Journal articles: 'Sixth Dynasty'

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حسین, أحمد حمدی عبد المنعم محمد. "A Sixth Dynasty Stela from Abydos." مجلة الدراسات التاریخیة والحضاریة المصریة 5, no. 9 (October 1, 2020): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/jhse.2020.35925.1016.

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Fischer, Henry George. "Another Pithemorphic Vessel of the Sixth Dynasty." Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 30 (1993): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40000224.

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Demidchik, Arkadiy. "The Sixth Heracleopolitan King Merikare Khety." Journal of Egyptian History 9, no. 2 (October 17, 2016): 97–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18741665-12340028.

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The history of the Heracleopolitan royal “House of Khety,” comprising Manethonian Dynasties ix and x, remains unknown to us. The only monarch whose place in the Heracleopolitans’ succession is believed to be well established is Merikare, the addressee of the famous treatise on kingship. For almost eight decades he has been alleged to be the final or penultimate Heracleopolitan ruler. However, even this hardened opinion rests on erroneous presumptions. Close scrutiny of all pertaining records permits rather to identify Merikare with the sixth Heracleopolitan pharaoh, listed in the Turin King-list, v. 24, with the nomen “Khety.” Merikare’s father, the fifth king of Heracleopolis, managed to restore the capital back to Memphis. Therefore, later he was at times considered as founder of a new, Dynasty “x”, with his four “purely Heracleopolitan” predecessors forming “Dynasty ix.” Such is an explanation for Manetho’s much debated division of the Heracleopolitans into two dynasties.

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Callender, V. G. "Princess Inti of the Ancient Egyptian Sixth Dynasty." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 61, no. 4 (October 2002): 267–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/469041.

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Josephson, Jack A. "An Altered Royal Head of the Twenty-Sixth Dynasty." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 74 (1988): 232. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3821769.

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Maher Mahmoud Ahmed, Heba. "A Female Scribe in the Twenty Sixth Dynasty (Iretrau)." International Journal of Advanced Studies in World Archaeology 1, no. 2 (December 1, 2018): 54–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/ijaswa.2018.181410.

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Josephson, Jack A. "An Altered Royal Head of the Twenty-Sixth Dynasty." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 74, no. 1 (August 1988): 232–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751338807400128.

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Publication of a late Saite head that clearly shows alteration from a royal to a private representation. It appears to be one of a group that can be attributed to Amasis, the fifth king of the Twenty-sixth Dynasty. Of particular interest is Walters Art Gallery no. 22.415, which had previously been considered Ptolemaic, and is of this group. The distinctive realism shown tends to disprove the widely held opinion that it was not until the Persian domination that idealism was replaced by a more naturalistic form. The usurpation by a private person of a royal portrait may offer an additional insight into the political situation at a time of transition to foreign rule.

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8

Simons, Frank. "Innovation in Serdab Decoration in the Late Sixth Dynasty." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 102, no. 1 (January 2016): 196–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751331610200115.

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Benn, James. "Written in Flames: Self-Immolation in Sixth-Century Sichuan." T'oung Pao 92, no. 4 (2006): 410–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853206779361407.

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AbstractThis article discusses the religious career and self-immolation (which involved public acts of burning the fingers and body) of the sixth-century monk, Sengyai. The author discusses the sources for a study of his life, and translates the extant biographical materials. He demonstrates that self-immolation was a practice open to multiple interpretations, and that Sengyai?s act was understood as one of cosmic significance in a religious milieu in which recent political events such as the fall of the Liang dynasty were interpreted as signs of the decline of the dharma. Cet article s'intéresse à la carrière religieuse d'un moine du vie siècle, Sengyai, et à ses actes publics d'auto-immolation, tels que la crémation, d'abord, de ses doigts, et ensuite de son corps tout entier. L'auteur examine les sources permettant d'étudier sa vie et propose une traduction des matériaux existants. Il montre que la pratique de l'auto-immolation s'offrait à de multiples interprétations, et que les actions de Sengyai étaient conçues comme revêtant une signification cosmique au sein d'un milieu où des événements politiques tels que la chute de la dynastie des Liang étaient vécus comme des signes du déclin du dharma.

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Russmann, Edna R. "Kushite Headdresses and ‘Kushite’ Style." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 81, no. 1 (December 1995): 227–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751339508100126.

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A review of three reliefs recently proposed as examples of Twenty-fifth Dynasty kings wearing the blue crown shows that none can be accepted as evidence that the Kushites wore this headdress. The most important example proves to be a Twenty-sixth Dynasty recarving of a blue crown over an original Kushite headdress, which leads to remarks on royal headdresses, and on the dynamics of style and iconography in this period.

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Leahy, Anthony. "More Light on a Saite Official of the God's Wife of Amun." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 74, no. 1 (August 1988): 236–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751338807400131.

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12

Thomas, Susanna. "A Saite Figure of Isis in the Petrie Museum." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 85, no. 1 (December 1999): 232–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751339908500120.

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The first publication of a small private statuette in the Petrie Museum (UC 42553), originally from the Wellcome Collection, dedicated to Isis and Horus during the Twenty-sixth Dynasty. It bears an unusual set of royal cartouches.

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Choi, Jung-Bum. "A reassessment of so-called Hwangyongsa-style metal belt." Yeongnam Archaeological Society, no. 82 (September 30, 2018): 125–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.47417/yar.2018.82.125.

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Discoveries of Hwangnyongsa-style metal belts, usually brackets and belts as well as round and edge ornaments, excavated from the lower part of the pillar built in the center of this wooden pagoda in Gyeongju led the existence of this site to become known. Subsequent excavations have intermittently targeted local burial tombs but few cases have so far been found; it is nevertheless important to carefully consider the appearance, development, and extinction of these tombs as occurrences are only known from a limited time period between the late sixth century and early seventh century. One characteristic feature of Hwangnyongsa-style metal belts is that the ornament and the pattern are raised together; this means that when a belt is worn it buckled by inserting a bracket needle into a round ornament. This is different from the inverted leap-like shape of a metal belt and somewhat similar to the way that these items are depicted as being buckled in Chinese burial mound and mural figures. Most of the patterns seen on these metal belts are also shared with decorative designs seen on reliefs and murals from North dynasty and Sui dynasty ancient tombs; on this basis, these artifacts can be viewed as Chinese-influenced Silla metal belts. Hwangnyongsa-style and Tang-style metal belts have also not been differentiated from one another in conventional interpretations and it has been considered reasonable to assume that the method of ornament making innovatively changed from the use of patterns to none. Hwangnyongsa-style metal belts can therefore be included within the same category as their Tang-style counterparts, as part of the evolution of these items in China. It is known that the Silla dynasty formed political ties with the Chinese dynasty at some point during the middle of the sixth century via the tributary appointment system. This led to a transformation of cultures and products inside China to fit the situation within the Silla dynasty which was then utilized for regional control; the Silla dynasty ruled rural areas by providing Oewie to local forces newly incorporated into the area and by including numerous local owners into the Gyeongwie system subsequent to unification. The time between the mid-sixth century and the early seventh century when the Oewie system was functioning within the Silla dynasty therefore functioned as a tool for regional control and is consistent with the timing of the appearance of Hwangnyongsa-style metal belts in rural areas and changes in their form.

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14

Leprohon, Ronald J. "The Sixth Dynasty False Door of the Priestess of Hathor Irti." Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 31 (1994): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40000665.

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15

Kang, Eun-Young. "Establishment of Keitai Dynasty and Its Diplomatic Policy in Early Sixth Century." Korea Association of World History and Culture 57 (December 31, 2020): 209–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.32961/jwhc.2020.12.57.209.

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Szafrański, Zbigniew E. "Tombs of the Third Intermediate Period on the Upper Terrace of the Temple of Hatshepsut." Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean XXIV, no. 2 (January 31, 2016): 183–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0010.0183.

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A newly discovered necropolis on the Upper Terrace of the Temple of Hatshepsut was in use from the Twenty-second until the beginning of the Twenty-sixth Dynasty. The archaeological material coming from the backfill of the tombs proved to be mixed but datable. Interesting observations concern the structure and architecture of the tombs and their substructure.

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17

Strudwick, Nigel. "A Slab of 'Int-kȝs in the Fitzwilliam Museum." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 73, no. 1 (August 1987): 200–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751338707300117.

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Publication of a slab showing 'Int-kȝs and her daughters, which has been in Cambridge since 1909, although nothing is known of its origins. It is suggested that it was originally part of a tomb at Giza. Stylistically, it resembles pieces of both the early and late Old Kingdom. A date in the mid-Fifth or late Sixth Dynasty is likely.

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Onderka, Pavel. "Shabti of King’s Mother Tasheretenese." Annals of the Náprstek Museum 37, no. 1 (2016): 87–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/anpm-2017-0006.

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A shabti of Tasheretenese, mother of King Amasis of the late Twenty-Sixth Dynasty, was recently identified in the collections of the National Museum - Náprstek Museum, Prague. The shabti belongs to the class of larger shabtis of the Late Period inscribed with the Chapter Six of the Book of the Dead. The text on the shabti provides the name of Tasheretenese’s father, Iretheriru.

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Leahy, Anthony. "The Adoption of Ankhnesneferibre at Karnak." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 82, no. 1 (December 1996): 145–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751339608200116.

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A new edition of the stela (Cairo JE 36907) recording the adoption of Ankhnesneferibre as heiress to the god's wife of Amun at Karnak and her subsequent accession. The physical context in which the stela might have been set up, and the Theban environment of its composition are fully considered, as are the age of the princess and the Twenty-sixth Dynasty historical background.

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Leahy, Anthony, and Ian Mathieson. "The Tomb of Nyankhnesut (Re)Dis Covered." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 87, no. 1 (December 2001): 33–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751330108700104.

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A brief account with plan of the recently identified mastaba of Nyankhnesut, an official of the Sixth Dynasty, which stands at the foot of the north-west corner of the enclosure of Sekhemkhet at Saqqara. Many of its reliefs are already in museums, particularly in the U.S.A., and little decoration survives in the tomb. The inscriptions show that the owner's many titles included that of ‘Greatest of seers of Heliopolis’.

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21

Galán, José M. "Bullfight Scenes in Ancient Egyptian Tombs." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 80, no. 1 (December 1994): 81–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751339408000107.

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Fights between two bulls began to be represented on the walls of local chiefs' tombs in the Sixth Dynasty and lasted until the reign of Thutmosis III, in the Eighteenth Dynasty. The scene has been regarded as one of ‘daily life’. However, its symbolic character is suggested by its context and by contemporary religious-funerary texts, and this explains its incorporation into the tomb iconographic repertoire. The deceased is identified with a bull, leader of its herd, when he is forced to defend his status as regional social leader (on earth), which is questioned by the challenge of another leader. The deceased, by overcoming his opponent, is enabled to claim his right to maintain his leadership in the Netherworld. This symbolism of the bullfight was also mobilized in literature and in royal inscriptions.

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22

Keen, Antony G. "The Dynastic Tombs of Xanthos—Who was Buried Where?" Anatolian Studies 42 (December 1992): 53–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3642950.

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Probably the best-known, and certainly the most individual, of the monuments of the Classical period from Lycia (in south-west Anatolia) are the pillar tombs. At least 33 are known, and perhaps as many as 43, ranging in date from the mid-sixth century B.C. to the mid-fourth. It seems likely that these were the tombs of local ruling dynasts, who are known chiefly from the numismatic record, a supposition supported by the small number of pillars in comparison with all other types of tomb in Lycia, the ornate sculpture on the finest specimens, their rough chronological coincidence with the coin-issuing of dynasts in the country, and finally, the fact that the one example that can be almost positively attributed belongs to one of these dynasts (this will be discussed later). Each tomb was probably erected during the owner's lifetime, since inscriptional evidence from tombs of lesser figures certainly indicates that these were prepared during the owner's lifetime. At most of the cities in Lycia knowledge of the local dynasts is not sufficient to allow an attempt at any sort of attribution of these tombs to individuals, at least not without a great deal of work on the monuments and coinage, but at Xanthos, chief city of Lycia, knowledge of the dynasty is perhaps enough to allow some speculation.

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Western, A. C., and W. McLeod. "Woods Used in Egyptian Bows and Arrows." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 81, no. 1 (December 1995): 77–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751339508100112.

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Presentation of the results of botanical analyses of wood from ancient Egyptian bows and arrows in the collections of four museums, together with comments on the possible sources of the timbers, their qualities and some of their other uses. Most of the pieces (including all the bow fragments) came from indigenous trees. Five arrows made from imported wood are dated to the Twenty-sixth Dynasty, but three others, also imports, are assigned to the Protodynastic Period.

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Spencer, Jeffrey. "The Exploration of Tell Belim, 1999–2002." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 88, no. 1 (December 2002): 37–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751330208800104.

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The site of Tell Belim in the northern part of Sharqiya Governorate was one of the less familiar Lower Egyptian sites to have been subject to investigation by the Society's Delta Survey. This article describes the EES survey of the site, carried out in September 2000, and the subsequent excavation of the temple area by The British Museum in the spring of 2002. Although almost completely destroyed, a temple of the Twenty-sixth Dynasty has been identified, within an enclosure of mud-brick.

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25

Simon, Claire. "Le nbi Et Le Canon De Proportions." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 79, no. 1 (October 1993): 157–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751339307900110.

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A re-examination of the corpus of length-measuring instruments reveals the existence of standardized tools and apparently unstandardized ones. It is shown that the latter are inscribed with different scales of the canon of proportion which were intended to draw the preparatory grids for decorated walls. Some of them, found at Kahun, have previously been wrongly interpreted as foreign standards. The word nbi is studied anew and the author demonstrates, with the help of the plan of Senenmut's tomb (TT 71) sketched on an ostracon, that the nbi is a linear measure of 70 cm (divided into seven units of 10 cm), i.e. a wooden rod inscribed with the canon at full scale. In use possibly as early as the Old Kingdom, the nbi was certainly employed from the Twelfth Dynasty onward in several parts of Egypt, until the reform of the canon during the Twenty-sixth Dynasty made this implement obsolete.

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Mahoney, Daniel. "Writing the Ethnic Origins of the Rasulids in Late Medieval South Arabia." Medieval History Journal 21, no. 2 (July 15, 2018): 380–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971945818775459.

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The Rasulids arrived in South Arabia towards the end of the sixth/twelfth century as Turkoman officers in the Ayyubid military. Thereafter they established a dynasty that lasted until the mid-ninth/fifteenth century. At the height of their power at the end of the seventh/thirteenth century, an effort to further buoy their political legitimacy was undertaken by resituating their ethnic origins to South Arabia. This first appeared within a genealogy that simultaneously showed their emergence from the complex web of descent of the local tribes, as well as juxtaposed them with the rulers of the Islamic Caliphate and elevated them above other contemporary political groups in South Arabia. However, after the Rasulid military was increasingly challenged over the course of the eighth/fourteenth century and the dynasty’s influence in the region and the wider Islamic world continued to dissipate, the assertion of their local origins was greatly fleshed out into a narrative at the beginning of a dynastic chronicle of the early ninth/fifteenth century. This prologue explains more explicitly how they first emigrated from South Arabia in the pre-Islamic period only to then return in the late medieval period as its rightful rulers. Overall, the construction of this origin story points to the Rasulids’ attempt to take on a new strategy of identification through the appropriation of South Arabian cultural memory in order to strengthen their political status.

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Nielsen, Nicky. "The Late Period Stela of the God’s Father Horenpe from the Manchester Museum." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 104, no. 2 (December 2018): 237–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0307513319869195.

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This article presents a stela belonging to the God’s Father Horenpe (acc. no. 6041), which was donated to the Manchester Museum by its founder and primary benefactor Sir Jesse Haworth and partly published by Amelia Edwards in 1888. The article investigates the stela’s provenance and dates it on stylistic grounds to the Twenty-sixth Dynasty. Evidence is also presented which suggests that the stela may have originated from Abydos where a near-identical stela also belonging to a man similarly named Horenpe was uncovered by John Garstang in 1907.

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Rzepka, Sławomir, Jozef Hudec, Łukasz Jarmużek, Lucia Hulková, Veronika Dubcová, and Claire Malleson. "Tell el-Retaba, season 2012/ Appendix: Tell el-Retaba 2012. Preliminary report on archaeobotanical investigations." Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean XXIV, no. 1 (February 28, 2016): 139–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0009.9715.

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The sixth season of fieldwork of the Tell el-Retaba Archaeological Mission has brought a number of significant results. For the first time remains of a Hyksos settlement (beside the previously known cemetery) were uncovered. Exploration of a large, regularly planned building, divided into a number of standardized flats, brought new evidence for the reconstruction of the function and organization of a strongly fortified town, which existed on the site during the Twentieth Dynasty. Remains of a Third Intermediate Period settlement showed that after the New Kingdom there was a clear change in the settlement pattern in Tell el-Retaba.

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Qu, Han Fei, and Li Peng Zheng. "Investigation Analysis on Guangzhou Huangbu Village Conservation Plan and Situations after its Implementation." Advanced Materials Research 663 (February 2013): 177–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amr.663.177.

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In a city with rapid urbanization and profound history and culture like Guangzhou, conservation for urban village is facing grim challenges. Taking Guangzhou Huangbu Village as a typical case, the paper is based on site investigation on periods before and after conservation of Guangzhou Huangbu Village by research means of literature collection, onsite investigation, induction and deduction etc. The paper proposes conservation planning under current situations and typical issues after implementation of construction, and analyzes the reasons for the issues in an objective fashion. The study offers good reference to urban village construction in China in the current stage. Huangbu Village is located in the east of Xinyao Town, Haizhu District, Guangzhou. As recorded by literature, ancient Huangbu Village was first built no later than Song Dynasty. With Bazhou Island on the west and Zhujiang Waters on the east, the Village was a natural harbor back in Song Dynasty, and an important port for foreign trade in Ming Dynasty. During the reign of Emperor Kangxi in Qing Dynasty, Guangdong Customs set up nine landing ports, and Huangbu Village is one of them. In the 22nd year of Emperor Qianlong's reign in Qing Dynasty (1757), only one port of Guangdong Customs was retained for trade, Huangbu Port flourished as the most important port for foreign trade at that time, bringing fast economic development for Huangbu Village as well. However after Treaty of Nanjing was signed, five ports were opened for trade, and with the relocation of Huangbu Registration Port, Huangbu Village also experienced a recession, changing from commercial trade based to natural agriculture based economy, and the once-flourishing town has descended to a common village. Today ancient port, fairly complete streets, ancestral temples, former residence of celebrity and other traditional Huangbu residences have been preserved, which are of high historical, art and scientific values. In July 2002, Guangzhou People's Government announced it to be the sixth batch of listed cultural relic site under conservation [1].

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Pischikova, Elena. "Two Ostraka from Deir el-Bahri and the Lily Flower Motif in Twenty-sixth Dynasty Theban Tombs." Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 39 (2002): 197. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40001155.

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Chan, Alan K. L. "Zhong Hui's Laozi Commentary and the Debate on Capacity and Nature in Third-Century China." Early China 28 (2003): 101–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362502800000675.

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Zhong Hui (a.d. 225–264) was a major, albeit neglected figure in third- century Chinese intellectual history. Author of a Laozi commentary and a treatise on the relationship between “capacity” (cat) and “nature” (xing), Zhong Hui played a significant role in the development of xuanxue (Learning of the Mysterious Dao), which came into prominence during the early Wei dynasty and dominated the Chinese intellectual scene well into the sixth century. This essay presents a reconstructed version of Zhong Hui's Laozi commentary and compares Zhong's approach with Wang Bi's. Zhong Hui's work on “capacity and nature” (caixing) captures a major debate in early xuanxue philosophy and will be scrutinized also in this discussion.

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Naumenko, Valerii Evgen’evich, and Aleksander Germanovich Gertsen. "Sasanian Pseudo-Signet-Ring Excavated at the Palace of Mangup: The Aspects of Its Attribution and Interpretation." Античная древность и средние века 49 (2021): 97–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/adsv.2021.49.007.

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In 2006, the excavation of the palace of the rulers of the Principality of Theodoro (1425–1475) in the central area of the ancient town of Mangup (south-western Crimea) uncovered a unique at this site signet-ring of yellowish chalcedony made in the sixth or early seventh century in Sasanian Iran. This find belongs to a group of the so-called pseudo-signet-rings (muhr); it shows an ellipsoidal shape (flattened hemisphere) with a narrow channel for hanging on the neck, wrist, or belt. On the shield of the signet-ring there is an image of a mountain sheep (аrhar) with steeply curved horns, lying to the left, with the legs tucked. It was accompanied with a number of official symbols of the ruling dynasty in the Sassanian State: the royal bow ashkharavand (of a ribbon tied round a front leg of the animal), a crescent with the horns upward (a young Moon, one of the symbols of the dynasty), and atashdan (Zoroastrian temple altar with burning fire). The composition of this image goes back to the legend about the founder of the Sassanian dynasty King Ardashir I (224–240), who defeated the last Parthian ruler Artaban V (213–224) and ascended the throne with the help from the deity of royal power, victory, might, luck, and glory Farr embodied in the mountain ram. Therefore, the first owner of the signet-ring was a member of the privileged part of the Sassanian society, using the ring to make signature or as a sign of ownership when sealing personal documents and items of trade transactions. Considering the circumstances of the discovery of the Sassanian ring in the cultural layer of one of the largest Byzantine fortresses in Taurica obviously constructed at the end of the reign of Emperor Justinian I (527–565), it is hardly worth thinking of direct official correspondence between the local Byzantine administration and someone from Iranian correspondents or the presence of the military contingents from Persia. Most likely, the find in question was simply a trophy of a Byzantine officer who took part in one of the many Byzantine-Sassanian military campaigns of the second half of the sixth or the first third of the seventh centuries and then continued his service in the garrison of Mangup-Doros.

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Virk, Hardev Singh. "History of Luminescence from Ancient to Modern Times." Defect and Diffusion Forum 361 (January 2015): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/ddf.361.1.

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Luminescent phenomena have fascinated mankind since the earliest times. The light from the aurora borealis, glow worms, luminescent wood, rotting fish and meat are all examples of naturally occurring luminescence. E. Newton Harvey’s 770 page volume “A History of Luminescence: From the Earliest Times until 1900” is a classic which narrates interesting stories from ancient cultures to modern times. The earliest written account of a solid state luminescent material comes from a Chinese text published in the Song dynasty (960–1279 A.D.). The Buddhist sacred jewel, called "hashi-no-tama" in Japan, is alleged to be self-luminous and to shed a brilliant light on its surroundings. In the Svetasvatara Upanishad, probably recorded at some time before the sixth century BC, we find a mention of fire-flies as one of the manifestations of Brahma.

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Prakash, Tara. "From Saqqara to Brussels: A Head from a Sixth Dynasty Prisoner Statue in the Musees Royaux d’Art et d’Histoire." Chronique d'Egypte 95, no. 189 (January 2020): 5–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.cde.5.123016.

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Brundle, Lisa. "Human faces with pointed ears: exploring lycanthropy in Early Anglo-Saxon England." Anglo-Saxon Studies in Archaeology and History 22 (2020): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.32028/9781789697865-2.

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In Early Anglo-Saxon England, Style I anthropomorphic and zoomorphic motifs played a key role in shaping identity and communicating ideas in a non-literate society. While the zoomorphic designs are well discussed, the meaning of the human element of Style I remains underexplored. This paper addresses this imbalance by examining a rare and overlooked group of anthropomorphic images: human faces with small, pointed ears depicted on fifth- to sixth-century female dress fittings recovered from archaeological contexts in eastern England. This paper identifies quadrupedal creatures as a stylistic parallel within the menagerie of Style I, including equine, lupine and porcine creatures. Although it is difficult to identify the character/s depicted with ears, there are notable affinities between the anthropomorphic masculine face with pointed ears and the ancient Germanic practice of warriors donning wolf and bear pelts. The facial motif with pointed ears appears on feminine metalwork within East Anglia, the historic region of the sixth-century Wuffingas (Little Wolf) dynasty – Wuffa being Wolf and the -ingas suffix meaning ‘people/descendants of Wuffa’. This paper explores this rare design with contextual information from pictorial and historical texts of shapeshifting and considers the relationship between this motif, the object, and the wearer/user.

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Goddio, Franck, Anne-Sophie von Bomhard, and Catherine Grataloup. "Thônis-Héracléion : Mémoire et Reflets de L’Histoire Saïte." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 106, no. 1-2 (June 2020): 171–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0307513320974695.

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Thonis-Heracleion and Saïs, located close to each other geographically, have shared a common history over several centuries. Numerous bronze objects dating from the Twenty-Sixth Dynasty were brought to light in the northernmost waterway leading from the Canopic mouth east to west across Thonis-Heracleion. Among these artefacts are four bronze plaques engraved with the names of kings, one displaying an unknown Horus name in the frame of a serekh. Attempts to identify this king led to the establishment of a list of the rulers to whom this name might be attributed in view of the historical data and the archaeological results obtained on site. Thônis-Héracléion et Saïs, proches l’une de l’autre d’un point de vue géographique, ont eu, pendant quelques siècles, une histoire commune. Plusieurs objets de bronze datant de la vingt-sixième dynastie ont été mis au jour le long de la voie d’eau transversale la plus septentrionale de Thônis-Héracléion qui menait d’est en ouest vers la ville à partir de l’embouchure Canopique. Parmi les artefacts, quatre sont des plaques de bronze gravées de noms royaux, et l’une d’elles donne, dans le cadre d’un serekh, un nom d’Horus inconnu. Les tentatives d’identification de ce roi amènent à dresser la liste des souverains auxquels ce nom pourrait être attribué, compte tenu des données historiques et des résultats archéologiques obtenus sur le site.

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Elman, Yaakov. "Law in the Crisis of Empire: A Sasanian Example." Journal of Persianate Studies 6, no. 1-2 (2013): 101–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341251.

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Abstract Except for a century or so beginning with Alexander’s invasion, one or another Iranian dynasty ruled a vast empire for some 1200 years—and then vanished with disconcerting speed in only a few short years in the aftermath of the Arab invasion. The following remarks attempt an explanation for this rapid demise. In particular, I intend to isolate two important factors that contributed mightily to that process, factors which, in my opinion, are reflected in perhaps the most important document dating from that short period: the so-called Sasanian Lawbook, the Mādiyān ī Hazār Dādestān, the “Book of a Thousand Decisions.” This book reveals the attempts of Sasanian jurists to cope with 1.) a demographic crisis brought on by the constant wars of the sixth century and the Black Plague, and 2.) a crisis of liquidity.

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Roth, Ann Macy. "Fingers, Stars, and the ‘Opening of the Mouth’: The Nature and Function of the NTR WJ-Blades." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 79, no. 1 (October 1993): 57–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751339307900106.

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In JEA 78, it was argued that the ‘opening of the mouth’ ritual of the Egyptian mortuary cult re-enacted the transitions of birth and childhood in order to render the reborn dead person mature enough to eat an adult meal. Here its central act, the opening of the mouth itself, is shown to mimic the clearing of a newborn's mouth with the little fingers. Originally, the gesture resembled that of anointing; later the fingers were replaced by the finger-shaped ntrwj-blades, and in the Sixth Dynasty the adze was imported from the statue ritual. As frequently happened in Egyptian religion, however, ritual texts and iconography continued to invoke the older implements along with the newer tools, in order to render the ritual more effective. The relationship between birth and statues is intriguingly paralleled in a Mesopotamian statue ritual.

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رشدي محمد, جيهان. "الباب الوهمي لـ mrwt من الأسرة السادسة في هِليوبوليس The False Door of Merwt from the Sixth Dynasty in Heliopolis." Bulletin of the Center Papyrological Studies 38, no. 1 (November 1, 2021): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/bcps.2021.203539.

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Kraemer, Bryan. "A Shrine of Pepi I in South Abydos." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 103, no. 1 (June 2017): 13–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0307513317722450.

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As part of the 2010 season of the Ahmose and Tetisheri Project in South Abydos, the author led a brief archaeological survey in the low desert south as far as Sinki. Among other archaeological sites found during this survey, the most interesting discoveries included two rock-cut chambers on the limestone escarpment. Two repeating inscriptions were found in the northernmost chamber. An ỉr.n=f m mnw=f formula and a label identify all or part of this site as a ‘shrine’ ( zḥ) built by Pepi I for the local god Khentiamentiu. The inscriptions use Pepi’s ‘Son of Hathor of Dendera’ name, which may help to date the shrine’s construction to the early part of his reign. The article describes this archaeological site, discusses the inscriptions and offers some interpretation for their historical and archaeological context as part of the activities of the Sixth Dynasty in Abydos.

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Dodson, Aidan. "The Problem of Amenirdis II and the Heirs to the Office of God's Wife of Amun during the Twenty-Sixth Dynasty." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 88 (2002): 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3822343.

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Dodson, Aidan. "The Problem of Amenirdis ii and the Heirs to the Office of God's Wife of Amun during the Twenty-Sixth Dynasty." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 88, no. 1 (December 2002): 179–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751330208800112.

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A discussion of the evidence for the career of Amenirdis II, daughter of Taharqa, and adopted daughter of the God's Wife of Amun Shepenwepet II. Consideration of the monuments and the titles used by the God's Wives and their heirs leads to the conclusion that Amenirdis never advanced to the position of God's Wife, but instead held a secondary office, signified by the title ‘God's Hand’, successively under Shepenwepet II and Nitokris I. It is also argued that a figure on Cairo lintel JE 29254B, usually identified as Shepenwepet II, is actually a hitherto-unknown Shepenwepet IV, a prematurely deceased heir of Nitokris.

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Maher, Manal A. "Casting-on: Technical study of a unique hollow-cast copper vessel dated to the sixth dynasty using X-ray computerized tomography." Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports 46 (December 2022): 103699. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2022.103699.

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Meng, Shuangqiao, and Peining Li. "From the Malay Peninsula to the Shandong Peninsula: The Transmission of Buddha Statues with Tight-Fitting Robe in the Sixth Century." Religions 14, no. 1 (January 6, 2023): 84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14010084.

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Within the cultural integration of Indian Buddhist art and Chinese Buddhist art, standing Buddha statues carved in-the-round with thin, tight-fitting robes require special attention. Unlike other types of Buddha statues found in China, they are depicted wearing robes of a foreign style, while displaying the facial and body features of East Asians. These statues, which were excavated on the Shandong Peninsula in the last century, are believed to have been carved during the Northern Qi Dynasty (550–577). After years of academic exploration, the transmission route, transit point and reasons for their introduction into Shandong remain unclear, which are topics that this paper aims to address. According to typology analysis, the Buddha statues in question can be divided into three types, and their foreign counterparts have been identified through the iconology comparisons of Chinese and foreign Buddha statues. From this, in chronological order, the transmission route of three Buddha statue types can be inferred, namely from India to the Shandong Peninsula via the Malay Peninsula, the Mekong Delta and the southeastern coast of China. The route of contemporaneous Indian monks travelling from the east to the Northern Dynasties, as recorded in Chinese historical documents and the Buddhist Canon, verifies this conclusion. Along this route, the north-central Malay Peninsula is one of the main transit points where the Buddha statues were locally adapted and then spread further east.

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Faiers, Julia. "Louis XI of Valois (1423–1483)." Encyclopedia 2, no. 2 (May 25, 2022): 1059–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/encyclopedia2020069.

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Louis XI (1423–1483) was the sixth king of the Valois branch of the Capetian dynasty in France; he ruled from 1463 until his death in 1483. Louis was the son of Charles VII (1403–1461) and Marie of Anjou (1404–1463). While Dauphin, he married first Margaret of Scotland (1424–1445) and then Charlotte of Savoie (c.1441–1483), who bore him four surviving children: Anne de France, Jeanne de France, François de France, and the future Charles VIII. Louis’ key challenge as monarch was to pick up the pieces of a kingdom ravaged by the Hundred Years War between England and France (1337–1453). His legacy was to have repaired the kingdom’s depleted coffers through a combination of frugality and territorial expansion. His historiography paints him as a paranoid, manipulative, and obsessively pious ruler, a simplistic portrait that is undermined by a close examination of his artistic patronage. This entry will focus on the iconography he employed across a variety of media to promote the sacred legitimacy of his rule and to unify the peoples of France’s newly acquired territories.

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Al-Hummeri, Hussein Mohammed. "Unpublished Cuneiform Texts from Old Babylonian Period." Al-Adab Journal 1, no. 125 (June 15, 2018): 37–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31973/aj.v1i125.40.

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The cuneiform texts particularly the economic texts are considered as one of the most important documents that reflect the reality of everyday life, in fact among the periods of Mesopotamia the Old Babylonian Period (1595-2004 B.C) was characterized by development of economic activity which was reflected in the economic cuneiform texts as an ideal material to study the economic and social conditions of that period. This research studied five unpublished cuneiform texts which are part of forfeit texts belong to the Iraqi Museum. Therefore, their location and reference are unknown, one of them belong to (Abi-ešuḫ) the eighth king of the First Dynasty of Babylon, another one had a new date formula we think that belong to (Abi-sare) the sixth king of Larsa city, three of them hadn't date formula this made difficulty of determining the length of time for the these texts, but they generally belong to the Old Babylonian Period, based on personal names that was contained which were common names there, as well as the way of writing that supports these texts belong to Old Babylonian Period.

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Na, Young Nam. "The territorial dispute over Boju between Kitan and Goryeo." Institute of History and Culture Hankuk University of Foreign Studies 82 (May 31, 2022): 3–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.18347/hufshis.2022.82.3.

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In the 10th century, Song in China, Kitan in Manchuria, and Goryeo in the Korean Peninsula were unified. However, territorial disputes frequently occurred as the three countries faced each other with borders centered on Kitan. In Liaodong, Kitan and Goryeo fought wars and diplomatic battles boringly over the Yalu River basin, which was Balhae‘s territory. With the accession of the sixth emperor(聖宗), his Eastern policy and Goryeo's northern policy clashed. Eventually, the Kitan invaded Goryeo, and with this opportunity, the two countries signed an agreement to make the southern part of the Yalu River a territory of Goryeo and the northern part a territory of Kitan. However, not only did he abandon his diplomatic cause and maintain effective control over the already ceded Boju(保州), but he also invaded again to return all six Gangdong states(江東六州). Boju is an area located in the lower reaches of the Yalu River and corresponds to the throat connecting Liaodong and the Korean Peninsula. Goryeo could not yield because it was a military hub and an important transportation and trade hub. Goryeo protested several times to destroy various facilities of Kitan built in Boju and further asked for the return of the site, but failed to achieve its intention. Goryeo had to win Boju on a strategic level, but it was not able to forcibly recapture Boju due to its weak military power. In such a situation, Jurchen rose and founded the Jin Dynasty, and due to the fierce offensive of the Jin, Kitan was in danger, so Goryeo had a chance to acquire Boju again. Goryeo used diplomatic means rather than physical means to compromise with Kitan and Jin. When Kitan withdrew his troops, delivered Naewonseong Fortress(來遠城) and Boju to Goryeo. Goryeo occupied Boju before the Jin's army and asked the Jin Dynasty to recognize their ownership. Jin Dynasty recognized the ownership of Goryeo in return for subservience to the stronger. Finally incorporated Boju into Goryeo's territory. In this way, Goryeo obtained six weeks of Gangdong and Boju by serve Kitan and Yeojin. Subservience to the stronger, in which a small country serves a large country, were international practices at the time. As long as they became a hegemonic power in Northeast Asia, it was a practical option for Goryeo. Goryeo acquired territory and maintained friendly relations between the two countries to minimize the war, which created favorable conditions for the development of Goryeo.

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Ge (葛兆光), Zhaoguang. "Imagining a Universal Empire: a Study of the Illustrations of the Tributary States of the Myriad Regions Attributed to Li Gonglin." Journal of Chinese Humanities 5, no. 2 (July 6, 2020): 124–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23521341-12340077.

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Abstract This article is not concerned with the history of aesthetics but, rather, is an exercise in intellectual history. “Illustrations of Tributary States” [Zhigong tu 職貢圖] as a type of art reveals a Chinese tradition of artistic representations of foreign emissaries paying tribute at the imperial court. This tradition is usually seen as going back to the “Illustrations of Tributary States,” painted by Emperor Yuan in the Liang dynasty 梁元帝 [r. 552-554] in the first half of the sixth century. This series of paintings not only had a lasting influence on aesthetic history but also gave rise to a highly distinctive intellectual tradition in the development of Chinese thought: images of foreign emissaries were used to convey the Celestial Empire’s sense of pride and self-confidence, with representations of strange customs from foreign countries serving as a foil for the image of China as a radiant universal empire at the center of the world. The tradition of “Illustrations of Tributary States” was still very much alive during the time of the Song dynasty [960-1279], when China had to compete with equally powerful neighboring states, the empire’s territory had been significantly diminished, and the Chinese population had become ethnically more homogeneous. In this article, the “Illustrations of the Tributary States of the Myriad Regions” [Wanfang zhigong tu 萬方職貢圖] attributed to Li Gonglin 李公麟 [ca. 1049-1106] and created during the period between the Xining 熙寧 [1068-1077] and Yuanfeng 元豐 [1078-1085] reigns of the Shenzong emperor 神宗 [r. 1067-1085] of the Song dynasty, is used as a case study for investigating the actual tributary relations between the Northern Song [960-1127] state and its neighboring countries. In doing so, I demonstrate that while certain parts of the “Illustrations of the Tributary States of the Myriad Regions” are historically accurate, a considerable portion of the content is the combined product of historical remembrance and the imagination of empire. In the international environment of the Song empire, China was captivated by the dream of being a universal empire envied by its “barbarian” neighbors. Particularly worth emphasizing is the fact that the artistic tradition of painting “Illustrations of Tributary States” as well as the accompanying idea of China as a universal empire continued well into the Qing [1644-1911] period, reflecting the historical longevity and lasting influence of the traditional conception of the relationship between China and the world.

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HAKEM, HESHAM, MONA F. ALI, MIROSLAV BÁRTA, and ASHRAF YOUSSEF. "ASSESSMENT OF DETERIORATION PROCESS IN EXPOSED CARVED LIMESTONE FALSE DOOR OF ABUSIR ARCHAEOLOGICAL AREA." Journal of Science and Arts 21, no. 1 (March 30, 2021): 221–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.46939/j.sci.arts-21.1-b01.

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Carved limestone false door dating back to the late Sixth Dynasty or the First Intermediate Period in Abusir archaeological area suffers from many physiochemical and mechanical deterioration factors, which lead to various deterioration phenomena, such as distort the carvings, decorations, the disappearance of paint, cracks in different depths, and salt calcification. It was found in the fill of Shaft 5 in the tomb AS 79 at Abusir South, Excav. No. 9/AS79/2015 and located in the storeroom of Czech Excavation in Abusir area. The current work aims to study the type of limestone which the false door is made of, and to know if there were colors on the false door or not, also to know if there were deterioration mechanisms that affect the carved limestone false doors of Abusir to evaluate the deterioration ratio in stone structure and the effects of surrounding environmental factors on stone. The investigation and characterization processes of archaeological limestone samples were carried out by polarizing microscopy (PLM), optical microscopy (OM), scanning electron microscopy (SEM-EDX) micro-analysis system, X-ray diffraction (XRD), X-ray fluorescence (XRF), and Fourier transform infrared spectroscopy (FTIR). The results revealed that the limestone material of the false door belongs to micrite limestone with very fine grains and needs to be conserved.

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Kobrinsky, Аleksandr А. "Annotating Kharms." Literary Fact, no. 19 (2021): 335–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.22455/2541-8297-2021-19-335-353.

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The paper is dedicated to the quest for the sources of the two notes made by Daniil Kharms in his notebooks and dated May 1927 and July 1933. The first one is devoted to someone “great Rebbe from Liadi”: Kharms was going to get his book with musical score from Doibver Levin. The motif in question is the arba bavot nigun, also called “the great nigun”, ascribed to Schneur Salman Schneerson von Liadi, the founder of Liubavich Hasid dynasty, The paper analyses the “magic” context of Kharms interest in nigun (which, according to the followers of Habad, could influence reality) and the circumstances of the hypothetic visit of Levin, Kharms and Bekhterev to the sixth Liubavich Rebbe Joseph Yitzhak Schneerson, who was then residing in Leningrad. The second part of the paper is dedicated to the origins of Kharm’s note on the ship “Pyatnitsa” (“Friday”) alledgedly created to fight superstitions. It is demonstrated that the form of the legend written down by Kharms points to its direct source — Fenimore Cooper’s novel The Red Rover. However the Russian source could have been the first edition of the novel that contained the author’s note telling the legend; this note was withdrawn from all later reeditions.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Sixth Dynasty'

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