Journal articles on the topic 'Skilled labor – Canada'

Five migration systems are described: settler, student, contract labor, skilled labor, and refugee. Settler migration to the U.S., Canada and Australia has consisted primarily of family members; the future may bring a greater emphasis on highly skilled and business categories. Contract labor migration, particularly to the Middle East, has provided jobs, foreign currency through remittances and greater participation of women, but also led to illegal migration, skills drain, and labor abuses. The hierarchy of development has led to intra-regional flows: (1) skilled labor mainly from Japan to other countries in the region, and (2) contract labor and illegal migration from the LDCs to the NIEs and Japan.

Why do high-skilled Canadian immigrants lag behind their US counterparts in labor-market outcomes, despite Canada’s merit-based immigration selection system and more integrative context? This article investigates a mismatch between immigrants’ education and occupations, operationalized by overeducation, as an explanation. Using comparable data and three measures of overeducation, we find that university-educated immigrant workers in Canada are consistently much more likely to be overeducated than their US peers and that the immigrant–native gap in the overeducation rate is remarkably higher in Canada than in the United States. This article further examines how the cross-national differences are related to labor-market structures and selection mechanisms for immigrants. Whereas labor-market demand reduces the likelihood of immigrant overeducation in both countries, the role of supply-side factors varies: a higher supply of university-educated immigrants is positively associated with the likelihood of overeducation in Canada, but not in the United States, pointing to an oversupply of high-skilled immigrants relative to Canada’s smaller economy. Also, in Canada the overeducation rate is significantly lower for immigrants who came through employer selection (i.e., those who worked in Canada before obtaining permanent residence) than for those admitted directly from abroad through the point system. Overall, the findings suggest that a merit-based immigration system likely works better when it takes into consideration domestic labor-market demand and the role of employer selection.

Abstract The demand for adult education and training (AET) opportunities throughout the life course is substantial as labor markets often require workers to obtain advanced skills. AET opportunities are more often pursued by high-income and high-skilled workers than low-skilled or low-income workers. With the increased prominence of job automation and technological advances in the workforce, low-skilled workers are at risk for fewer opportunities within the labor market. These factors emphasize the importance of providing learning opportunities throughout the life course. In this mixed-methods study, we analyzed 2012/2014 data from the Program for the International Assessment of Adult Competencies (PIAAC) for the U.S., Canada, the Netherlands, Norway, and Sweden to compare participation rates in non-formal education (NFE) by high and low-skilled adults. Countries were selected based on qualitative findings that inform best practices. Additionally, to gain insights of policies and programs that promote NFE, international key informant interviews (n = 33) were conducted. AET policies and programs, along with barriers such as cost, motivation, and time, were explored with key informants. Findings include (1) aging and skills are negatively correlated in all nations of interest; (2) low-skilled adults are less likely to participate in NFE than their high-skilled counterparts; (3) low-skilled workers in Norway and the Netherlands are more likely to participate in NFE than their U.S. counterparts; and (4) NFE is often more acceptable to low-skilled adults due to previous negative experiences with formal education. Using these findings, we discuss successful AET programs in Nordic countries for overcoming barriers.

In recent years a growing competition for talent has emerged among developed nations. Policymakers across North-America, Australia and Europe have implemented targeted migration programs to attract global talent in order to gain the net positive effects associated with skilled migration. Research so far has mainly focused on analyzing such programs in traditional destinations for highly skilled migrants such as the United States, Canada and Australia. In this article we take the Netherlands as a case study of the more recent European involvement in the ‘race for talent’. We first describe how ‘highly skilled’ migrants are categorized in the various skilled migration schemes that exist in the Netherlands. Secondly, by using primary data on highly-skilled migrants who participated in one of these schemes we look at whether the policy measures attracted the intended target group. We conclude that policy measures that favor highly skilled migrants by themselves are not enough to attract talent. Having social capital in the Netherlands as well as the recruiting efforts of Dutch employers are more important in attracting highly skilled migrants. Also, being highly skilled does not necessarily mean that access to the Dutch labor market is without obstacles.

This paper presents a review of current worldwide efforts in automation and robotization for construction. Over a dozen countries are currently involved in such research efforts to overcome mainly declining productivity, increasing labor costs, hazards in the workplace, and scarcity of skilled labor. Research and development progress of Japanese contractors is emphasized, as they are aggressively introducing robots on site. A number of their leading contractors are visited, and applications of robotic equipment utilized on building construction sites in Japan are summarized. The Canadian construction industry, existing in a harsh climate and affected by shortages of skilled labor and high labor costs, needs to carefully consider construction robotics in order to meet its changing needs. The characteristics of the Canadian environment are presented and factors that have a direct bearing on the feasibility and implementation of robotics are emphasized. Different methods for the evaluation of the value of a construction robot are presented and applied to a numerical example. Comparisons are then made between the U.S. and Canada. It is believed that, given existing technology, economical constraints will either force or impede the implementation of robotics. Key words: Canadian construction industry, construction robot, automation, building construction, productivity, feasibility.

Background: International medical graduates (IMGs) in Canada are individuals who received their medical education and training outside Canada. They undergo a complex licensing procedure in their host country and compete for limited opportunities available to become practicing physicians. Many of them cannot succeed or do not have the resources or interest to undergo this complex and unpredictable career pathway and seek alternative career options. In this study, we aimed to understand how IMGs integrate into the alternative job market, their demographic characteristics, and the types of jobs they undertake after moving to Canada. Methods: An anonymous cross-sectional, online, nationwide, and open survey was conducted among IMGs in Canada. In addition to demographic information, the questionnaire included information on employment status, types of jobs, professional experience, and level of medical education and practice (e.g., specialties, subspecialties, etc.). We conducted a survey of 1740 IMGs in total; however, we excluded responses from those IMGs who are currently working in a clinical setting, thus limiting the number of responses to 1497. Results: Of the respondents, 43.19% were employed and 56.81% were unemployed. Employed participants were more likely to be older males, have stayed longer in Canada, and had more senior-level job experience before moving to Canada. We also observed that the more years that had passed after graduation, the higher the likelihood of being employed. The majority of the IMGs were employed in health-related nonregulated jobs (50.45%). The results were consistent across other demographic characteristics, including different provinces, countries of origin, gender, time since graduation, and length of stay in Canada. Conclusions: This study found that certain groups of IMGs, such as young females, recent immigrants, recent graduates, and less experienced IMGs had a higher likelihood of being unemployed. These findings will inform policymakers, immigrant and professional service organizations, and researchers working for human resources and professional integration of skilled migrants to develop programs and improve policies to facilitate the employment of IMGs through alternative careers.

This article reports on a study of occupational health and safety (OHS) challenges for temporary foreign workers (TFWs) in low- and high-skilled occupations, based on twenty-two cases drawn from a broader study in three Canadian provinces. Interviewees in construction, meat processing, hospitality, and fast food reported concerns regarding working conditions and OHS issues. They include precarious migration status affecting voice; contrasting access to social support; and mechanisms undermining regulatory effectiveness. Sources of vulnerability include closed work permits (making workers dependent on a single employer for job security and family reunification); ineffective means to ensure contractual compliance; and TFW invisibility attributable to their dispersal throughout the labor market. Violations include increased workload without an increase in pay and non-compliance with OHS and contractual rules without oversight. Positive and negative practices are discussed. Recommendations include improving migration security to preserve worker voice and facilitating communication between immigration and OHS authorities.

This study examines the impact of attaining permanent resident status on the employment integration of migrant caregivers in Canada. The authors use survey data from 631 caregivers who arrived as migrants under a temporary foreign worker program before transitioning to permanent residency, as well as data from 47 focus group discussions. The authors find that although most caregivers do switch out of caregiving work over time, they often remain within a few, lower-skilled occupations. Postsecondary education acquired before migration has no impact on occupational mobility. Caregivers’ lack of financial stability and the stigmatization of their employment experience often constrain their labor market options; moreover, an emotional bond and sense of obligation toward employers often hinder their ability to move out into other occupations, even after receiving legal permanent resident status. From the empirical results, the authors provide theoretical insights into the complex relationship between immigration patterns and labor markets.

The deteriorating economic position of low-skilled workers relative to high-skilled workers appears to be one harmful effect of the economic globalization that took place during the 1980s and 1990s. In the present paper, we perform a time series investigation for Canada using as the dependent variable the relative wages of production and non-production workers in the manufacturing sector between 1970 and 2001. The independent variables include R&D, union density, immigration, imports from non-OECD countries, foreign direct investment, capital labor ratio, and number of workers in each group. The results show that the R&D expenditures and union density are two important variables in the explanation of the widening wage gap. The effects of immigration, imports, and FDI on wage inequality are found to be moderate.

Abstract The demand for adult education and training (AET) opportunities is substantial as older adults are remaining in the labor force at older ages, and are facing substantial technological changes in the workplace. Strategies to engage middle-aged and older adult workers in AET often exclude low-skilled and sub-populations. The engagement of these sub-populations in AET is challenging as access, awareness, and program costs associated with AET opportunities often target highly skilled populations. The inequality in AET participation warrants specific programs and strategies to address challenges low-skilled adult workers face in pursuing AET. The purpose of this study is to identify AET opportunities for low-skilled middle-aged and older adults, as well as highlight major barriers to engage and retain these sub-population in AET. Data were collected from 36 key informants through semi-structured interviews and through document reviews. Key informants represented Australia, Canada, Italy, Norway, the Netherlands, the U.K., and the U.S. Descriptive methods were used to identify barriers in recruiting and retaining low-skilled middle-aged and older adults. We particularly focused on the barriers related to cost, language, access, and awareness. Results highlighted opportunities tailored to support adult workers in the pursuit of adult learning opportunities both domestically and internationally. Barriers including learning histories, lack of long-term person-centered support, as well as the role of multiple forms of learning, such as formal and informal learning, were identified. Last, we provide recommendations for recruiting and retaining middle-aged and older adult workers in AET programs.

Purpose – The aim of this paper is to estimate the dynamic of international migration between the different regions of the world for 2030 and to measure the impact of different kind of migration policies on the economic and social evolution. Design/methodology/approach – The change and migration forecasting are estimated for regions of the world using macroeconomic Cambridge Alphametrics Model. Findings – The crisis and its aggravation thus clearly favour scenarios of immigration policy along the “zero migration” or “constant migration”. These choices of migration policies reinforce the deflationary process resulting in reduced opportunities for renewed growth in industrial areas and are not offset by the dynamism of growth in emerging countries. Paradoxically, the developed countries which are most durably affected by the crisis are also those that have ageing population and are in high need of skilled and unskilled labor. Practical implications – Three options are possible: one going along the depressive process by espousing restrictive immigration policies that remain expensive. The second involves a highly selective immigration policy. Under these conditions the demographic revival already appearing would be reinforced by a rejuvenation of the population brought about by a more open immigration policy. Political and institutional factors play a fundamental role in the emergence of this optimistic assumption and the rise of isolationism in Europe and the ghettoization of suburban areas can hinder the application of such a policy of openness to migration. The third scenario, the mass migration scenario, allows letting go of the growth related constraints and getting out of the deflationist spiral. This pro-active approach could cause public opinions to change in line with public interest. This scenario of mass migration has more of a chance to see the light under a growth hypothesis. However, restrictive policies weaken the prospects of sustainable recovery causing a vicious cycle that can only be broken by pro-active policies or by irresistible shocks. Originality/value – From specific estimations, four immigration regimes have been built that cut across the major regions of the model: the “core skill replacement migration regime” based on selective policies using migration to fill high-skilled labor needs (United Kingdom, West and Northern Europe, Canada, Australia, and USA), “mass immigration and replacement” applies to South Europe, East Asia High Income, and part of West Asia (Gulf countries), “big fast-growing emerging regions of future mass immigration,” notably China, India and “South-South migration” based on forced migration much of it by climate change, which may likely occur in South Asia, part of West Asia, and, most of Africa (without South Africa). Migrations in transit countries (Central America to USA, and East Europe to UK and West Europe) are based on low skilled migrants in labor-intensive sectors.

This study examines the economic and welfare effects of raising the number of high-skilled immigrants in Canada. It uses a life-cycle applied general equilibrium model with endogenous time allocation decisions between work, education, and leisure. According to the simulation results, raising the number of high-skilled immigrants would boost productive capacity and labour productivity but could lower real GDP per capita. In addition, by raising the supply of high-skilled workers, more high-skilled immigrants would reduce the skill premium and the return to human capital. This in turn would lower incentives for young adults to invest in human capital and have a dampening effect on the domestic supply of skilled workers. Finally, it is found that more high-skilled immigrants would be welfare enhancing for medium- and low-skilled workers but welfare decreasing for high-skilled workers.

NOTE: THIS ARTICLE WAS PUBLISHED WITH THE INFORMING SCIENCE INSTITUTE. Aim/Purpose...................................................................................................................................................................................................... The African-Canadian Career Excellence (ACCE) initiative was developed to address the loss of highly-educated, English-speaking Black youth from the Greater Montreal Area (Quebec, Canada) facing issues of unemployment and underemployment. Background........................................................................................................................................................................................................ The ACCE initiative partners – African and Caribbean Synergic inter-organizational Network of Canada (ACSioN Network), Black Community Resource Center (BCRC) and Community Economic Development and Employability Corporation (CEDEC) – worked to mitigate the exodus of educated Black youth through building their professional capacities to attain meaningful, sustainable local employment; encouraging their contribution to Quebec’s vitality, and assisting employers to diversify their workforce. Methodology....................................................................................................................................................................................................... The Black undergraduate students of African descent who were surveyed were English-speaking youth from the Greater Montreal Area; these included Canadian citizens, landed immigrants and temporary and permanent residents. Survey respondents will be referred to as Black African undergraduate students for the remainder of this article. In the 2011-2012 academic year, Black African undergraduate students from five Montreal post-secondary institutions were surveyed. On-campus promotion and in-person solicitation resulted in a non-random convenience sample of 92 individuals. Data from the 34 categorical and open-ended questions in an English-language online survey were analysed using SurveyMonkey, Microsoft Excel and SPSS. Contribution........................................................................................................................................................................................................ Montreal's English-speaking Black African undergraduate students represent an under-documented demographic in migration studies, specifically in terms of career plans, workplace skills, career path, employment resource awareness and discrimination. This portrait highlights the experience and career expectations of Montreal Black African undergraduate youth and is relevant within the contexts of Black history, community development, skills and career development, education and employment. Findings.............................................................................................................................................................................................................. These results suggest that English-speaking Black African undergraduates expected to follow an appropriate career path in their desired field by attaining meaningful and sustainable local employment commensurate with their skills. Many of these youth were not able to access the same career opportunities as their peers, and therefore left before fully participating in Quebec’s economy. Recommendation for Practitioner................................................................................................................................................................... This article suggests that businesses seeking to diversify their workforce can collaborate with public institutions and civil society organizations to better prepare and integrate Montreal’s skilled Black African youth. It is suggested that career-advancement training focus on addressing job security and skills gap concerns, in addition to awareness of discrimination in the workplace and strategies for identifying and redressing the situation. Recommendation for Researcher.................................................................................................................................................................... Future research could be conducted within the same Montreal population to compare the findings a decade later. Subsequent outreach to targeted employers might reveal progress and additional recommendations in diversifying their workplace. Impact on Society.............................................................................................................................................................................................. Collaboration among public institutions, private businesses and civil society organizations can lead to increased integration of Black African youth into the labor market.

Formal educational qualification is increasingly built into immigrant selection systems in many countries, but in a global context, the transferability and portability of such qualifications has been questioned. In 2013, Canada introduced the requirement for a formal assessment of educational credential equivalence for applicants in the skilled worker category. In this study, we use a Canadian national immigration database and difference-in-differences methodology to investigate whether requiring formal Educational Credential Assessment (ECA) as part of the selection process for skilled immigrants has improved labour market outcomes. Our results indicate that the ECA requirement is positively related to early employment rates and earnings for both men and women. However, this effect is limited to those with no previous employment experience in Canada. We also find that, even with the ECA requirement, significant differences in the earnings of immigrants from different source regions remain. Implications and recommendations are discussed.

Canada, like many other developed countries, has implemented a temporary foreign workers’ programme, ostensibly to address temporary labour shortages within its domestic labour market. However, there is growing evidence of the programme being used to meet longer-term labour demands, with low-skilled migrant workers being marginalized into low paying service industry jobs and manual labour in the construction and manufacturing industries. Furthermore, there is evidence of these marginalized workers suffering human rights abuses and economic exploitation. This paper discusses some of these problems and presents a case for legislative reform.

This article compares migrants’ rights and labour-migration policies of three resource-rich receiving countries located in the Persian Gulf, North America and Europe, respectively. The wealthy economies of Canada, Norway and the United Arab Emirates have emerged as some of the largest receivers of labour migrants. The comparative analysis herein focuses on distinctive characteristics of the different migration regimes and policies which regulate the rights of labour migrants. It is maintained that the countries we have explored could hardly be more different, and that the actual similarities with regard to migration policies are limited. Yet, we have still identified some surprising and unexpected converging trends. Specifically, these countries use some similar tools and exclusionary policies in order to restrict the legal status of certain categories of labour migrants, particularly low-skilled migrants.

Do high skill immigrant workers find employment corresponding to their training? Using unpublished data from the 1996 census, we examine the occupational locations of men age 30-54 who have a university degree with a major in engineering. We focus on three groups: Canadian born, foreign born who immigrated before age 19 and the foreign-born arriving after age 27, arguing that the first two are most likely to be educated in Canada whereas the last group is not. We find birth place differences in the percentages who are working in managerial, engineering, technical and all other occupations, with differences being most pronounced for those immigrating after age 27. Multinomial logit analysis confirms that these differences cannot be attributed to differences in measured human capital stock. Accreditation requirements are one likely explanation, particularly for those who have received training outside Canada.

The individual decision to immigrate is made in the context of larger social structures that influence the composition of the economic immigrant population over time. Over the last 20 years, economic immigrants to Canada have faced changing selection policies, cycles of economic recession and growth, increased demand for information technology skills, women’s increased labour force participation and an aging labour force. Using data from Statistics Canada’s Longitudinal Immigration Database (IMDB), this paper examines the flow of economic immigrants to Canada by their occupational composition from 1980 to 2000. Relative to Canadians, when all immigrants from this period are grouped together, their economic integration is slow and does not reach parity with Canadians before 16 years. Among skilled worker immigrants, whereas the earlier cohorts did well but did not improve much over time, later cohorts started off in a relatively worse position, but early indications show a fairly steep slope to better relative average earnings. These differences support the need to examine immigrant integration by both the class of immigrant and the context at the time of immigration.

Abstract This study draws attention to the importance of the early provincial federations of labour as a distinct form of labour organization in early 20th-century Canada. One of the first of these was the New Brunswick Federation of Labour, which attempted to strengthen local bonds of solidarity and represent workers at the level of the provincial state. The Federation originated with and was dominated by male workers in the skilled trades in the largest cities and by 1921 attracted almost 100 delegates from nine population centres, including a small number of women and Acadians. Its agenda included campaigns for the enactment of workers' compensation, the protection of women workers and the election of labour candidates, but a more thoroughgoing Reconstruction Programme (1919) was less successful, especially in the context of regional economic crisis in the 1920s. The study confirms the existence of a progressive movement within provincial society while identifying the limited scope of its ambitions and achievements. This study uses social history methods to explore an institutional narrative and to analyze a distinct chapter in the history of organized labour at the provincial level.

In the Canadian sample of the Programme for the International Assessment of Adult Competencies, lower scores within occupation groups are more common among Indigenous individuals (not living on reserves) than for non-Indigenous individuals. This may be interpreted as evidence of what economists call under-skilling, with no implications regarding current job performance, but which has been associated with increased vulnerability to job loss during economic downturns. Estimated under-skilling rates are higher for English or French literacy among First Nations men, for numeracy among First Nations women, and for both proficiency domains among Inuit women and men. Over-skilling is primarily associated with inefficient use of labour resources and reduced welfare. Controlling for demographic characteristics, we find no consistent statistically significant evidence that the odds of being over-skilled—that is, of having higher scores than those within the same occupation group—are different for Indigenous individuals compared with non-Indigenous individuals. In estimated wage equations, wage differences shrink when our over-skilling and under-skilling estimates are added to the controls, but First Nations differences remain negative and significant, particularly for men.

ABSTRACT In this paper, we analyze the behaviour of wages of the unionized workers of the construction industry in Canada. We compare the behaviour of construction wages to those observed in the sectors exposed to and protected from international competition. One conclusion of our analysis is that the construction sector is by far the most inflationnary sector of the Canadian economy. Union power in the construction industry combined with the control of labour supply by skilled trades associations in a market which lends itself to bilateral oligopoly can thus lead to wage increases in the construction sector which in the current inflationnary context exceed those in all other sectors of the economy. This situation is possible because construction firms do not have to face the threat of international competition. The result of this situation is to reduce the level of activity and employment in the construction sector. In addition, the mechanism for fixing wages serves to accentuate the cyclical fluctuations in the construction sector.

In Canada, like in many other countries, people working in the sex industry are subject to prohibitive regulation, stigma and pervasive moral judgement. At the same time, workplace and client demands, in concert with various modes of socio-economic marginalization, shape sex workers’ experiences of and access to work. However, sex workers are seldom recognized for overcoming these challenges as skilled workers. Moving beyond arguments about whether or not sex work is a legitimate form of labour, we argue for the recognition of sex workers’ entrepreneurial and security strategies as creative problem solving and in turn cognitive skill. We do so by drawing on two qualitative interview-based studies highlighting the intersectional experiences of female sex workers who modulate their appearance and behaviour to perform race, gender, class, culture and sexuality to succeed in the Canadian indoor sex industry.

The skilled labour shortage in the natural resource sector is a major issue in North America, particularly in the Canadian forestry sector. In the province of Quebec alone, 15 000 positions will need to be filled by 2022. At the same time, many Indigenous communities are seeking to develop employment opportunities, as they have high unemployment rates and a young and growing population. But are forestry employers creating an environment conducive to the recruitment, integration, and retention of an Indigenous workforce? We interviewed 22 directors and human resource managers from 19 forestry businesses (16 non-Indigenous and 3 Indigenous) in Quebec, with a view to answering this question. Employer narratives suggest that they have only just begun to see the potential of the Indigenous workforce and put in place diversity management practices. Partnerships between Indigenous communities and forestry businesses, development of alternative training and skill development methods, and awareness-raising among employees and employers were found to favour recruitment, integration, and retention of Indigenous workers. Conversely, according to participants, stereotypes, discrimination, lack of inclusion measures, drug and alcohol use, and lack of training reduce the potential for Indigenous people to join the forestry workforce.

Purpose Analysts predict that disruptive technologies, such as artificial intelligence, will have a monumental impact on the world of work in the coming decades, exacerbating existing skills gaps faster than education systems can adapt. This paper aims to review research on the forecasted impact of technology on labour markets and skill demands over the near term. Furthermore, it outlines how social innovations and inclusion can be leveraged as strategies to mitigate the predicted impact of disruptive technologies. Design/methodology/approach The paper engages in an overview of relevant academic literature, policy and industry reports focussing on disruptive technologies, labour market “skills gaps” and training to identify ongoing trends and prospective solutions. Findings This paper identifies an array of predictions, made in studies and reports, about the impact of disruptive technologies on labour markets. It outlines that even conservative estimates can be expected to considerably exacerbate existing skills gaps. In turn, it identifies work-integrated learning and technology-enabled talent matching platforms as tools, which could be used to mitigate the effects of disruptive technologies on labour markets. It argues that there is a need for rigorous evaluation of innovative programmes being piloted across jurisdictions. Research limitations/implications This paper focusses on these dynamics primarily as they are playing out in Canada and similar Western countries. However, our review and conclusions are not generalizable to other regions and economies at different stages of development. Further work is needed to ascertain how disruptive technologies will affect alternative jurisdictions. Social implications While “future of work” debates typically focus on technology and deterministic narratives, this paper points out that social innovations in training and inclusive technologies could prove useful in helping societies cope with the labour market effects of disruptive technologies. Originality/value This paper provides a state-of-the-art review of the existing literature on the labour market effects of novel technologies. It contributes original insights into the future of work debates by outlining how social innovation and inclusion can be used as tools to address looming skills mismatches over the short to medium term.

This account explores the employability of Persons with Disabilities (PWDs) in enterprises of skills development in eleven countries (Canada, Brazil, Spain, Italy, Switzerland, Belgium, Luxembourg, Slovakia, Romania, Uganda and Afghanistan). Participatory research approach is used including empirical component in Canada, aspiring to inform labour market policies, namely access/accessibility and safety nets. Results show that enterprises (N=39) are somehow serving PWDs, but they do not have special provisions to reinforce disability focused services. Particularly, there are inadequate disability policies and a limited presence of disabled people in programs. This is possibly due to limited workplace accommodations, limited capacity and lack of resources. The research calls for an activation of Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) into the sector of enterprises, coupled with capacity building in disability policy research and after placement services. In essence, this means: increasing employability opportunities; reducing vulnerability through social protection and reinforcing the capacity of enterprises.

The Prison for Women, Kingston Penitentiary, and Collins Bay Penitentiary each offered an increasing variety of vocational training opportunities to incarcerated people in the mid-20th century. This article examines vocational training in these Kingston-area prisons from 1950 to the mid-1960s and argues that access to these programs was based largely on gender and age. Foucault’s idea of governmentality supports analysis of how the Penitentiary Service of Canada, reformers, and prisoners understood the process of learning how to work. Women incarcerated at the Prison for Women were trained in fields that mirrored domestic labour, and limited numbers of younger women were given access to trial vocational training in women-dominated fields such as hairdressing. Young men in their teens and twenties incarcerated at Collins Bay Penitentiary were given access to skilled trades, while older men at Kingston Penitentiary could try to qualify for transfer to Collins Bay Penitentiary by taking basic educational course upgrades. These vocational programs were supported by the John Howard Society of Ontario and the Elizabeth Fry Society of Kingston, local prisoner aid societies that helped formerly incarcerated people find jobs and coordinated with prison administration to bolster rehabilitation programs. La Prison des femmes, le Pénitencier de Kingston et le Pénitencier de Collins Bay offraient chacun une variété croissante de possibilités de formation professionnelle aux personnes incarcérées au milieu du 20e siècle. Cet article examine la formation professionnelle dans ces prisons dans la région de Kingston de 1950 au milieu des années 1960 et soutient que l’accès à ces programmes était largement basé sur le sexe et l’âge. L’idée de gouvernementalité de Foucault soutient l’analyse de la façon dont le Service des Pénitenciers du Canada, les réformateurs et les prisonniers ont compris le processus d’apprentissage du travail. Les femmes incarcérées à la Prison des femmes ont été formées dans des domaines qui reflétaient le travail domestique, et un nombre limité de jeunes femmes ont eu accès à une formation professionnelle à l’essai dans des domaines à prédominance féminine comme la coiffure. Les jeunes hommes dans l’adolescence et la vingtaine incarcérés au Pénitencier de Collins Bay ont eu accès à des métiers spécialisés, tandis que les hommes plus âgés du Pénitencier de Kingston pouvaient essayer de se qualifier pour être transférés au Pénitencier de Collins Bay en suivant des cours de formation de base. Ces programmes professionnels ont été soutenus par la Société John Howard de l’Ontario et la Société Elizabeth Fry de Kingston, des sociétés locales d’aide aux prisonniers qui ont aidé les anciens incarcérés à trouver un emploi et ont cordonné avec l’administration pénitentiaire pour renforcer les programmes de réadaptation.

This study focuses on the effectiveness of the federal Employment Equity Act (EEA). We assess the EEA with regard to female employees using quantitative data from employer reports published under the provisions of the EEA and the Canadian Census. Data in this study cover the period 1997 to 2004. Women constitute the largest of the designated groups, so the effectiveness of the law could have major implications for the welfare of a significant proportion of the Canadian workforce. The most significant finding is that employment equity has increased over time, but at a diminishing rate. In fact, there may be something of a downturn in employment equity for women in the industries covered by the EEA. It is clear from our analysis that women employees in the companies covered by the EEA continue to be under-represented, especially in large companies. Monitoring and enforcement of employment equity in these firms by the Canadian Human Rights Commission (CHRC) needs to be undertaken and is essential, since it cannot be taken for granted that larger firms do well in employment equity, overall. Our results and analysis indicate that smaller firms had higher employment equity than larger firms. It may also be necessary for the CHRC to examine the particular occupational groups within larger companies where employment equity is either low or non-existent relative to the Census. The continuing underlying pattern of sex segregation has changed to only a limited extent. For instance, employment opportunities for women continue to be problematic (that is, senior managers, skilled crafts and trades workers) and will require continued and perhaps intensified efforts to resolve. There are large discrepancies between employment equity in primary (i.e., full-time, permanent jobs) and secondary (i.e., temporary and part-time jobs), with employment equity being much lower in the primary sector. Human Resources and Social Development Canada need to have active labour market policies to correct this imbalance.

Purpose Industry skills council (ISC) in Korea is at an earlier stage in terms of its formation and incubation. As a governance model similar to sector councils in Canada and UK, it still requires training and development of talents who work for ISCs. The purpose of this study is to analyze the effectiveness of training programs that are currently provided to personnel of the ISC to foster their learning systematically and to develop measures for effectiveness of the training programs. Design/methodology/approach This study evaluated the training program for the staff of the ISC secretariat as a tool to activate the councils’ main functions. In terms of methodology, we developed an effective training model to measure the training transfer and used it as an analytical framework for evaluation. Success case method was applied to identify the best case of training transfer that reinforces the role and function of ISC. Findings Learning transfer can help not only the transfer of the learning contents but also the role of the organization that the members belong to and strengthen the function of the ISC. By transferring the content matter of the learning, it can help strengthen the capacity of members to carry out the roles and functions of the ISC, and further strengthen the functions of the council and the role of key players in labor markets. Research limitations/implications An effective training model for the personnel of national sectoral bodies or non-profit organization can be further investigated. Practical implications The learning transfer evaluation model for ISC staff has unique characteristics that are different from previous studies. ISC has the characteristics of public goods that are established with government support and are active in developing human resources in each industry sector. Originality/value Incubating ISC in South Korea is at an earlier stage in terms of research and policy practice. The research findings in this study lay the foundations for further empirical explorations.

BACKGROUND: Wheelchair skills training is an essential part of rehabilitation of the disabled persons with lower limb amputation (LLA) due to peripheral artery disease (PAD). However, nowadays this issue is poorly addressed in our country, there are no standardized technologies. AIM: Investigation of dynamics of the extent of wheelchair usage among disabled persons with LLA due to PAD during adjustment to the wheelchair using the Wheelchair Skills Program (WSP, Canada). MATERIALS AND METHODS: Altogether, 350 patients with lower limb stump [unilateral tibial stump ― 116 (33.1%), hip stump ― 223 (63.7%), bilateral tibial stumps ― 6 (1.7%), hip stump ― 5 (1.4%)] were examined in clinical settings at the Federal State Budgetary Institution Novokuznetsk Scientific and Practical Centre for Medical and Social Expertise and Rehabilitation of Disabled Persons Ministry of Labour and Social Protection of the Russian Federation. Male ― 268 (76.6%), female ― 82 (23.4%). Mean age 63.10.52 years. Cause of LLA: obliterative PAD (lower limb atherosclerotic arterial disease) ― 226 (64.6%), type 2 diabetes mellitus ― 124 (35.4%). WSP effectiveness was assessed in 227 disabled persons. Wheelchair skills retention in 1.1 (0.591.87) years was assessed in 48 persons, 25 persons have undergone training second time. RESULTS: It was found that 86% of the disabled persons with LLA needed the wheelchair skills training. Upon the completion of the course the level of individual wheelchair skills was increased in all participants. This contributed to an increase in their activities and participation, which was indirectly evidenced by 1.8 fold increase in the proportion of those using the wheelchair outdoors by the time of second hospitalization. CONCLUSION: The program provides an individual approach to training, based on the results of a study of the initial level of proficiency in wheelchair skills, the wishes of the user himself, his physical, somatic and psychological condition. Thanks to this, novice users were able to master basic skills, and relatively experienced ones ― more complex, and thereby increase their level of safe use of the wheelchair, as well as the degree of independence and everyday activity, which can indirectly be evidenced by a significant increase in the share of wheelchair users outside the house.

Access to lifelong learning opportunities has long been discussed in terms of the economic benefits conferred by access to and engagement in further education by members of the labor force, particularly within the global knowledge economy. However, equitable access to lifelong education opportunities, particularly for low-skilled adults in the labor force, has been lacking. The Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) identified three models for funding adult learning: (1) individual learning accounts, (2) individual savings accounts, and (3) training vouchers. The current study discusses examples of these models, either proposed or implemented, across four countries or economic blocks—France, Canada, the United Kingdom, and the United States. In addition, to understand the importance of providing funding for education and training to adults with low levels literacy skills, we use data from the Program for the International Assessment for Adult Competencies (PIAAC) to compare participation in adult education and training (AET) by literacy skill levels. In all countries examined, adults with low literacy skills participated in AET at lower rates than those with middle and high levels of literacy skills. To be successful in reaching adults most in need of skill upgrading, financing models need to provide adequate funds for meaningful skill upgrades, have well-structured information sources (e.g., websites) that are easily navigated by the target population, and include policies to screen educational providers for program quality.

PurposeThis paper explores integration experiences of immigrants in the Canadian workplace from the perspective of immigrants themselves, focusing on cultural capital and cultural judgments as factors influencing workplace entry, advancement and social integration in an increasingly diverse work environment.Design/methodology/approachAn interpretive approach that involved thematic analysis of in-depth interview data was employed.FindingsThe findings reveal that the official two-way multiculturalism policy of Canada is not reflected in the Canadian workplace and that structural forces of assimilation are evident. Cultural judgments and immigrants' cultural capital create barriers for integration.Research limitations/implicationsWhile highlighting important aspects of immigrant experiences within the Canadian workplace, the study findings cannot generate a fully representative theorization of immigrant employment experiences in Canada. Further studies with diverse migrant groups in different parts of the country would shed more light on the issues faced by immigrants.Practical implicationsThe barriers to social integration identified by this study can be largely overcome by improving intercultural skills and cultural intelligence of employers and employees through training and incorporating values of diversity and inclusion into the corporate culture.Social implicationsThe factors that foster and hinder workplace integration identified by this study can inform workplace integration strategies and related policies.Originality/valueMuch of the literature concerning immigrants' position in Canada address the economic integration and economic well-being of immigrants, focusing on quantitative, macro level analyses of earnings disparity and labor market segmentation. There is a lack of qualitative research that explores the integration process through the lens of immigrants. Informed by the theories of cultural capital, cultural judgment and integration, the study sheds light on the everyday workplace experiences of skilled migrants and perceived barriers to workplace entry, advancement and social integration.

PurposeThis study aims to clarify the labor market participation of highly educated Turks who moved or were exiled to the Western countries after the July 15th, 2016 Coup attempt in Turkey. These recent Turkish flows create a compelling case for researching higher education connections and the administration of justice in migration policies/practices related to highly educated people's job market participation. This study aims to expand the discussion on migration policies, practices, job market participation, how highly skilled migrants perceive them in various contexts and understand the complexity of highly educated migrants' incorporation into destination countries and their perspectives and lived experiences with policy practice.Design/methodology/approachThe primary source of the data is the semi-structured 30 interviews with the highly educated Turkish immigrants and refugees in Western countries, which enables comparative data from individuals of the same origin. The qualitative data have been transcribed, coded and analyzed according to the grounded-theory design from this vulnerable community. The high education was determined as graduation from 4-years colleges, which was recognized by destination countries. Our methodological tools were driven by the obstacles to collect data from politically sensitive, forced, or exiled migrants.FindingsFirst, this article challenges the assumption that incorporating job market participation is a smooth process for highly educated migrants who moved to Western countries. Second, highly educated immigrants tried to reach their previous statuses and life standards as fast as possible by working hard, making sacrifices and developing innovative strategies. The immigrants in Europe have faced greater obstacles with policies while participating in the job market. Third, the importance of networking and the active usage of social media platforms to communicate with other immigrants in similar situations facilitated the job market participation and job preferences of highly educated migrants. Fourth, while fast job market participation experiences of immigrants in Northern America were increasing their positive feelings regarding belonging, people who have similar skillsets in Europe experienced more problems in this process and felt alone.Research limitations/implicationsThe research results may lack generalizability due to the selected research approach. Further studies are encouraged to reach more population for each country to compare them.Practical implicationsConsequently, higher education may be a more vital decision point in migration policies and practices. This study contributes to a better understanding of these factors by showing the perspectives and experiences of highly educated migrants comparatively. Thus, it broadens the discussion about migration policies and job market participation of highly educated migrants.Social implicationsBuilding on this work, the authors suggest more studies on the temporary deskilling of highly educated migrants until they reach re-credentialing/education or training to gain their former status.Originality/valueFirst, while most studies on immigrants' labor market participation and highly educated immigrants focus on voluntary migrants, this study examines underrepresented groups of involuntary migrants, namely forced migrants and exiled people, by focusing on non-Western Muslim highly educated Turks. Second, the trouble in the Middle East continues and regimes change softly or harshly. There is a growing tendency to examine these topics from the immigrants' perspective, especially from these war-torn areas. This article adds to this discussion by stating that rather than forced migration due to armed conflict, the immigrants from Turkey – the non-Arab Muslim state of the Middle East – are related to political conditions. Lastly, drawing on the relationship between social change in the origin country and migration and addressing the lack of reliable and comparative data, this study focuses on same origin immigrants comparatively in eight different countries.

PurposeDespite immigrant-receiving countries' need for skilled professionals to meet labour demands, research suggests that many skilled migrants undergo deskilling, downward career mobility, underemployment, unemployment and talent waste, finding themselves in low-skilled occupations that are not commensurate to their education and experience. Skilled immigrant women face additional gendered disadvantages, including a disproportionate domestic burden, interrupted careers and gender segmentation in occupations and organizations. This study explores how the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic impacted skilled newcomer women's labour market outcomes and work experiences.Design/methodology/approachThe authors draw on 50 in-depth questionnaires with skilled women to elaborate on their work experiences during the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic.FindingsThe pandemic pushed skilled immigrant women towards unemployment, lower-skilled or less stable employment. Most study participants had their career trajectory delayed, interrupted or reversed due to layoffs, decreased job opportunities and increased domestic burden. The pandemic's gendered nature and the reliance on work-from-home arrangements and online job search heightened immigrant women's challenges due to limited social support and increased family responsibilities.Originality/valueThis paper adds to the conversation of increased integration challenges under pandemic conditions by contextualizing the pre-pandemic literature on immigrant work integration to the pandemic environment. Also, this paper contributes a better understanding of the gender dynamics informing the COVID-19 socio-economic climate.

This study examines Bangladeshi immigrants’ experience and perceptions about their occupations in Canada using both primary and secondary data. Primary data were collected using face-to-face in-depth interview and thematic concepts were used to analyze the data. In general, the study finds that majority skilled immigrants are more likely to be employed in non-professional jobs with lower occupational prestige. However, those who obtain their education both in Bangladesh and Canada have higher probability of getting professional jobs in the Canadian labour market as compared to those who obtain their education only in Bangladesh. In addition, Bangladeshi immigrants’ social network plays a pivotal role in getting jobs in the Canadian labour market. Policy implications for Bangladesh are discussed as well.

Recent policy changes in Canada highlight the strategic role International Students (IS) in the country’s economic development and future prosperity. With the release of Canada’s first international education strategy, the federal government has intimately tied international education to the domestic economy by attracting and retaining skilled workers to prepare Canada for the global market place. IS are particularly desirable candidates for permanent residency because their Canadian credentials, proficiency in at least one official language, and their relevant Canadian work experience is assumed to allow them to integrate more easily into the labour force upon graduation. Through 11 focus groups with 48 IS from two post-secondary institutions in the province of Ontario, we explored the adjustment of IS as they adapt to Canada and transition from student to worker. Thematic analysis suggests a disconnect between policy makers’ assumptions and the lived experiences of IS in Canada. Specifically, we find that IS’ integration into Canadian society into the domestic labour market is hindered by adjustment difficulties pertaining to language abilities, poor connectedness to host communities, and perceived employer discrimination against IS. We offer policy recommendations for how international education can better prepare IS for the Canadian labour market.

This paper illustrates the mutually constitutive processes of race and neoliberalism in the labour market navigation and integration for Black Caribbean and South/Southeast Asian international student graduates in Canada. The data was gathered from recent international students and key informants in Canada’s immigration policy circle using semi-structured interviews. The paper reveals that international student graduates are constrained to seek out precarious and low-skilled forms of employment and participate in a labour market that profits from cheap, exploitable flexible labour. Participants in areas outside the populous Greater Toronto and Hamilton Area are perceived as contingent workers. The paper concludes on the salience using a non-racial analysis of neoliberalism to interpret the postgraduation employment of international students.

This study investigated the demographic, education and labour market characteristics of three groups: (1) immigrants into South Africa; (2) natives who remained in the country; (3) emigrants into the top five destination countries (Australia, Canada, New Zealand, the UK and USA). The empirical findings were used to examine the extent of migration to and from the country, from the perspectives of skills supply and demand. Emigrants were most educated, enjoyed the lowest unemployment probability (about 10%), and were most likely to be involved in high-paying skilled occupations and tertiary sector activities as full-time employees (if employed). The immigrants fared worse than the emigrants but better than natives. These immigrants, mainly originating from the other African countries, were slightly more educated, but enjoyed higher LFPR (75%) and lower unemployment likelihood (20%), compared with the natives (55% and 30% respectively). Furthermore, for both above-mentioned two groups, they were distinguished into long-term, medium-term and short-term migrants, and it was found that long-term migrants fared relatively better in the labour markets of their respective host countries. Overall, the findings strongly indicated brain drain out of South Africa, and exodus of highly educated and skilled people is not complemented by a rapid increase of supply of equally educated and skilled labour force entrants in the country. The study recommended four policy suggestions: ease up regulations to attract skilled immigrants, promote entrepreneurial activities of immigrants, better develop and retain skills of the natives, improve migration and vacancy data capture, availability, usage and analysis.

This study examines the relation between potential growth in the context of micro, small, medium enterprises by evaluating several factors, i.e. lack of marketing ability, inadequate business training, technological backwardness, poor quality of products, lack of innovation, unfavorable legal and regulatory framework, insuficient capital, and shortage of skilled labor. The data collected is from 196 self-employed enterprises in Jakarta, Indonesia. Results indicate that unfavorable legal and regulatory framework is the most affecting factor to slow down the growth of small businesses as well as a hindrance to its exports opportunities abroad. The further investigation of demographic factors shows how the differences canadd to ourunderstanding in the potential growth of smallbusinesses.

This review addresses the career trajectory of highly skilled Asian migrant women. Previous studies have highlighted a plethora of experience of these women across work, family and immediate environment. This review offers a feminist perspective on this category of women as a productive part of labour force in the host country and to bring popular research pieces of the last decade under one roof is the objective of this review. The countries in focus are traditionally immigrant friendly nations such as USA, Canada, New Zealand and Australia. Experiences at each level of work life are traced: right from job search to on- the-job experiences. Coping mechanisms of situations are detailed with possible influence in the identity of the worker. The review concludes with instances of highlight for this category of women in the state policy framework.

PurposeThis study explores employer perspectives regarding barriers to and responsibility for the workforce integration of skilled immigrants. Specifically, this study assesses employer perceptions of how influential various barriers are to the integration of self-initiated expatriates (SIEs) in the workplace, uncovers employer perceptions of SIEs competence levels, identifies employer perceptions regarding multiple stakeholders’ levels of responsibility for SIEs integration and explores impactful means to overcome these barriers.Design/methodology/approachGiven Canada’s dependence on SIEs for labour force growth, an online survey was conducted with hiring managers of 99 firms in a mid-sized city in Ontario, Canada.FindingsThe results demonstrate that employers shift the onus of responsibility for SIEs integration to other stakeholders (namely, the immigrant or government agencies), require documentation to evaluate human capital attainment of SIEs and may be systemically discriminating against SIEs.Research limitations/implicationsThe results indicate a need for documented evidence to validate foreign education and skills previously acquired by SIEs. They advance research by providing a comparative assessment of barriers from the employer’s point of view.Practical implicationsThe findings support the notion that employers should strategically partner with specialized private or government agencies to help with efforts to attract and evaluate SIEs.Originality/valueGiven that employers are key decision-makers regarding employment outcomes, this study investigates the underexplored role and perspective of employers in integrating SIEs. Additionally, this study provides both a holistic and a relative assessment of the barriers to and responsibility for SIEs integration, exploring the impact of each factor on employer decision-making.

IntroductionDespite claims that the importance of distance has been reduced due to technological and communications improvements (Cairncross; Friedman; O’Brien), the ‘power of place’ still resonates, often intensifying the role of geography (Christopherson et al.; Morgan; Pratt; Scott and Storper). Within the film industry, there has been a decentralisation of production from Hollywood, but there remains a spatial logic which has preferenced particular centres, such as Toronto, Vancouver, Sydney and Prague often led by a combination of incentives (Christopherson and Storper; Goldsmith and O’Regan; Goldsmith et al.; Miller et al.; Mould). The emergence of high end television, television programming for which the production budget is more than £1 million per television hour, has presented new opportunities for screen hubs sharing a very similar value chain to the film industry (OlsbergSPI with Nordicity).In recent years, interventions have proliferated with the aim of capitalising on the decentralisation of certain activities in order to attract international screen industries production and embed it within local hubs. Tools for building capacity and expertise have proliferated, including support for studio complex facilities, infrastructural investments, tax breaks and other economic incentives (Cucco; Goldsmith and O’Regan; Jensen; Goldsmith et al.; McDonald; Miller et al.; Mould). Yet experience tells us that these will not succeed everywhere. There is a need for a better understanding of both the capacity for places to build a distinctive and competitive advantage within a highly globalised landscape and the relative merits of alternative interventions designed to generate a sustainable production base.This article first sets out the rationale for the appetite identified in the screen industries for co-location, or clustering and concentration in a tightly drawn physical area, in global hubs of production. It goes on to explore the latest trends of decentralisation and examines the upturn in interventions aimed at attracting mobile screen industries capital and labour. Finally it introduces the Scottish screen industries and explores some of the ways in which Scotland has sought to position itself as a recipient of screen industries activity. The paper identifies some key gaps in infrastructure, most notably a studio, and calls for closer examination of the essential ingredients of, and possible interventions needed for, a vibrant and sustainable industry.A Compulsion for ProximityIt has been argued that particular spatial and place-based factors are central to the development and organisation of the screen industries. The film and television sector, the particular focus of this article, exhibit an extraordinarily high degree of spatial agglomeration, especially favouring centres with global status. It is worth noting that the computer games sector, not explored in this article, slightly diverges from this trend displaying more spatial patterns of decentralisation (Vallance), although key physical hubs of activity have been identified (Champion). Creative products often possess a cachet that is directly associated with their point of origin, for example fashion from Paris, films from Hollywood and country music from Nashville – although it can also be acknowledged that these are often strategic commercial constructions (Pecknold). The place of production represents a unique component of the final product as well as an authentication of substantive and symbolic quality (Scott, “Creative cities”). Place can act as part of a brand or image for creative industries, often reinforcing the advantage of being based in particular centres of production.Very localised historical, cultural, social and physical factors may also influence the success of creative production in particular places. Place-based factors relating to the built environment, including cheap space, public-sector support framework, connectivity, local identity, institutional environment and availability of amenities, are seen as possible influences in the locational choices of creative industry firms (see, for example, Drake; Helbrecht; Hutton; Leadbeater and Oakley; Markusen).Employment trends are notoriously difficult to measure in the screen industries (Christopherson, “Hollywood in decline?”), but the sector does contain large numbers of very small firms and freelancers. This allows them to be flexible but poses certain problems that can be somewhat offset by co-location. The findings of Antcliff et al.’s study of workers in the audiovisual industry in the UK suggested that individuals sought to reconstruct stable employment relations through their involvement in and use of networks. The trust and reciprocity engendered by stable networks, built up over time, were used to offset the risk associated with the erosion of stable employment. These findings are echoed by a study of TV content production in two media regions in Germany by Sydow and Staber who found that, although firms come together to work on particular projects, typically their business relations extend for a much longer period than this. Commonly, firms and individuals who have worked together previously will reassemble for further project work aided by their past experiences and expectations.Co-location allows the development of shared structures: language, technical attitudes, interpretative schemes and ‘communities of practice’ (Bathelt, et al.). Grabher describes this process as ‘hanging out’. Deep local pools of creative and skilled labour are advantageous both to firms and employees (Reimer et al.) by allowing flexibility, developing networks and offsetting risk (Banks et al.; Scott, “Global City Regions”). For example in Cook and Pandit’s study comparing the broadcasting industry in three city-regions, London was found to be hugely advantaged by its unrivalled talent pool, high financial rewards and prestigious projects. As Barnes and Hutton assert in relation to the wider creative industries, “if place matters, it matters most to them” (1251). This is certainly true for the screen industries and their spatial logic points towards a compulsion for proximity in large global hubs.Decentralisation and ‘Sticky’ PlacesDespite the attraction of global production hubs, there has been a decentralisation of screen industries from key centres, starting with the film industry and the vertical disintegration of Hollywood studios (Christopherson and Storper). There are instances of ‘runaway production’ from the 1920s onwards with around 40 per cent of all features being accounted for by offshore production in 1960 (Miller et al., 133). This trend has been increasing significantly in the last 20 years, leading to the genesis of new hubs of screen activity such as Toronto, Vancouver, Sydney and Prague (Christopherson, “Project work in context”; Goldsmith et al.; Mould; Miller et al.; Szczepanik). This development has been prompted by a multiplicity of reasons including favourable currency value differentials and economic incentives. Subsidies and tax breaks have been offered to secure international productions with most countries demanding that, in order to qualify for tax relief, productions have to spend a certain amount of their budget within the local economy, employ local crew and use domestic creative talent (Hill). Extensive infrastructure has been developed including studio complexes to attempt to lure productions with the advantage of a full service offering (Goldsmith and O’Regan).Internationally, Canada has been the greatest beneficiary of ‘runaway production’ with a state-led enactment of generous film incentives since the late 1990s (McDonald). Vancouver and Toronto are the busiest locations for North American Screen production after Los Angeles and New York, due to exchange rates and tax rebates on labour costs (Miller et al., 141). 80% of Vancouver’s production is attributable to runaway production (Jensen, 27) and the city is considered by some to have crossed a threshold as:It now possesses sufficient depth and breadth of talent to undertake the full array of pre-production, production and post-production services for the delivery of major motion pictures and TV programmes. (Barnes and Coe, 19)Similarly, Toronto is considered to have established a “comprehensive set of horizontal and vertical media capabilities” to ensure its status as a “full function media centre” (Davis, 98). These cities have successfully engaged in entrepreneurial activity to attract production (Christopherson, “Project Work in Context”) and in Vancouver the proactive role of provincial government and labour unions are, in part, credited with its success (Barnes and Coe). Studio-complex infrastructure has also been used to lure global productions, with Toronto, Melbourne and Sydney all being seen as key examples of where such developments have been used as a strategic priority to take local production capacity to the next level (Goldsmith and O’Regan).Studies which provide a historiography of the development of screen-industry hubs emphasise a complex interplay of social, cultural and physical conditions. In the complex and global flows of the screen industries, ‘sticky’ hubs have emerged with the ability to attract and retain capital and skilled labour. Despite being principally organised to attract international production, most studio complexes, especially those outside of global centres need to have a strong relationship to local or national film and television production to ensure the sustainability and depth of the labour pool (Goldsmith and O’Regan, 2003). Many have a broadcaster on site as well as a range of companies with a media orientation and training facilities (Goldsmith and O’Regan, 2003; Picard, 2008). The emergence of film studio complexes in the Australian Gold Coast and Vancouver was accompanied by an increasing role for television production and this multi-purpose nature was important for the continuity of production.Fostering a strong community of below the line workers, such as set designers, locations managers, make-up artists and props manufacturers, can also be a clear advantage in attracting international productions. For example at Cinecitta in Italy, the expertise of set designers and experienced crews in the Barrandov Studios of Prague are regarded as major selling points of the studio complexes there (Goldsmith and O’Regan; Miller et al.; Szczepanik). Natural and built environments are also considered very important for film and television firms and it is a useful advantage for capturing international production when cities can double for other locations as in the cases of Toronto, Vancouver, Prague for example (Evans; Goldsmith and O’Regan; Szczepanik). Toronto, for instance, has doubled for New York in over 100 films and with regard to television Due South’s (1994-1998) use of Toronto as Chicago was estimated to have saved 40 per cent in costs (Miller et al., 141).The Scottish Screen Industries Within mobile flows of capital and labour, Scotland has sought to position itself as a recipient of screen industries activity through multiple interventions, including investment in institutional frameworks, direct and indirect economic subsidies and the development of physical infrastructure. Traditionally creative industry activity in the UK has been concentrated in London and the South East which together account for 43% of the creative economy workforce (Bakhshi et al.). In order, in part to redress this imbalance and more generally to encourage the attraction and retention of international production a range of policies have been introduced focused on the screen industries. A revised Film Tax Relief was introduced in 2007 to encourage inward investment and prevent offshoring of indigenous production, and this has since been extended to high-end television, animation and children’s programming. Broadcasting has also experienced a push for decentralisation led by public funding with a responsibility to be regionally representative. The BBC (“BBC Annual Report and Accounts 2014/15”) is currently exceeding its target of 50% network spend outside London by 2016, with 17% spent in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. Channel 4 has similarly committed to commission at least 9% of its original spend from the nations by 2020. Studios have been also developed across the UK including at Roath Lock (Cardiff), Titanic Studios (Belfast), MedicaCity (Salford) and The Sharp Project (Manchester).The creative industries have been identified as one of seven growth sectors for Scotland by the government (Scottish Government). In 2010, the film and video sector employed 3,500 people and contributed £120 million GVA and £120 million adjusted GVA to the economy and the radio and TV sector employed 3,500 people and contributed £50 million GVA and £400 million adjusted GVA (The Scottish Parliament). Beyond the direct economic benefits of sectors, the on-screen representation of Scotland has been claimed to boost visitor numbers to the country (EKOS) and high profile international film productions have been attracted including Skyfall (2012) and WWZ (2013).Scotland has historically attracted international film and TV productions due to its natural locations (VisitScotland) and on average, between 2009-2014, six big budget films a year used Scottish locations both urban and rural (BOP Consulting, 2014). In all, a total of £20 million was generated by film-making in Glasgow during 2011 (Balkind) with WWZ (2013) and Cloud Atlas (2013), representing Philadelphia and San Francisco respectively, as well as doubling for Edinburgh for the recent acclaimed Scottish films Filth (2013) and Sunshine on Leith (2013). Sanson (80) asserts that the use of the city as a site for international productions not only brings in direct revenue from production money but also promotes the city as a “fashionable place to live, work and visit. Creativity makes the city both profitable and ‘cool’”.Nonetheless, issues persist and it has been suggested that Scotland lacks a stable and sustainable film industry, with low indigenous production levels and variable success from year to year in attracting inward investment (BOP Consulting). With regard to crew, problems with an insufficient production base have been identified as an issue in maintaining a pipeline of skills (BOP Consulting). Developing ‘talent’ is a central aspect of the Scottish Government’s Strategy for the Creative Industries, yet there remains the core challenge of retaining skills and encouraging new talent into the industry (BOP Consulting).With regard to film, a lack of substantial funding incentives and the absence of a studio have been identified as a key concern for the sector. For example, within the film industry the majority of inward investment filming in Scotland is location work as it lacks the studio facilities that would enable it to sustain a big-budget production in its entirety (BOP Consulting). The absence of such infrastructure has been seen as contributing to a drain of Scottish talent from these industries to other areas and countries where there is a more vibrant sector (BOP Consulting). The loss of Scottish talent to Northern Ireland was attributed to the longevity of the work being provided by Games of Thrones (2011-) now having completed its six series at the Titanic Studios in Belfast (EKOS) although this may have been stemmed somewhat recently with the attraction of US high-end TV series Outlander (2014-) which has been based at Wardpark in Cumbernauld since 2013.Television, both high-end production and local broadcasting, appears crucial to the sustainability of screen production in Scotland. Outlander has been estimated to contribute to Scotland’s production spend figures reaching a historic high of £45.8 million in 2014 (Creative Scotland ”Creative Scotland Screen Strategy Update”). The arrival of the program has almost doubled production spend in Scotland, offering the chance for increased stability for screen industries workers. Qualifying for UK High-End Television Tax Relief, Outlander has engaged a crew of approximately 300 across props, filming and set build, and cast over 2,000 supporting artist roles from within Scotland and the UK.Long running drama, in particular, offers key opportunities for both those cutting their teeth in the screen industries and also by providing more consistent and longer-term employment to existing workers. BBC television soap River City (2002-) has been identified as a key example of such an opportunity and the programme has been credited with providing a springboard for developing the skills of local actors, writers and production crew (Hibberd). This kind of pipeline of production is critical given the work patterns of the sector. According to Creative Skillset, of the 4,000 people in Scotland are employed in the film and television industries, 40% of television workers are freelance and 90% of film production work in freelance (EKOS).In an attempt to address skills gaps, the Outlander Trainee Placement Scheme has been devised in collaboration with Creative Scotland and Creative Skillset. During filming of Season One, thirty-eight trainees were supported across a range of production and craft roles, followed by a further twenty-five in Season Two. Encouragingly Outlander, and the books it is based on, is set in Scotland so the authenticity of place has played a strong component in the decision to locate production there. Producer David Brown began his career on Bill Forsyth films Gregory’s Girl (1981), Local Hero (1983) and Comfort and Joy (1984) and has a strong existing relationship to Scotland. He has been very vocal in his support for the trainee program, contending that “training is the future of our industry and we at Outlander see the growth of talent and opportunities as part of our mission here in Scotland” (“Outlander fast tracks next generation of skilled screen talent”).ConclusionsThis article has aimed to explore the relationship between place and the screen industries and, taking Scotland as its focus, has outlined a need to more closely examine the ways in which the sector can be supported. Despite the possible gains in terms of building a sustainable industry, the state-led funding of the global screen industries is contested. The use of tax breaks and incentives has been problematised and critiques range from use of public funding to attract footloose media industries to the increasingly zero sum game of competition between competing places (Morawetz; McDonald). In relation to broadcasting, there have been critiques of a ‘lift and shift’ approach to policy in the UK, with TV production companies moving to the nations and regions temporarily to meet the quota and leaving once a production has finished (House of Commons). Further to this, issues have been raised regarding how far such interventions can seed and develop a rich production ecology that offers opportunities for indigenous talent (Christopherson and Rightor).Nonetheless recent success for the screen industries in Scotland can, at least in part, be attributed to interventions including increased decentralisation of broadcasting and the high-end television tax incentives. This article has identified gaps in infrastructure which continue to stymie growth and have led to production drain to other centres. 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