Journal articles: 'Sino-Soviet conflict'

1

Mastroianni, George R. "SINO‐SOVIET BORDER RELATIONS: CONFLICT AND COMMUNICATION." International Journal of Conflict Management 2, no. 1 (January 1991): 55–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/eb022694.

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Nemeth, Michael. "The Sino-Soviet Border Conflict of 1969." Open Journal of Political Science 11, no. 02 (2021): 242–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ojps.2021.112016.

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Khoo, Nicholas. "Breaking the Ring of Encirclement: The Sino-Soviet Rift and Chinese Policy toward Vietnam, 1964–1968." Journal of Cold War Studies 12, no. 1 (January 2010): 3–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2010.12.1.3.

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The recent literature on China's relations with North Vietnam has given insufficient attention to the impact of the Sino-Soviet conflict. This article underscores the centrality of the Soviet factor in Beijing's relations with Hanoi and the importance of triangular relations during the 1964–1968 period. The article points to the Sino-Soviet conflict as the main cause of the fissures in the Sino-North Vietnamese alliance that emerged more fully after the Vietnam War.

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Hervouet, Gérard. "Le conflit frontalier sino-soviétique de 1969." Études internationales 10, no. 1 (April 12, 2005): 53–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/700914ar.

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The Sino-Soviet conflict of 1969 constitutes part of an historical conflictual continuity between China and the Soviet Union. Three distinct phases have been delimited in this conflict. The approach employed makes it possible to give proper emphasis to the most critical period, that in which the greatest incompatibility in the stated objectives of the two parties occurred. Clearly, the apprehensions of the two States were formulated in terms of perception which enables due consideration of the systemic stakes of the crisis, the territorial aspect of which remained marginal. The density and the types of interaction identified throughout the conflict show the conflict's evolution with precision. As a complement to the application of the comparative analysis of conflict model, the search for domestic factors that could have been determinants of the origins of the border incidents enables a fuller understanding of this crisis.

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Smirnov, Sergey V. "The Sino-Soviet Conflict of 1929 and Russian Military Emigration." Izvestia of the Ural federal university. Series 2. Humanities and Arts 20, no. 2 (175) (2018): 9–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/izv2.2018.20.2.021.

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Chernysheva, Elena, Vera Budykina, and Ekaterina Shadrina. "The Sino-Soviet Border Conflict in the Middle of the XX Century." Revista Gestão Inovação e Tecnologias 11, no. 4 (August 13, 2021): 4357–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.47059/revistageintec.v11i4.2465.

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The article is devoted to the analysis of the peculiarities of relations between the USSR and the PRC in the middle of the XX century. In a short historical period, two countries with a similar ideology and political system shifted from relations of friendship and mutual assistance to military-political confrontation, which culminated in the armed conflict on Zhenbao (Damansky) Island in March 1969. A special interest of the Chinese side in good-neighbourly relations with the Soviet Union at the initial stage of the existence of the PRC (1949-1955) is described. The authors analyze the circumstances of the deterioration of relations between the two countries since Nikita Khrushchev assumed leadership of the USSR and the condemnation of the cult of personality of Joseph Stalin. Special attention is paid to the border issue in the relationship between the two countries. It presents the different views of the PRC and the Soviet Union on the tsarist treaties with China concluded in the second half of the XIX century. Moreover, the problem of ideological confrontation between the Soviet and Chinese leadership is considered; the publications of Soviet historians which assess the actions of the PRC leadership against the Soviet Union are analyzed. The nature of "cartographic aggression" and "great power chauvinism" is revealed. Besides, typological rhetoric, common and specific features in mutual accusations of the Soviet and Chinese sides are shown. The illegality of the territorial claims of the PRC, the betrayal of socialist ideals by its leadership, attempts to discredit the Soviet Union in the international arena, and the desire to undermine the world communist movement used to be the main theses in the research of the Soviet historians of the 1960s-1980s. It is concluded that the interpretation of Sino-Soviet relations in Soviet historiography was primarily propagandistic and closely related to the state interests of the Soviet Union.

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Segal, Gerald. "The Sino-Soviet confrontation since Mao-Zedong: dispute, detente or conflict?" International Affairs 64, no. 2 (1988): 321. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621923.

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Chernysheva, Elena, Vera Budykina, and Ekaterina Shadrina. "The sino-soviet border conflict in the middle of the XX century." LAPLAGE EM REVISTA 7, no. 3B (September 23, 2021): 331–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.24115/s2446-6220202173b1558p.331-336.

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The article is devoted to the analysis of the peculiarities of relations between the USSR and the PRC in the middle of the XX century. The authors analyze the circumstances of the deterioration of relations between the two countries since Nikita Khrushchev assumed leadership of the USSR and the condemnation of the cult of personality of Joseph Stalin. The nature of "cartographic aggression" and "great power chauvinism" is revealed. Besides, typological rhetoric, common and specific features in mutual accusations of the Soviet and Chinese sides are shown. The illegality of the territorial claims of the PRC, the betrayal of socialist ideals by its leadership, attempts to discredit the Soviet Union in the international arena, and the desire to undermine the world communist movement used to be the main theses in the research of the Soviet historians of the 1960s-1980s. It is concluded that the interpretation of Sino-Soviet relations in Soviet historiography was primarily propagandistic and closely related to the state interests of the Soviet Union.

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Xiaochen, Liu. "Anti-revisionism struggle under the name of anti-imperialism: demonstration in front of the US Embassy in Moscow 1965." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2020, no. 12-2 (December 1, 2020): 140–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202012statyi27.

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With the deterioration of Sino-Soviet relations in the 1960s the ideological struggle between the PRC and the USSR inevitably influenced Chinese students who were studying at that time in Soviet universities. Chinese students, who had a strong sense of political responsibility, actively responded to the domestic propaganda of anti-revisionism. The article deals with the demonstration of foreign students in front of the US embassy in Moscow in March 1965 and its violent suppression by the Soviet police - an episode of the conflict between the PRC and the USSR over leadership in Vietnam issue. On the base of archival materials the author reconstructs the course of events, analyzes the reasons and the consequences of the incident, which became a crucial moment in Sino-Soviet relations.

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MEI, YAN. "The Maturing of Soviet-Chinese Relations." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 481, no. 1 (September 1985): 70–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716285481001007.

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It is argued that Soviet policy toward the People's Republic of China since 1960 has been reactive to Chinese initiatives. Both Chinese and Soviet policies are analyzed in the context of the maturation of the Sino-Soviet relationship. The U.S.-Soviet relationship is seen to be the principal axis of conflict within this triangle. China and the Soviet Union now exhibit an increasing realism and tolerance toward each other, with an attempt to minimize their ideological differences and former suspicions. Both countries are committed to normalizing the relationship.

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Lüthi, Lorenz M. "Restoring Chaos to History: Sino-Soviet-American Relations, 1969." China Quarterly 210 (June 2012): 378–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574101200046x.

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AbstractSino-Soviet-American relations during 1969 followed a chaotic course. Scholars have asserted in the past that the Sino-Soviet border conflict in March led to Sino-American rapprochement in December. However, evidence from China, the former socialist world and the United States undermines the interpretation of a purposeful and planned policy of any of the three actors to the others. None had a formulated policy or strategy in place. China lacked the governmental ability to chart a clear course, the United States underwent a presidential transition, and neither it nor the Soviet Union had meaningful diplomatic relations with the People's Republic. In this context, the border clashes, intended by China to reassert territorial claims on a small island, led to a complex web of actions and interactions between the three countries that was based on mutual misunderstanding, lack of communication, exaggerated threat perceptions and improvised decision making. Thus the outcome at the end of the year, the start of a friendly relationship between Beijing and Washington, was by no means the result of well-formulated and implemented policies.

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VUL, NIKITA. "He, Who Has Sown the Wind: Karakhan, the Sino-Soviet conflict over the Chinese Eastern Railway, 1925–26, and the failure of Soviet policy in northeast China." Modern Asian Studies 48, no. 6 (March 26, 2014): 1670–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x13000152.

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AbstractThis article deals with the Sino–Soviet conflict of 1925–26 over the Chinese Eastern Railway, with special attention given to its background and consequences. In 1924, the Chinese Eastern Railway became a joint venture between the Soviet Union and China, creating fresh friction between the joint Soviet and Chinese managers which culminated in general manager A.N. Ivanov's prohibition on transporting military cargoes and troops, and Ivanov's arrest by Manchurian warlord-general Zhang Zuolin. Some scholars and diplomatists have viewed Ivanov's prohibition and the simultaneous rebellion by Chinese general Guo Songling against Zhang as a Soviet attempt to replace Zhang with a more manageable warlord. But this article argues that although the prohibition—a typical instance of back-and-forth Soviet diplomacy—was a coincidence, it was primarily the result of Soviet ambassador Lev M. Karakhan's tough stance and his rash decision-making, undertaken without seeking advice from Moscow. Zhang's victory in the 1926 clash convinced the Chinese that they had the power to take repressive measures against the Soviet Union's citizens and institutions, which led to the Sino–Soviet conflict of 1929 and exacerbated Japanese alarm over the Soviet's increasing strength in the region. This was to be a factor in the takeover of Manchuria in 1931 by Japan's Guandong Army, which eventually led to global war. This article, therefore, deals with the origins of world-changing events and thus is interesting to Modern Asian Studies’ wider readership.

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McNamee, Lachlan, and Anna Zhang. "Demographic Engineering and International Conflict: Evidence from China and the Former USSR." International Organization 73, no. 02 (2019): 291–327. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818319000067.

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AbstractWhen and where do states coercively alter their internal demography? We build a theory that predicts under what conditions states alter the demographic “facts on the ground” by resettling and expelling ethno-national populations. We predict that, under particular scope conditions, states will employ demographic engineering to shore up control over (1) nonnatural frontiers, and (2) areas populated by ethnic minorities who are co-ethnics with elites in a hostile power. We then substantiate our predictions using new subnational data from both China and the USSR. Causally identifying the spatially differential effect of international conflict on demographic engineering via a difference-in-differences design, we find that the Sino-Soviet split (1959–1982) led to a disproportionate increase in the expulsion of ethnic Russians and resettlement of ethnic Han in Chinese border areas lacking a natural border with the USSR, and that resettlement was targeted at areas populated by ethnic Russians. On the Soviet side, we similarly find that the Sino-Soviet split led to a significant increase in expulsion of Chinese and the resettlement of Russians in border areas, and that resettlement was targeted at areas populated by more Chinese. We develop the nascent field of political demography by advancing our theoretical and empirical understanding ofwhen, where, andto whomstates seek to effect demographic change. By demonstrating that both ethnic group concentration and dispersion across borders are endogenous to international conflict, our results complicate a large and influential literature linking ethnic demography to conflict.

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De Silva, Kingsley M. "Conflict resolution in South Asia." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 1, no. 4 (1994): 247–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181194x00210.

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AbstractSouth Asia has some of the most intractable political conflicts in the world today, and at three levels: international, national and subnational. Many of these have their roots in the region's colonial past, and in the manner in which independence was attained. Conflict resolution in South Asia has three unusual features beginning with the Sino-Indian dispute over their common border along the Himalayas. This major international dispute is sui generis. Second, the principal assymetrical feature of the South Asian political system, the overwhelming dominance of India makes multi-lateral negotiations over issues that involve India's vital interests - save in the case of the dispute over Kashmir - virtually impossible. Third, separatist agitation, politicized religion and ethnic conflicts disturb the peace in many parts of South Asia. In these internal conflicts we confront the difficulties inherent in the resolution of conflicts involving ethnicity and politicized religion - such conflicts are less amenable to mediation than most others, including conflicts between states. A complicating factor in the resolution of these conflicts is the impetus given to separatism in general by the collapse of the Soviet Union, and the disintegration of Yugoslavia and the emergence of new states in these regions. Potential conflicts of the future in South Asia include disputes over the sharing of scarce resources, especially water and irrigation works; and the problem of refugees and displaced persons arising from the region's many disputes, as well as its problem of severe overpopulation.

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Stanciu, Cezar. "Fragile Equilibrium: Romania and the Vietnam War in the Context of the Sino-Soviet Split, 1966." Journal of Cold War Studies 18, no. 1 (January 2016): 161–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00623.

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How many powerful allies should a small country have? This was a question to which Nicolae Ceauşescu of Romania had a specific answer. Romania's policy of autonomy in the Soviet bloc was based on a delicate balance between Moscow and Beijing, as Romanians claimed that all Communist parties were equal and none had the right to question the others’ policy choices. Such a political course involved numerous risks for a Soviet satellite, and the Vietnam War added one more. Moscow was in favor of negotiations and a peaceful settlement of the conflict, whereas China was vehemently against negotiations and in favor of military victory on the battlefield. Whose side was Romania going to take? To preserve an autonomous position in the Soviet bloc, Romania was compelled to maintain a fragile equilibrium between the two leading powers of the Communist world and prevent Moscow from rallying the Communist movement against China on many divergent issues, including the Vietnam War.

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Grossheim, Martin. "The Lao Động Party, Culture and the Campaign against “Modern Revisionism”." Journal of Vietnamese Studies 8, no. 1 (2012): 80–129. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/vs.2013.8.1.80.

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The article tries to make a contribution to the reassessment of the Second Indochina War and of the significance of culture in the Democratic Republic of Vietnam before and during the conflict. By making use of as-yet untapped sources from the German Democratic Republic archives, DRV periodicals and interviews with Vietnamese informants, I highlight the cultural dimension of the campaign against modern revisionism in 1964, and thus present the Lao Động leadership as an actor on the cultural front of the Vietnam conflict. Moreover, I show that even after the beginning of the war an anti-revisionist undercurrent in cultural policy persisted and that the anti-revisionist campaign in 1964 was closely related to the Anti-Party Revisionist Affair in 1967. The article also sheds light on the impact of the Sino-Soviet conflict on North Vietnam.

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Orleans, Leo A. "Sino-Soviet Conflict: A Historical Bibliography. [Santa Barbara, Denver and Oxford: ABC-Clio Information Services, 1985. 190 PP.]." China Quarterly 108 (December 1986): 744–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000037395.

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Sarty, Leigh. "Us and them: East–West relations reconsidered." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 76, no. 2 (June 2021): 315–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00207020211017182.

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This paper frames the contemporary challenge of the People’s Republic of China in the context of Cold War history. It shows how apparent echoes of the past—Beijing's continued embrace of “socialism;” a partnership with Russia that recalls the Sino–Soviet alliance—help illuminate the sources and nature of present-day East–West conflict, and suggests that Francis Fukuyama's much-pilloried “End of History?” has been misunderstood. Viewing the twenty-first-century standoff with Chinese (and Russian) authoritarianism in historical perspective, the paper concludes, casts prospects for the West more positively than recent conventional wisdom would suggest.

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Colard, Daniel. "Vers un nouvel ordre politique international : le traité de paix et d’amitié sino-japonais du 12 août 1978." Études internationales 11, no. 1 (April 12, 2005): 3–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/701016ar.

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On August 12th 1978 the People's Republic of China and Japan signed a treaty of peace and friendship that solemnly recognized the reconciliation between Peking and Tokyo. The original character and political, economic and geo-strategic meaning of this signal document can only be understood by placing it within Us true context. In fact, this context has two facets. The Sino-Japanese treaty can first be seen in an historical context that must be kept in mind since the « Far Eastern Question » has, from the end of the 19th century, been at the heart of Sino-Japanese and Russo-Japanese relations as well as constituting an ongoing concern for the major European powers. Prior to 1939, Japanese imperialism had succeeded in imposing its law in China and in East Asia establishing what Tokyo called a « co-prosperity sphere ». During the Second World War, the United States, Great Britain and the USSR - allies against the common enemy - had to take important decisions with regard to Japan to prepare the terms of occupation. The San Francisco Peace Treaty of 1951 established the new American-Japanese relationship. Normalization of Soviet-Japanese relations began with the signing of the joint declaration of 1956. The August 12th 1978 Peace Treaty between Peking and Tokyo can be further seen as part of specific diplomatic context comprising the Sino-Soviet conflict, East-West détente and the Sino-American rapprochement that opened the way - immediately after President Nixon's trip to China in February 1972 - for the Sino-Japanese rapprochement. Legally, the Treaty contains only five short sections, the most original of which being the « anti-hegemony » clause provided for in section 2. Diplomatically, it is not exaggerated to recognize in this Sino-Japanese agreement an element of a New International Political Order presently taking form and that has to necessarily accompany the implantation of the « New International Economic Order » that the countries of the Third World have been demanding since 1974.

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Sheng, Michael M. "Chinese Communist Policy Toward the United States and the Myth of the ‘Lost Chance’ 1948–1950." Modern Asian Studies 28, no. 3 (July 1994): 475–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00011835.

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In the late 1960s and early 1970s, the Sino-Soviet conflict intensified and at the same time the Sino-American rapprochement was well under way. When the Americans began to search for an answer to the question of ‘Why Vietnam’, some US foreign relation documents in the later 1940s were released, which indicated that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) had made certain friendly overtures toward the United States. Since then, it has become a widely-accepted interpretation among scholars that Washington ‘lost a chance’ to win over the CCP from Moscow in the late 1940s. The fundamental premise of this interpretation is that the CCP earnestly bid for American friendship and support as a counterweight to pressure from the Soviet Union. It is argued that the CCP sincerely sought the US recognition right up to the middle of and that it was only after their bids for American support were rejected by Washington that the Communists had to choose the ‘lean-to-one-side’ policy. In short, Washington's shortsighted policy in 1949 ‘forced Beijing into Moscow's embrace’, and therefore set in motion a train of disastrous events: the Korean War and the Vietnam War. A promising postwar Asian balance in favour of the US was ruined.

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Stock, Thomas. "North Korea’s Marxism-Leninism: Fraternal Criticisms and the Development of North Korean Ideology in the 1960s." Journal of Korean Studies 24, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 127–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/21581665-7258081.

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Abstract During the 1960s, as the Sino-Soviet conflict raged on, North Korea, for the first time in its history, officially began to reject the USSR’s ideological leadership and instead tread its own path under the slogan of self-reliance. As a result, those forces aligned with the Soviet Union, especially East Germany, heavily criticized North Korea’s new ideological path. Drawing on the East German archives, this study seeks to understand the nature of fraternal criticisms and their implications for the development of North Korean ideology in the 1960s. Scholars typically stress North Korean ideology’s departure from Marxism-Leninism, sometimes suggesting a departure as early as the 1950s. The present study, based on a thorough reading of archival documents and North Korean materials, challenges such portrayals, arguing that North Korea remained in the Marxist-Leninist tradition even while contesting Soviet orthodoxy. Developments in North Korean ideology were far more gradual than is usually assumed, building on what came before. These developments were by no means revolutionary or removed from the global intellectual environment. The Soviets and East Germans could understand North Korean heterodoxy and engage with it in Marxist-Leninist terms, just as North Korea did with Soviet Marxism-Leninism—there was no fundamental ideological split.

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She, Gangzheng. "The Cold War and Chinese Policy toward the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1963–1975." Journal of Cold War Studies 22, no. 1 (February 2020): 125–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00928.

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This article explores the key issues in China's changing relations with the Arab countries and Israel from 1963 to 1975. Based on interviews, archival sources, and other materials, the article shows Beijing's attempts to justify its self-portrait as the only genuine patron of “national liberation movements” and to help foster the conditions for revolution in the Middle East by supporting a “people's war” against Israel. Although this radical design failed after the liquidation of Palestinian guerrillas in Jordan in the 1970s and the U.S.-Chinese rapprochement soon thereafter, the Sino-Soviet competition in the 1970s still gave enormous impetus to the visibility of the Palestine Liberation Organization in the international arena. The article discusses the roles of Chinese Communist leaders and diplomats in formulating Beijing's policy toward the Arab-Israeli conflict, which also served Mao Zedong's domestic mobilization before and during the Cultural Revolution. The article thus highlights a special connection across the international and domestic dimensions of China's Cold War experience.

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Nguyen, Liêên-Hang T. "The War Politburo: North Vietnam's Diplomatic and Political Road to the Têêt Offensive." Journal of Vietnamese Studies 1, no. 1-2 (February 1, 2006): 4–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/vs.2006.1.1-2.4.

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This article explores the strategy deliberation leading up to Hàà N 4i's decision to go to war in 1959, to embark on a "bigger" war in 1963, and to launch the Tet Offensive in 1968. The militants who controlled the party apparatus advanced their agenda for armed conflict in the South at the expense of socialist transformation in the North. While battling their internal opponents, these hardliners also had to navigate the Sino-Soviet split to advance their war agenda. This article reveals that the launching of the Têêt Offensive signified the militants' neutralization of domestic opposition and foreign obstruction through the implementation of a mass purge known as the "Revisionist Anti-Party Affair."

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Goldstein, Avery. "First Things First: The Pressing Danger of Crisis Instability in U.S.-China Relations." International Security 37, no. 4 (April 2013): 49–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00114.

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Since the mid-1990s, much has been written about the potentially disruptive impact of China if it emerges as a peer competitor challenging the United States. Not enough attention has been paid, however, to a more immediate danger—that the United States and a weaker China will find themselves locked in a crisis that could escalate to open military conflict. The long-term prospect for a new great power rivalry ultimately rests on uncertain forecasts about big shifts in national capabilities and debatable claims about the motivations of the two countries. By contrast, the danger of crisis instability involving these two nuclear-armed states is a tangible near-term concern. An analysis that examines the current state of U.S.-China relations and compares it with key aspects of U.S.-Soviet relations during the Cold War indicates that a serious Sino-American crisis may be more likely and more dangerous than expected. The capabilities each side possesses, and specific features of the most likely scenarios for U.S.-China crises, suggest reasons to worry that escalation pressures will exist and that they will be highest early in a crisis, compressing the time frame for diplomacy to avert military conflict.

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Shengde, Zhai. "The Two Functions of Ethnocentrism in the Process of Modernization: The Tibetan Case." Practicing Anthropology 13, no. 1 (January 1, 1991): 19–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.13.1.x2m750572xv65j73.

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An increasing number of social scientists and scholars in the humanities have become interested in the intrinsic conflict between emotion and reason that has noticeably shaped recent history. The effects of uncontrolled emotion often are far greater than those of the moderating force of reason, as illustrated by the Sino-Soviet polemics of the 1960s, ten years of chaos during China's Cultural Revolution (which was like a modern God-making movement), and eight years of the Iran-Iraq war. The response to Salman Rushdie's book Satanic Verses is a new case in point; it shows that the use of reason, which sprouted from ancient society and was consciously developed in modern Europe, has not really triumphed over emotion. Thus, we must begin now to make better use of reason to examine the relationship between reason itself and emotion. The purpose of this discussion is to promote the development of both reason and emotion to better serve humanity by bringing to light the emotional basis of human reason and the rational basis of human emotion.

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Martignago, Michael David. "Vietnamese Farmers That Changed the World: The Impact of the Vietnam War on the Cold War." General: Brock University Undergraduate Journal of History 3 (December 18, 2018): 163–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/gbuujh.v3i0.1691.

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The Vietnam War was the quintessential Cold War conflict between the United States and the Sino-Soviet supplied, nationalistic North Vietnamese. This war saw the world’s most wealthiest and dominant military force suffer a long, drawn out defeat to a poverty-stricken society of farmers, armed with nothing but an unyielding nationalism and outdated weaponry. This paper examines the United States’ involvement in Vietnam throughout the Vietnam War and also explores the ways in which the Vietnam War affected the Cold War. Beginning with President Harry S. Truman in 1945 and ending with President Gerald Ford in 1975, this paper examines the motivations behind each of the six United States Presidential Administrations during the Vietnam War and gives an in-depth explanation for the crucial decisions that were made by the United States Government over the course of the war. The effect that these foreign policy decisions and directives had on the Cold War atmosphere is also heavily analyzed. The faults and failures of the United States that led to their humiliating defeat in Vietnam consequently altered the Cold War atmosphere. In order to fully understand the Cold War, it is necessary to understand the Vietnam War and its impact on United States foreign policy.

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Williams, Lea E. "Alfred D. Low. The Sino-Soviet Confrontation Since Mao Zedong: Dispute, Detente or Conflict? Boulder, Colo.: Social Science Monographs, 1987. xii, 322 pp. $40.00. Distributed by Columbia University Press." Canadian-American Slavic Studies 23, no. 1 (1989): 110–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221023989x00266.

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Levine, Steven I. "The Sino-Soviet Confrontation Since Mao Zedong: Dispute, Détente, or Conflict? By Alfred D. Low. Boulder, Colo.: Social Science Monographs, 1987. xii, 322 pp. $40.00. (Distributed by Columbia University Press)." Journal of Asian Studies 47, no. 3 (August 1988): 609–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2057006.

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Biryukov, Sergey. "Russia – China: A Difficult Way to Strategic Partnership (To the 70th Anniversary of the Establishment of Diplomatic Relations)." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 2 (May 2021): 231–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.2.18.

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Introduction. The article is devoted to the features and historical evolution of the SovietChinese (later Russian-Chinese) relations from the moment of the proclamation of the People’s Republic of China in 1949 to the present. The analysis of the complex of factors that determined the complex dynamics of the relations between the two countries was carried out by the author of the article. It is shown that the SovietChinese (later – Russian-Chinese) relations developed from close alliance to alienation and confrontation – with reaching a level of strategic partnership in the second decade of the 21st century. Methods and materials. The authors seek a combination of general theoretical and special methods, focusing on the historical, sociocultural and political analysis. They are based on the analysis of periodicals, as well as using books, articles and materials of researchers on the problems of the political development of China and the USSR (Russia) and on the transformation of the nature of their bilateral relations. The author analyzes the current situation in the relations between the two countries, according to which the nature of the development of the general situation in international relations and the objective foreign policy interests of China and Russia encourage them to build and deepen bilateral partnership. Results. According to the author, many of the reasons that gave rise to a conflict of interests and confrontation between the two countries in previous years are exhausted today. At the same time, the joint participation of China and Russia in the formation and adoption of a new, more equitable and sustainable world order, in the settlement of conflicts and crises, in the arrangement of the Greater Eurasia space seems to the author justified and promising. Among the factors defining the nature of the Sino-Soviet relations the author identifies the relationship between the leaders of the two countries, the difference of geopolitical concepts and approaches, ideological disputes and differences in the views on strategy and prospects of the communist movement, the logic of the socio-political and socio-economic development in the context of modernization. The changing and contradictory correlation of these factors determined the development of the Soviet-Chinese (later Russian-Chinese) relations from a close alliance to mutual distancing and confrontation – with the subsequent entry into strategic partnership.

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Treadgold, Donald W. "Sino-Soviet Conflict: A Historical Bibliography. Compiled by Jessica Brown et al. Santa Barbara, Calif., Denver, Colo., and Oxford: ABC-Clio Information Services, 1985. xii, 190 pp. $28.50, cloth. - A Mirror for Socialism: Soviet Criticisms of China. By Gilbert Rozman. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1985. xiv, 292 pp. $26.50, cloth. - The Sino-Soviet Border Dispute in the 1970s. By Tsui Tsien-hua. Oakville, Ontario: Mosaic Press, 1983. 151 pp. Cloth. Paper." Slavic Review 45, no. 2 (1986): 352–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2499224.

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Park, Junghyun. "FRUSTRATED ALIGNMENT: THE PACIFIC PACT PROPOSALS FROM 1949 TO 1954 AND SOUTH KOREA–TAIWAN RELATIONS." International Journal of Asian Studies 12, no. 2 (July 2015): 217–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479591415000157.

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This research deals with South Korea–Taiwan relations from 1949, when the concept of a “Pacific Pact” was first introduced, to 1954, when the Asian People's Anti-Communist League (APACL) was formed. Thus far, studies on the regional order of East Asia during the early Cold War period have focused on U.S. policies toward East Asia and U.S. relations with individual East Asian states. In contrast, this present work examines the multilateral nature of the international relations in the region at the time. The extended cooperation, conflict, and competition between South Korea (ROK) and Taiwan (ROC) over the Pacific Pact from 1949 to 1954 vividly show how actively the two nations attempted to engage in the international arena to ensure their own security. Certainly, the primary purpose of this pact was not to form an autonomous regional alliance independent of the United States. In post-World War II Asia, the United States sought to reorganize a new regional order in Asia, with Japan at the center of this proposed order. Under these circumstances, Taiwan and South Korea, standing at the front line of the Cold War, were desperate to attract the U.S.'s attention. Once the two new nations had secured U.S. military and economic aid, however, they no longer pursued their former aggressive and expansive diplomatic strategies. After the Sino-American Mutual Defense Treaty, signed on December 2, 1954, Taiwan discarded the Pacific Pact as an offensive and defensive treaty and concentrated on the APACL. South Korea, for its part, did not further pursue the Pacific Pact after the ROK–U.S. Mutual Defense Agreement was concluded on October 1, 1953.South Korea and Taiwan maintained an exceptionally close relationship even after signing individual treaties with the United States. At times, the two nations competed to play a leading role in the international relations of Asia. Yet, their differences of opinion did not cross the line of cooperation between the two countries until the collapse of the Soviet Union brought an end to the Cold War system: South Korea then normalized relations with the People's Republic of China (PRC) in 1992.

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Handelman, John R. "Book Review: Paul M. Evans, John Fairbank and the American Understanding of Modern China (New York: Basil Blackwell, 1988, 340pp, $24.95). Alfred D. Low, The Sino-Soviet Confrontation Since Mao Zedong: Dispute, Detente, or Conflict? (Boulder: Social Science Monographs, Distributed by Columbia University Press, 1987, 284 pp., $40.00)." Millennium: Journal of International Studies 17, no. 3 (December 1988): 567–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/03058298880170030508.

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Nguyen, Thong Dinh. "The countries’ benefits for cooperation in East sea." Science and Technology Development Journal 17, no. 1 (March 31, 2014): 89–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.32508/stdj.v17i1.1250.

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The complicated issues the East Sea relate to the strategies of major powers. The process of establishing Sino - U.S. in the 1970s and the failure of the U.S. in Vietnam War could be seen as an opportunity for China to expand its power in the East Sea. The crisis of the Soviet Union in the 1980s and the U.S. bogged down in the War on Terrorin later years created a favorable condition for China to enhance its status and foster conflicts in the East Sea. The Asia - Pacific region, with the increasingly and dynamic development, has attracted concerns of all major powers. The success of China’s economic reform and opening-up policy, along with the arms race and its publicdeclaration to monopolize the East Sea have driven China to be the central concern of the countries in the Asia – Pacific region. Thus, major powers have been forced to adjust their strategies for this region. Fully understanding the great powers’ strategic adjustmentswill help Vietnam response appropriately, combine internal strength with diplomatic struggle to build East Sea into a sea of peace, security and cooperation.

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"Sino-Soviet Conflict: A Historical Bibliography." American Political Science Review 79, no. 4 (December 1985): 1279. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1956412.

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Cho, Hyun-Binn. "Nuclear Coercion, Crisis Bargaining, and The Sino-Soviet Border Conflict of 1969." Security Studies, September 17, 2021, 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09636412.2021.1976820.

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"Sino-Soviet Conflict: A Historical Bibliography. (Santa Barbara, Calif.: ABC-Clio Information Services, 1984. Pp. 204. $28.50.)." American Political Science Review 79, no. 4 (December 1985): 1279. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000305540023894x.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Sino-Soviet conflict'

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