually p the two countries into a war. In that situation, the diplomatic and economic solutions given to the abolition of slavery and maritime rights were only temporary. However, the international affairs related to the American slave vessels paved the way for the settlement of maritime rights for British-American relations in the second half of 19th century.
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Shumakov, Andrey A. "Gabriel’s plot of 1800: the story of the failed uprising." Tyumen State University Herald. Humanities Research. Humanitates 8, no. 3 (2022): 125–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.21684/2411-197x-2022-8-3-125-142.

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This article analyzes one of the most significant, yet understudied events in African-American history. The Virginia Conspiracy or the Gabriel Conspiracy of 1800 is considered the most famous case of organizing a mass armed uprising of slaves in the United States. Inspired by the ideas and examples of the American, Great French and Haitian revolutions, black slaves tried not just to raise an uprising and achieve liberation, but actually challenged the slave-owning orders of the entire white South. The scale and geography of the conspiracy leave no doubt that it originally implied a mass armed demonstration, which was to begin simultaneously in several cities of Virginia and spread to neighboring states. The purpose of this study is to analyze and restore the chronicle of the main events related to the Virginia Conspiracy of 1800. The materials of the trial and some periodicals act as a source base, while the author also relies on the research of leading American experts on this topic. The main objectives of the study include: to consider the background of the conspiracy and some issues of Gabriel’s early biography and to study the process of preparing a speech and the immediate implementation of the plan. The article also analyzes the consequences of the events of 1800 for the legislation of Virginia and the entire white South. The main methods are historical-descriptive and comparative-historical, allowing to draw the necessary parallels with similar historical phenomena, such as the Virginia Uprising led by Nat Turner in 1831. The conclusion shows that the slave conspiracy of 1800 was planned in the most careful way, while the reason for its failure was a combination of purely subjective factors. Simultaneously, Gabriel’s failed rebellion demonstrated the vulnerability of the White South in the face of slave uprisings, as well as the high degree of self-organization of the Black community and the beginning of the formation of an African-American identity.
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KITLV, Redactie. "Bookreviews." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 83, no. 1-2 (January 1, 2009): 121–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002463.

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Afro-Atlantic Dialogues: Anthropology in the Diaspora, edited by Kevin A. Yelvington (reviewed by Aisha Khan)Central Africans, Atlantic Creoles, and the Foundation of the Americas, 1585-1660, by Linda M. Heywood & John K. Thornton (reviewed by James H. Sweet)An Eye for the Tropics: Tourism, Photography, and Framing the Caribbean Picturesque, by Krista A. Thompson (reviewed by Carl Thompson)Taíno Indian Myth and Practice: The Arrival of the Stranger King, by William F. Keegan (reviewed by Frederick H. Smith) Historic Cities of the Americas: An Illustrated Encyclopedia, by David F. Marley (reviewed by Richard L. Kagan) Arming Slaves: From Classical Times to the Modern Age, edited by Christopher Leslie Brown & Philip D. Morgan (reviewed by James Sidbury)Sweet Negotiations: Sugar, Slavery, and Plantation Agriculture in Early Barbados, by Russell R. Menard (reviewed by Kenneth Morgan)Jamaica in 1850 or, The Effects of Sixteen Years of Freedom on a Slave Colony, by John Bigelow (reviewed by Jean Besson) Moral Capital: Foundations of British Abolitionism, by Christopher Leslie Brown (reviewed by Cassandra Pybus) Caribbean Journeys: An Ethnography of Migration and Home in Three Family Networks, by Karen Fog Olwig (reviewed by George Gmelch) Afro-Caribbean Immigrants and the Politics of Incorporation: Ethnicity, Exception, or Exit, by Reuel R. Rogers (reviewed by Kevin Birth) Puerto Rican Arrival in New York: Narratives of the Migration, 1920-1950, edited by Juan Flores (reviewed by Wilson A. Valentín-Escobar)The Conquest of History: Spanish Colonialism and National Histories in the Nineteenth Century, by Christopher Schmidt-Nowara (reviewed by Aline Helg)Gender and Slave Emancipation in the Atlantic World, edited by Pamela Scully & Diana Paton (reviewed by Bernard Moitt) Gender and Democracy in Cuba, by Ilja A. Luciak (reviewed by Florence E. Babb) The “New Man” in Cuba: Culture and Identity in the Revolution, by Ana Serra (reviewed by Jorge Duany) Lydia Cabrera and the Construction of an Afro-Cuban Cultural Identity, by Edna M. Rodríguez-Mangual (reviewed by Brian Brazeal) Worldview, the Orichas, and Santeria: Africa to Cuba and Beyond, by Mercedes Cros Sandoval (reviewed by Elizabeth Pérez)The 1812 Aponte Rebellion in Cuba and the Struggle against Atlantic Slavery, by Matt D. Childs (reviewed by Manuel Barcia) Caliban and the Yankees: Trinidad and the United States Occupation, by Harvey R. Neptune (reviewed by Selwyn Ryan) Claims to Memory: Beyond Slavery and Emancipation in the French Caribbean, by Catherine A. Reinhardt (reviewed by Dominique Taffin) The Grand Slave Emporium, Cape Coast Castle and the British Slave Trade, by William St. Clair (reviewed by Ray A. Kea) History of the Caribbean, by Frank Moya Pons (reviewed by Olwyn M. Blouet) Out of the Crowded Vagueness: A History of the Islands of St Kitts, Nevis & Anguilla, by Brian Dyde (reviewed by Karen Fog Olwig) Scoping the Amazon: Image, Icon, Ethnography, by Stephen Nugent (reviewed by Neil L. Whitehead)
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Editors, RIAS. "IASA Statement of Support for the Struggle Against Racialized Violence in the United States." Review of International American Studies 13, no. 1 (August 16, 2020): 291–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/rias.9626.

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The International American Studies Association is dismayed to see the explosion of anger, bitterness and desperation that has been triggered by yet another senseless, cruel and wanton act of racialized violence in the United States. We stand in solidarity with and support the ongoing struggle by African Americans, indigenous peoples, ethnic minorities, migrants and the marginalized against the racialized violence perpetrated against them. As scholars of the United States, we see the killing of George Floyd and many before them as acts on the continuum of the history of the powerful committing racialized violence against the powerless in the United States from before the birth of that country to the here and now of the present day. This continuum stretches from the transatlantic slave trade, the genocide of the indigenous population, the denial of rights and liberties to women, through the exploitation of American workers, slavery and Jim Crow, to the exclusion and inhumane treatment of the same migrants who make a profit for American corporations and keep prices low for the U.S. consumer. As scholars of the United States, we are acutely aware of how racialized violence is systemic, of how it has been woven into the fabric of U.S. society and cultures by the powerful, and of how the struggle against it has produced some of the greatest contributions of U.S. society to world culture and heritage. The desperate rebellion of the powerless against racialized violence by the powerful is in turn propagandized as unreasonable or malicious. It is neither. It is an uprising to defend their own lives, their last resort after waiting for generations for justice and equal treatment from law enforcement, law makers, and the courts. In too many instances, those in power have answered such uprisings with deadly force—and in every instance, they have had alternatives to this response. We are calling on those in power and the people with the guns in the United States now to exercise their choices and choose an alternative to deadly force as a response to the struggle against racialized violence. You have the power and the weapons—you have a choice to do the right thing and make peace. We are calling on U.S. law makers to listen and address the issues of injustice and racialized violence through systemic reform that remakes the very fabric of the United States justice system, including independent accountability oversight for law enforcement. We are calling on our IASA members and Americanists around the world to redouble their efforts at teaching their students and educating the public of the truth about the struggle against racialized violence in the United States. We are calling on our IASA members and Americanists around the world to become allies in the struggle against racialized violence in the United States and in their home societies by publicizing scholarship on the truth, by listening to and amplifying the voices of black people, ethnic minorities and the marginalized, and supporting them in this struggle on their own terms. We are calling on all fellow scholarly associations to explore all the ways in which they can put pressure with those in power at all levels in the United States to do the right thing and end racialized violence. There will be no peace in our hearts and souls until justice is done and racialized violence is ended—until all of us are able “to breathe free.” Dr Manpreet Kaur Kang, President of the International American Studies Association, Professor of English and Dean, School of Humanities & Social Sciences, Guru Gobind Singh Indraprastha University, India;Dr Jennifer Frost, President of the Australian and New Zealand American Studies Association, Associate Professor of History, University of Auckland, New Zealand;Dr S. Bilge Mutluay Çetintaş, Associate Professor, Department of American Culture and Literature, Hacettepe University, Turkey;Dr Gabriela Vargas-Cetina, Professor of Anthropology, Universidad Autónoma de Yucatán, Mexico;Dr Paweł Jędrzejko, Associate Professor of American Literature, University of Silesia in Katowice, Poland;Dr Marietta Messmer, Associate Professor of American Studies, University of Groningen, The Netherlands;Dr Kryštof Kozák, Department of North American Studies, Charles University, Prague;Dr Giorgio Mariani, Professor of English and American Languages and Literatures, Department of European, American and Intercultural Studies, Università “Sapienza” of Rome;Dr György Tóth, Lecturer, History, Heritage and Politics, University of Stirling, Scotland, United Kingdom;Dr Manuel Broncano, Professor of American Literature and Director of English, Spanish, and Translation, Texas A&M International University, Laredo, USA;Dr Jiaying Cai, Lecturer at the School of English Studies, Shanghai International Studies University, China;Dr Alessandro Buffa, Secretary, Center for Postcolonial and Gender Studies, University of Naples L’Orientale, Italy;
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VARA-DANNEN, THERESA C. "The Limits of White Memory: Slavery, Violence and the Amistad Incident." Journal of American Studies 49, no. 1 (August 7, 2014): 19–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875814001297.

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This article addresses the Amistad incident, and the evolving way this event was viewed by Connecticut journalists and residents; an examination of the language used in contemporary newspapers reveals why the Amistad story was largely forgotten in popular imagination in the United States until the 1980s, and completely forgotten in Sierra Leone, the homeland of the captives. The Amistad displayed the nation's most racist beliefs, along with its worst fears, in Connecticut newspaper accounts, accounting for the discomfort with which Southerners in particular regarded the case. The rebellious African kidnap victims were exotic visitors to Connecticut, eliciting much commentary about the “ignoble savages” who might be cannibals, but most certainly seemed to be murderers with insight and intellect; more troubling, they were men – this seemed indisputable – and they were fighting courageously and against the odds for their own freedom, the pivotal American value. In a culture that evaluated savagery visually, there was much to identify as “savage,” but, nonetheless, as the Africans came to reside in Connecticut awaiting their trial, they became human beings, with their own voices, recorded in newspaper accounts. They acquired names, translators, Western clothing, English and Bible lessons, transforming their threatening black masculinity into the only image acceptable to white America, “the suffering servant”; in spite of the pro-slavery newspaper portrayal of the Africans as being lazy, inarticulate in English, mendacious slave-traders, a deliberate process of “heroification” of Cinque was occurring. These competing stereotypes of black man as supplicating victim versus black man as intelligent, violently forceful agent of his own fate were difficult for Lewis Tappan and his fellow abolitionists to navigate. The images also brought into question the value of “moral suasion” as a tool, especially when white Americans were faced with the reality of a strong, potentially violent African man. The Supreme Court decision freed the African captives, but set no precedent for future cases, and it did not improve the lot of even one other enslaved soul; worse yet, the returned captives found no peace after their hard-won return to Africa, nor did they choose to maintain their Christianity, much to the disappointment of their American hosts. Furthermore, the unhappy postscript of the Africans' resettlement called into question the value of the colonization plans so beloved by activists.
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Freudenberger, Herman, and Jonathan B. Pritchett. "The Domestic United States Slave Trade: New Evidence." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 21, no. 3 (1991): 447. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/204955.

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Gibson, Gary M. "Justice Delayed is Justice Denied." Ontario History 108, no. 2 (July 23, 2018): 156–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1050593ar.

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In 1811, William and James Crooks of Niagara built the schooner Lord Nelson. A year later, that vessel was seized by the United States Navy for violating American law, beginning a case unique in the relations between the United States, Great Britain and Canada. Although the seizure was declared illegal by an American court, settlement was delayed by actions taken (or not taken) by the American courts, Congress and the executive, the Canadian provincial and national governments, the British government, wars, rebellions, crime, international disputes and tribunals. It was 1930 before twenty-five descendants of the two brothers finally received any money.
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Dal Lago, Enrico. "“States of Rebellion”: Civil War, Rural Unrest, and the Agrarian Question in the American South and the Italian Mezzogiorno, 1861–1865." Comparative Studies in Society and History 47, no. 2 (April 2005): 403–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417505000186.

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To date, only a handful of scholars, most notably C.L.R. James and Eugene Genovese, have seen slave rebellions and peasant revolts as having anything in common. Fewer scholars still would be prepared to accept the assumption that slaves and peasants were agrarian working classes that shared significant characteristics. Yet, the issues of rural unrest and class formation continue to haunt the historiography of both slave and peasant societies long after James' and Genovese's studies, and have forced several historians to revise and broaden their definitions of class conflict as a means to describe the social transformations of several rural regions. In this essay, I focus on the American South as a case study of a slave society and on the Italian South, or Mezzogiorno, as a case study of a peasant society. Notwithstanding the fundamental differences between the social structures of these two regions, in both cases debates on the class character of rural workers began when leftist historians raised the possibility of applying Marxist categories to their particular historical conditions. In both cases, they were dealing with a ‘south’ characterized by a preeminently agricultural economy and a persistent social and political conservatism. In both cases, too, the debate has moved from broad theoretical positions to the explanation of specific instances of class conflict in a rural setting—the slaves' resistance to their masters and the peasants' resistance to their landlords, respectively—and then on to a criticism of the Marxist approach to the problem.
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Cheathem, Mark Renfred. "The Domestic Slave Trade and the United States Constitution." Reviews in American History 35, no. 3 (2007): 374–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rah.2007.0048.

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DeLombard, Jeannine Marie. "Dehumanizing Slave Personhood." American Literature 91, no. 3 (September 1, 2019): 491–521. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00029831-7722104.

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Abstract Afrohumanism is crucial to the forward-looking “project of thinking humanity from perspectives beyond the liberal humanist subject, Man” (Weheliye 2014: 8). It is another question, however, whether such a humanist approach provides the best historical analytic for understanding slavery and its carceral afterlives. This question becomes particularly pressing when we consider that today’s prison-industrial complex, like the American slaveholder of the past, extracts profits by strategically exploiting—rather than denying—the lucrative humanity of its captive black and brown subjects. To illustrate these claims, this article examines a seldom-discussed slave case, United States v. Amy (1859), which was tried before Supreme Court chief justice Roger B. Taney two years after his infamous decision in Dred Scott v. Sandford (1857). Centering on the figure of the legal person rather than the human or the citizen, United States v. Amy alerts us to the lethal legacy of slave personhood as a debilitating mixture of civil death and criminal culpability. Nowhere, perhaps, is that legacy more evident than in viral videos of police misconduct. And nowhere do we see a more vivid assertion of black counter-civility than in the dash cam video of the late Sandra Bland’s principled, outraged response to her pretextual traffic stop by Trooper Brian Encinia. The essay closes by considering Bland’s arrest and subsequent death in custody in the context of her own and other African Americans’ efforts to achieve and maintain a civil presence in an American law and culture where black personhood remains legible primarily as criminality.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Slave rebellions, united states"

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Bellamy, Louis. "George Mason: Slave Owning Virginia Planter as Slavery Opponent?" TopSCHOLAR®, 2004. http://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/521.

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The present work investigates the often cited, but poorly supported, notion that Founding Father George Mason was a wealthy, slave-owning Virginian who vehemently opposed slavery. Utilizing Mason's state papers, letters, and other documents, as well as contemporaries' accounts of his speeches, this work will analyze those records' contextual construction, and it will deconstruct both Mason's written and spoken words and his actions and inactions relative to slavery. The goal of this effort is to determine whether Mason, who ostensibly played such an instrumental role in the development of the "rights" of Americans, and who remained a slaveholder—thereby trampling the rights of others—was truly opposed to slavery. Included in this work are chapters relating to the development of chattel slavery in the Tidewater, Virginia region from its inception and to the Mason family's mounting economic and political prominence, particularly the role of slaves in their attainment of that prominence. Two chapters analyze Mason's state papers, his writings on public matters, his public speeches, and other related material with a view towards determining their nexus with slavery and his role in their development. The final chapter focuses narrowly on Mason's personal relationship with slavery, and it includes both Mason's documents and his personal actions, with his documented actions concerning his own slaves meriting special attention. A portion of the chapter compares and contrasts Mason, Washington, and Jefferson on the matter of slave manumission. The argument is made that despite his consequential role in the development of some of America's revered founding documents, relative to his more prominent Virginia political peers, George Mason has garnered on rudimentary evaluation from the collective pens of more than two centuries of historians. Not only has Mason largely missed the genuine accolades befitting a Founding Father, some historians have simply ignored the contradictions of Mason's slave owning and his presumed abhorrence of slavery. Others have offered little more than a passing mention of Mason's slaveryrelated conundrum. Some have noted his slave-holding status, but then mistakenly considered anti-slavery and anti-slave trade as fungible positions and then proceeded to extol Mason's abhorrence of, and fight against, chattel slavery. Still others have claimed the institution was simply an unwelcome legacy entailed upon him. Mason, as an historical subject, stands under-reported, under-analyzed, often embellished, and generally carelessly considered. In spite of the effusive hyperbole of some Mason historians, this thesis argues Mason's apparently strong condemnations of the slave trade and of slavery were themselves strongly nuanced, and his actions (and, perhaps more importantly, his inactions) toward his own slaves run counter to the conclusive judgment of Mason as a slavery opponent. Nevertheless, Mason's statements and political actions—however tepid, and however nuanced—represent important work against the pernicious problem of slavery by a thoughtful, respected, and politically well-positioned Founding Father. This work will demonstrate Mason was likely neither the prescient anti-slavery advocate, as he is generally regarded among historians, nor fully a self-serving demagogue. Indeed, the definitive judgment of George Mason as a slave owning, Virginia planter, and Founding Father who served as a slavery opponent remains elusive.
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Coombs, John C. "Building "the machine": The development of slavery and slave society in early colonial Virginia." W&M ScholarWorks, 2004. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539623434.

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Historians have, of course, long been aware of the importance of Virginia's seventeenth-century conversion from white to black labor. But while scholars have devoted considerable effort to explaining why this pivotal transition occurred, a detailed analysis of how it happened does not exist, nor by extension have scholars ever fully considered the repercussions of what one might call the "process of conversion.";Although Virginia's black population remained small throughout much of the seventeenth century, it was heavily concentrated on the estates of a relatively small circle of wealthy planters. By the middle decades of the century some members of the gentry had acquired sizable quantities of slaves. as early as the 1660s, when the typical Chesapeake planter still only employed servants, on many elite plantations blacks made up nearly half of the workforce, and in some cases were numerous enough to comprise a considerable majority.;The gentry's early turn to slavery had a profound effect on the development of the plantation "machine." From a socio-economic perspective, it was instrumental in facilitating the rise of Virginia's great families. The founding members of these dynasties arrived in the colony with wealth and social status. But it was their remarkable success in building up their holdings in land and slaves that distanced them from their peers and that proved decisive in securing the lasting predominance of their descendants.;Yet because of their limited access to the transatlantic slave trade, even the wealthiest Virginians initially found it difficult to procure slaves and for decades elite-owned labor forces remained racially mixed. Early African immigrants consequently faced enormous pressure to conform to the behavioral norms of the dominant Anglo-American society, giving the cultural compromises that they ultimately reached with each other an assimilationist bent. as the founding generations relinquished community leadership to their native-born children and grandchildren, African-American society in the colony acquired an anglicized veneer that continued to persist and shape life in slave quarters even after the advent of large direct deliveries in the early eighteenth century.
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North, Colin. "Agency In Truancy: Runaway Slaves and the Power of Negotiation In the United States, 1736-1840." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/32399.

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Historians of the American South have been diverse in their descriptions of the master-slave relationship over the last half-century, and have engaged in lengthy discussions in an attempt to answer the intricate question of what life was like between slaves and their masters. The phenomenon of slave runaways has perhaps offered the most convincing evidence of the troubles on southern plantations, which has been used in recent decades to emphasize negotiation and agency in the shaping of master-slave relations. The last twenty years have been consequently marked by a plethora of studies that accentuate non-traditional slave holding as it becomes clearer that masters had to compromise with their human chattel. Through an examination 9,975 runaway slave advertisements and 943 testimonies of former slaves, this study illustrates how black bondsmen absented themselves so to negotiate the terms of their working and living conditions. It traces the acts of individual slave runaways in place of broader generalizations that have for a long time contributed to some of the myths and legends of American slavery through examination of the many reasons that slaves chose to stay in bondage.
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Plath, Lydia. "Performances of honour : manhood and violence in the Mississippi slave insurrection scare of 1835." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2009. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/2789/.

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In early July, 1835, rumours of a slave insurrection swept central Mississippi. Deviant white men, with bad characters and dishonourable motives, were—or so the residents of the small towns along the Big Black River in Madison County believed—plotting to incite the slaves to rebellion so that during the resulting panic they could rob the banks and plunder the cities. These rumours were entirely unfounded, but within a few weeks, groups of white citizens calling themselves ‘committees of safety’ had examined and tortured an unknown number of men (both white and black) whom they thought to be involved in the conspiracy, and by the end of July about a dozen white men and around twenty or thirty slaves had been put to death in Mississippi. As a moment during which white men not only articulated their notion of what it meant to be a ‘man,’ but also demonstrated and violently enforced it, the insurrection scare is an opening, a window, into the lives of men in the antebellum South. Through this window, we can see how Southern white men conceived of their identity as white men and constructed a notion of manhood—one of honour—to which all white men, regardless of class, could aspire. While Northerners emphasised restraint, and inner feelings of honour, Southern manhood was defined almost entirely by public display. Honour had to be performed. Further, because all white men could attempt to give a performance of honour, there existed in the South a sense of equality amongst all white men—a herrenvolk democracy—despite the vast differences in wealth and status that existed. African Americans, on the other hand, could make no claims to honour in the eyes of white men because to have honour was to have power.
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Mayo-Bobee, Dinah. "12 Years A Slave: Solomon Northup & The Fugitive Slave Act of 1793." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2014. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/742.

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Bly, Antonio T. "Breaking with tradition: Slave literacy in early Virginia, 1680--1780." W&M ScholarWorks, 2006. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539623496.

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"Breaking with Tradition" is a study of slave literacy in eighteenth-century British North America, the era of the First Great Awakening and the American Revolution. Instead of highlighting the work of a few northern slave authors (the present emphasis in African American literary history), it focuses on the relationship between slave education in colonial Virginia and the social and political circumstances in which slaves acquired a knowledge of letters. A social history of life in the slave quarters, the "great house," and in towns, "Breaking with Tradition" is at once a case study of slaves reading and writing in the South and a counterpoint to current studies that paint a picture of early African Americans as being illiterate. Ultimately, this thesis explores the interplay between African American studies and the History of the Book.
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Kamoie, Laura Croghan. "Three generations of planter -businessmen: The Tayloes, slave labor, and entrepreneurialism in Virginia, 1710-1830." W&M ScholarWorks, 1999. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539623966.

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This study analyzes the entrepreneurial estate-building activities of three generations of the Tayloe family of Virginia from the 1710s to the 1820s. The three John Tayloes were model planter-businessmen---that is, they combined mixed commercial agriculture with a variety of business enterprises in an effort to secure long-term financial security and social status for themselves and their heirs. This diversified approach to plantation management characterized early Virginia's "culture of progress"---an early American business culture interpreted in many different ways throughout the colonies (and later the states) that had the pursuit of a better life as its organizing premise.;The Tayloes were not alone in their ironmaking, shipbuilding, land speculation, investing, and craft-service activities. Instead, the three generations of Tayloe planter-businessmen represent the activities, approaches, and values of the elite planter class of early Virginia.;For each of the Tayloes, slave labor served as the fundamental resource for successful enterprise. The presence of large populations of enslaved African Americans enabled the Tayloes and other planters to branch out from staple agriculture and ultimately necessitated that they continue to do so. Slaves demonstrated their abilities, became central to the daily operations of the South's business culture, and made the enterprises planters founded profitable.;Planter-businessmen as individuals founded businesses that were usually complementary in some way to their holdings in land and slaves. Recognizing the potentially dangerous fluctuations of the tobacco market, planters were apt to attempt new endeavors in good times and bad and rarely abandoned new businesses simply because the tobacco market rebounded. They kept their finger on the pulse of the market, braved risk, and attempted to keep up with the latest technology. Planters' non-tobacco activities provided an important buffer between the uncontrollable weather, shipping, and prices associated with tobacco agriculture and their family's future security. The institution of slavery certainly placed some structural limits on planters' entrepreneurial imaginations. However, whether compared against northern farmer-businessmen prior to the antebellum period or set against the definitions of Virginia's own slave society, early southern planter-businessmen exhibited rational and progressive economic behavior.
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Downer, Joseph A. "Hallowed Ground, Sacred Place| The Slave Cemetery At George Washington's Mount Vernon And the Cultural Landscapes of the Enslaved." Thesis, The George Washington University, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1582972.

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Cemeteries of the enslaved on many plantations in the 18th and 19th centuries were places where communities could practice forms of resistance, and develop distinct African-American traditions. These spaces often went unrecorded by elites, whose constructed landscapes were designed to convey messages of their own status and authority. In their oversight of these spaces, however, elites failed to notice the nuanced meanings the slaves themselves instilled in the landscapes they were forced to live and work in. These separate meanings enabled enslaved African Americans to maintain both human and cultural identities that subverted the slave system and the messages of inferiority that constantly bombarded them.

This thesis focuses on the archaeological study of the Slave Cemetery at George Washington's Mount Vernon. Here, methodological and theoretical principles are utilized to study the area that many enslaved workers call their final resting place. Through the use of this space, it is hypothesized that Mount Vernon's enslaved community practiced distinct traditions, instilling in that spot a sense of place, and reinforcing their individual and communal human identities. This thesis will also investigate the cemetery within its broader regional and cultural contexts, to attain a better understanding of the death rituals and culturally resistant activates that slaves at Mount Vernon used in their day-to-day battle against the system that held them in bondage.

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Willis, Anne Romberg. "The Master's Mercy: Slave Prosecutions and Punishments in York County, Virginia, 1700 to 1780." W&M ScholarWorks, 1995. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625945.

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Abbott, Sherry L. "My Mother Could Send up the Most Powerful Prayer: The Role of African American Slave Women in Evangelical Christianity." Fogler Library, University of Maine, 2003. http://www.library.umaine.edu/theses/pdf/AbbottSL2003.pdf.

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Books on the topic "Slave rebellions, united states"

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Aptheker, Herbert. American Negro slave revolts. 5th ed. New York: International Publishers, 1993.

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R, James C. L. A History of negro revolt. 3rd ed. London: Race Today Publications, 1985.

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O, Best Felton, ed. Black resistance movements in the United States and Africa, 1800-1993: Oppression and retaliation. Lewiston: E. Mellen Press, 1995.

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P, Rodriguez Junius, ed. Encyclopedia of slave resistance and rebellion. Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press, 2007.

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Rediker, Marcus Buford. The Amistad rebellion: An Atlantic odyssey of slavery and freedom. New York: Viking, 2012.

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Egerton, Douglas R. Gabriel's rebellion: The Virginia slave conspiracies of 1800 and 1802. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1993.

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Jean, Libby, Cephas Judith, and Allies for Freedom, eds. John Brown mysteries. Missoula, Mont: Pictorial Histories Pub., 1999.

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Horne, Gerald. Negro comrades of the Crown: African Americans and the British Empire fight the U.S. before emancipation. New York: New York University Press, 2012.

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Aptheker, Herbert. Nat Turner's slave rebellion: Including the 1831 "Confessions". Mineola, N.Y: Dover Publications, 2006.

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Aptheker, Herbert. Nat Turner's slave rebellion: Including the 1831 "Confessions". Mineola, N.Y: Dover Publications, 2006.

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Book chapters on the topic "Slave rebellions, united states"

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Williams, Rhys H. "Mobilizing Religion in Twenty-First-Century Nativism in the United States." In Religion in Rebellions, Revolutions, and Social Movements, 199–218. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781032011523-14.

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Heidemann, Mary Ann. "The identification, preservation and interpretation of slave sites in the United States." In Routledge Companion to Global Heritage Conservation, 364–78. New York : Routledge, 2019.: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315659060-28.

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Sears, Christine E. "“Once a Citizen of the United States of America, But at Present the Most Miserable Slave”." In American Slaves and African Masters, 43–64. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137295033_4.

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"Slave Patrols." In Advances in Religious and Cultural Studies, 59–73. IGI Global, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-6684-8541-5.ch004.

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This chapter focuses on the history of slave patrols and the implications of said slave patrols on Africans and Blacks. Slave patrols were created in response to fear and trying to keep slaves in check and were active for over 150 years. They were used in order to maintain slave labor and to prevent slave rebellions. Their beginnings can be linked to Spanish bands, which England then copied in Barbados, and this establishment and patrol continued in the United States. These patrols became the antecedent of the law in southern states as well as some northern ones and are the foundation of modern policing today that is expressed in law and in practice. Thereafter, solutions and recommendations will be briefly discussed.
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Helg, Aline. "Epilogue." In Slave No More, translated by Lara Vergnaud, 274–86. University of North Carolina Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469649634.003.0012.

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The epilogue briefly examines slave self-liberation strategies and legal emancipation in the fifty years following general emancipation in the British colonies in 1838 up to the abolition of slavery in Brazil in 1888. The epilogue explores differences in national trajectories to abolition, with particular attention paid to Cuba, Haiti, and the United States in order to show how these national narratives mask a longer history of repression, white compensation, and slave survival. While emancipation was eventually enacted across the Americas, many states' recalcitrance to liberate slaves-or to compensate them once emancipated-meant that even after 1838, slaves still relied on self-liberation in order to gain their freedom. Given the relative rarity of outright slave rebellion, many of the strategies of self-liberation-including self-purchase, flight, and enlistment-used by slaves before 1838 remained central to their attempt to gain freedom in the Americas even after British emancipation.
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Fennema, Meindert. "Legal Repression of Extreme-Right Parties and Racial Discrimination*." In Challenging Immigration and Ethnic Relations Politics, 119–44. Oxford University PressOxford, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198295600.003.0006.

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Abstract Natural rights were formulated for the first time as an authoritative political statement in the Declaration of Independence of the United States of America (1776): ‘We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights … ‘. In 1776 these rights still had to be elaborated in positive law. The founding fathers in general regarded slavery as a relic of the past and most of them found it repulsive. Yet some ten years later in Philadelphia, they wrote a Constitution that made it virtually impossible to outlaw it. It forbade Congress to interfere with the slave trade for twenty years to come and required putting down slave rebellions wherever they might occur. It denied slaves the right to sue in federal courts (Lazare 1998: 16). So the United States was slow indeed in the legal implementation of natural rights. It took some 200 years before these rights were fully applied to all African-Americans.
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Horton, James Oliver, and Lois E. Horton. "Troublesome Property: The Many Forms of Slave Resistance." In Slavery and the Making of America, 119–60. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195304510.003.0005.

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Abstract Just three weeks before the Amistad Africans returned to Africa, the American ship Creole sailed out of Hampton Roads, Virginia, bound for New Orleans with one hundred thirty-five slaves aboard. As the vessel approached the British Bahamas, nineteen slaves, led by Virginia slave Madison Washington, staged a rebellion. The rebels killed a slave trader whose gun had misfired, wounded the captain, and took over the ship. They forced the crew to put into port at Nassau, where British authorities captured them. The British imprisoned the nineteen who had taken over the ship, and the American consul demanded that they be returned to the United States for trial. Black Bahamians, however, had other ideas. Fifty boats filled with local residents sailed to the Creole, surrounded it to prevent it from leaving port, and then threatened to free the slaves by force if necessary. The authorities succumbed to public pressure and released all of the slaves.1
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Willoughby, Christopher D. E. "Skull Collecting, Medical Museums, and the International Dimensions of Racial Science." In Masters of Health, 125–41. University of North Carolina Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469672120.003.0006.

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This chapter examines the international underpinnings of medical museums’ collections of racial skulls. Through two distinct methods, it unpacks how transnational agents of capitalism, imperialism, and slavery collected, stole, and transmitted human remains to medical schools in the antebellum United States. In regard to the first method, a global network of collected assembled and shipped skulls of cadavers from imperial battlefields, in the wake of slave rebellions, and other remains buried in and taken from sacred sites spread round the globe. The chapter’s second method is to relate counternarratives of everyday people of African descent whose remains were stored in Harvard’s medical museum. From alive to being displayed postmortem, it charts the histories of a young Khoisan man from Southern Africa named Sturmann and a rebel in one of the largest slave revolts in Brazilian history, the Muslim Uprising of 1835 in Salvador, Bahia.
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Hogan, Wesley C., and Paul Ortiz. "In the Activists’ Kitchen." In People Power, 1–14. University Press of Florida, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9780813066912.003.0001.

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Wesley Hogan and Paul Ortiz bring a wealth of experience to the discussion of democracy in the US, through the centering figure of Larry Goodwyn. Contributors have studied slave revolts, popular insurgencies in Latin America, and rural rebellions in the United States. The writers of People Power have also participated in a broad array of struggles including the Chicano movement, women’s liberation, union organizing, consciousness raising, Mississippi Freedom Summer, the Central American solidarity movement of the 1980s, and the 2008 and 2012 Obama presidential campaigns. This book is designed to generate deep discussions on the multiple crises of our time and give everyday people strategies to take back the country in the name of small-d democracy.
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Ross, Kelly. "White Oversight in The Confessions of Nat Turner, Benito Cereno, and The Heroic Slave." In Slavery, Surveillance, and Genre in Antebellum United States Literature, 76–101. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192856272.003.0004.

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Abstract This chapter delineates “white oversight”: a racialized worldview that has epistemological power but assumes white invisibility. White oversight’s failure to see the reality of the Black gaze has potentially lethal consequences in the case of enslaved rebellion. The Confessions of Nat Turner, Herman Melville’s Benito Cereno, and Frederick Douglass’s The Heroic Slave all grapple with the shattering effects of the destruction of white oversight, which subtends reconstructions of the past, stabilizing historical narratives. Enslaved rebellion temporarily upends the power dynamics of watching, a reversal these authors register in their portrayals of the contingencies of veillance. When white surveillants recognize that they are not “safely” invisible, but are also objects of scrutiny, the dialectic of white surveillance and Black sousveillance breaks down, causing a rupture in narrative form.
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