Journal articles on the topic 'Sino india'
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1
Garver, John. "The Unresolved Sino–Indian Border Dispute." China Report 47, no. 2 (May 2011): 99–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944551104700204.
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This paper posits that China’s insistence on the ‘return’ to China of the territory constituting Arunachal Pradesh, and even China’s insistence on Indian cession of a salient of territory in the Tawang area of that region, is a form of Chinese deterrence of what Beijing takes to be potentially dangerous ‘anti-China’ behaviour by India. Deep divergence of Chinese and Indian perceptions of Tibet, plus the history of Indian support for unarmed and armed Tibetan resistance to Chinese Communist rule of Tibet, makes Beijing fearful that India might again, someday, work to undermine Chinese rule in Tibet. An open territorial dispute serves as a standing threat to ‘teach India a lesson’, underlining for New Delhi the need for great circumspection in dealing with China. Indian strategic alignment with the United States exacerbates Chinese fears. The intensity of China’s implicit threat can be turned up or down by Beijing as the perversity of Indian policy indicates. Keeping the border issue open dovetails with China’s continuing entente with Pakistan and may even be based on an understanding between Beijing and Islamabad. A premise of this argument is that mainstream Indian opinion is willing to translate the line of actual control into an international border.
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Sameera Imran. "Sino-Indian Strategic Balancing in Nepal." Strategic Studies 41, no. 1 (May 9, 2021): 67–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.53532/ss.041.01.0055.
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This article examines Sino-Indian power balancing in Nepal to explore Kathmandu’s policy options for security. Traditionally, both regional giants have sought to co-opt Nepal in a bid to outflank the other in the Himalayan region. India has exercised greater leverage profiting on ethnic and economic connections. Presently, China’s rise has offered Kathmandu a window of opportunity to substitute the Indian foothold in Nepal. China’s strategic leverage has increased due to the up-gradation of Sino-Nepalese political and economic connections. Nepal’s tilt towards Beijing has led New Delhi to seek reassurances from Kathmandu. Sino-Indian overlapping cultural and competing politico-strategic objectives has increased Kathmandu’s volatility to foreign intervention. The interplay of Sino-Indian regional balancing has constrained policy options for its security. Within this context, the article seeks to analyse the following questions: a.) What are Sino-Indian power ambitions and policy objectives in Nepal? b.) How has China’s expansion of influence impacted on Nepal-India relations and Kathmandu’s policy options for security? The theoretical cushion of neo-classical realism, employing qualitative techniques of content analysis has provided a befitting context to study Nepal’s security challenges. The article argues that Kathmandu’s security drive has to tread on a thin rope of power balancing caught in between India and China. Nepal balances between its tightly knit historic ties with India and the new opportunity dawned in building connections with Beijing. Nepal’s approach marks philosophical approach of Kautilya’s Raja Mandala as an expression of expedient move to win security.
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Chakravorty, PK. "Sino-Indian War of 1962." Indian Historical Review 44, no. 2 (December 2017): 285–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0376983617726649.
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More than half a century has elapsed since China and India fought a War in October–November 1962. The War saw the Chinese Army coming out with flying colours. India as a nation was shocked and had to strain every sinew to reorganise itself to win the ensuing wars with Pakistan in 1965 and 1971. There are many questions as regards the causes of the War, the events which preceded the conflict and what actually happened that led to the debacle. The article addresses these issues comprehensively and analyses the War in detail. Overall it was a failure to assess the Chinese threat in correct perspective. The Indian government did not expect China to fight a War against India. The obvious question to ask is what is the way ahead? The concluding portion of the article deals with the current situation and measures to be taken to deter China from undertaking a military adventure. There is a need to have a National Security Strategy as also leave no stone unturned to build our Comprehensive National Power. In this, our Armed Forces must be modernised to meet the Chinese forces. The Chinese Navy has of late gained strength and is making forays into the Indian Ocean. We should be prepared for this aspect and build our military diplomacy with the United States, Japan and Vietnam. Last of all to understand China, we must create nodes of excellence in our country.
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Kumar, Pranav. "Sino-Bhutanese Relations." China Report 46, no. 3 (August 2010): 243–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944551104600306.
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Historically the interaction between Bhutan and China was through Tibet. The annexation of Tibet by China and the later uprising in Tibet instilled a sense of fear in Bhutan causing it to close its northern border in 1960. However, Bhutan adopted a more open policy in the 1970s gradually increasing the contacts between the two neighbours. Border talks which started in 1984 resulted in an agreement in 1998 on maintaining peace and tranquility along border areas. While China and Bhutan neither have diplomatic relations nor any legal trade, growing Chinese interests in South Asia encompass Bhutan as well. Bhutan, therefore, faces the dilemma of not hurting the interests and sentiments of its traditional friend India while at the same time needing to respond to Chinese overtures and to solve the border problem peacefully and urgently; in the Sino-Bhutanese relationship, the Indian element remains the most important variable. The dynamics of the Sino-Indian relationship and Indian and Chinese strategic interests and activities in the Himalayas will be crucial in shaping Bhutan’s policies towards China.
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Mitra, Subrata K., and Srikanth Thaliyakkattil. "Bhutan and Sino–Indian Rivalry." Asian Survey 58, no. 2 (March 2018): 240–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2018.58.2.240.
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The military standoff between Chinese and Indian troops in the disputed territory of Doklam brought forward the foreign policy dilemmas of Bhutan and its search for an optimal strategy toward its two neighboring big powers. This paper discusses Bhutan’s attempts to balance its overwhelming dependence on India with the necessity of normal diplomatic relations with China.
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Alikberov, E. Sh, A. R. Alikberova, and V. A. Letiaev. "Sino-Indian Rivalry: Sri Lanka." Russia & World: Sc. Dialogue, no. 4 (December 23, 2022): 126–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.53658/rw2022-2-4(6)-126-137.
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The article is devoted to Sri Lanka, one of the zones of strategic interests of China and India. Both Asian states are forming new consumer markets, building new sea corridors, and in the busiest maritime trade corridor in the world – the Indian Ocean, their competition for control over key transport arteries is becoming more and more evident. In the current conditions, the value of control over logistics is determined not so much by the volume of trade and benefits, as by the ability to consistently generate added value. Thus, Sri Lanka, being at the center of the strategic priorities of India and China in South Asia, turns into a zone of vital interests of the two Asian dominant forces. The study shows the weaknesses and strengths of Sri Lanka, which can affect the further balance of relations between the three states.
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Zilong, Che. "The Development of Sino Indian Trade from the Perspective of “The Belt and Road Initiative”." Journal of Economics and Management Sciences 4, no. 3 (September 6, 2021): p7. http://dx.doi.org/10.30560/jems.v4n3p7.
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Since ancient times, the two ancient civilizations of China and India have had a long history of trade exchanges, and such trade exchanges have left an important mark in the history of Sino-India relations. Chronologically，this article takes the Sino-Indian trade exchanges as a research perspective to outline two thousand years of trade history between two countries. From the Sino-Indian Business Road that began in the Qin Dynasty and Han Dynasty to the origin of the Silk Road on which Zhang Qian went to the Western Regions as an envoy, explored the Sino-India-Tibet Road and Maritime Silk Road trade; analyzed the opium trade between China, Britain and India in modern times. At the same time, it uses the founding of People’s Republic of China, the Sino-Indian War, the Belt and Road Initiative and the important events of the global epidemic as nodes to describe the development of Sino-Indian trade. In the long history, this kind of rich trade history also shows that China and India are more likely and should establish a better and more extensive trade cooperation relationship, and learn to effectively deal with the turmoil. This will provide reference for operating the trade activities between the two countries.
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Warrich, Haseeb Ur Rehman, Rooh Ul Amin Khan, and Salma Umber. "Reporting Sino-Indian Border Conflict Through Peace Journalism Approach." Global Mass Communication Review V, no. III (September 30, 2020): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gmcr.2020(v-iii).01.
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The study attempts to analyze the coverage of recent Sino-Indian border conflict through peace and war journalism along with understanding how peace journalism ideals can be translated into conflict reporting. The descriptive analysis of news stories published from May 5, 2020, to October 5, 2020, in the mainstream contemporary English press of China (China Daily and Global Times) and India (Times of India and The Hindu) is carried out through content analysis. The period is significant because of the recent border conflict between China and India at Ladakh. The approach of peace and war journalism is explored through in-depth interviews of Indian and Chinese journalists. The study concluded that both Indian and Chinese press employed war framing more dominantly than peace framing while reporting on-going border conflict. A higher instance of peace journalism was recorded in the Chinese press in comparison to the Indian press. The ideals of peace journalism can be achieved by refraining from becoming part of the propaganda paradigm.
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Hussain, T. Karki. "Sino-Soviet Detente in the Making." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 42, no. 1 (January 1986): 38–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848604200103.
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Increasingly, the trend in Sino-Soviet normalization has acquired the kind of high visibility which compels serious attention within India. There are several valid reasons for our interest in the matter. Historically, both the Sino-Indian dispute and the Sino-Soviet split occurred in the fifties when the parties concerned had appeared to the outside world as friends and allies. In subsequent developments, the sixties began with a border war between India and China and ended with another border war between China and the Soviet Union. Although the nature of China's bilateral controversies, leading to actual confrontation with India and Soviet Union, were not identical in their origin and evolution, chronologically, its durability with either protagonist has spanned more than a quarter of a century. More recently, an almost parallel movement towards arapprochement is taking place, formally signified by an ongoing process of seven rounds of Sino-Soviet consultations and six meetings between the Indian and the Chinese representatives till date. Although their initial differences concerning some political issues persist, China and the Soviet Union have been interacting with each other at a frequency which was unimaginable barely a couple of years ago. In 1985, for example, more than 70 visits were exchanged between the two erstwhile adversaries. Following the 27th Congress of the CPSU which ended on 3 March 1986, in the forthcoming weeks sometime, Soviet First Vice-Premier Arkhipov is scheduled to visit Beijing to review bilateral, economic, scientific and cultural relations. Later, in the summer of 1'86, Soviet and Chinese Foreign Ministers will hold important talks with each other which are expected to contribute further towards normalization. Similarly, Sino-Indian contacts at several levels have also grown considerably. It may be explained that it does not lie within the scope of this article to examine the derivative triangular linkages present in the Sino-Indian and the Sino-Soviet issues or to argue that the apparent dynamic of the Sino-Soviet thaw would weaken India's bargaining positionvis-a-vis China and therefore a border settlement should be precipitated in order to match the pace of the evolving pattern in Sino-Soviet relations. Rather, the following presentation precludes any juxtaposition with the Sino-Indian problems and focuses almost entirely on certain initiatives taken by the Chinese leadership which have rendered its earlier posturing somewhat obsolete and created an opportunity for it to weigh the Soviet factor afresh in the immediate perspective. Finally, the article seeks to analyse the imperatives behind Beijing's current moves within the larger framework of the primary objective of removing once for all the backward economic status of the country. However, to the extent that the process of Sino-Soviet normalization flows from the shifts in China's foreign and domestic policies, its implications for India are self-evident and for that very reason worthy of our deep interest.
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Chervin, Reed. "“Cartographic Aggression”: Media Politics, Propaganda, and the Sino-Indian Border Dispute." Journal of Cold War Studies 22, no. 3 (August 2020): 225–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00911.
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The middle of the twentieth century witnessed a serious border dispute between China and India. This article explores how these countries used multiple media (e.g., historical documents and film) to support their respective territorial claims. The two countries pursued similar authoritarian approaches by expanding their archival holdings, banning books, and selectively redrawing maps. They regarded dissenting views not only as incorrect but as national security threats. China and India policed domestic media to legitimize government policies and to present their cases to the international community. The British government, for its part, demonstrated its support for India. Because British leaders sympathized with their former colony and because the borders of India were a product of the British Empire, leaders in the United Kingdom endorsed Indian propaganda. Nevertheless, democracy in India and the United Kingdom rendered complete control of the media difficult. The Sino-Indian conflict therefore represented a war over information as well as territory.
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Bhattarai, Gaurav. "Geopolitical Reflections of Sino-Indian Conflict and its Implication on Nepal’s Survival Strategy." Unity Journal 2 (August 11, 2021): 81–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/unityj.v2i0.38785.
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Border disputes between China and India in June 2020 almost lead South Asian countries to take a side. But, Nepal, situated between India and China, has always expressed a stern belief in neutrality and non-alignment. Even though New Delhi doubted Nepal’s neutrality and non-alignment citing China’s growing footprints in Nepal, Kathmandu reckoned such suspicion as the result of a new map row between two countries connected by open borders. While Nepal’s repeated calls to diplomatically resolve India-Nepal border problems remained unheeded by New Delhi, it provided room for the ruling communist party in Nepal to reap geopolitical benefits out of the Sino-Indian dispute. But, interestingly, such geopolitical benefits are usually targeted in tempering Indian influence in Nepal, by getting closer with China. Apprehending the same, this study aims to assess the geopolitical implication of Sino-Indian conflict on the survival strategy of Nepal. To fulfill the same objectives, the Chinese perception of Nepal-India relations, and Indian perception of Sino-Nepal ties have been critically assessed in this study. This study is methodologically based on the information collected from the secondary sources. In order to critically evaluate the geopolitical expression of Sino-Indian conflict in Nepal, this study reviews India’s perception of Nepal-China relations, and China’s perception of Nepal-India relations. Also, the reports and the press releases of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, historical facts, treaties, government reports and decisions have been studied and analyzed. Media sources are also reviewed to understand the diverse narratives produced on the geopolitical reflection of Sino-Indian conflict. The themes that emerged from the reviews are thematically analyzed and interpreted, to discover that cultivating relations with one country at the expense of the other may be counterproductive to Nepal’s survival strategies.
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Deepak, B. R. "Sino-Pak ‘Entente Cordiale’* and India." China Report 42, no. 2 (February 2006): 129–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944550604200203.
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Koirala, Bhaskar. "Sino-Nepalese Relations." China Report 46, no. 3 (August 2010): 231–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944551104600305.
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This article argues that the intensity of Sino-Nepal relations over the past decade has witnessed a lack of consistency, attributable to shifting political conditions in Nepal. From 2000 to 2010, Nepal has experienced different political systems such as constitutional monarchy, absolute monarchy and currently a republican framework. However, Nepal’s espousal of the ‘one China’ policy, particularly as it concerns Tibet, has been steady and enduring, as has the logic that Sino-Nepal relations are not strictly ‘bilateral’ in nature but also potentially serve as a channel for Nepal to connect to a wider canvas including Central Asia, Southeast Asia and East Asia. It is also argued that to a large extent, Sino-Nepal relations are poised to be significantly affected by an evolving China–Nepal–India triangular relationship on account of Nepal’s geographic position. Effective consolidation of this triangular relationship is vital to ensure political stability in Nepal and therefore security for both China and India.
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Das, Rup Narayan. "Sino-Indian Relations :." Jindal Journal of International Affairs 1, no. 1 (October 1, 2011): 259–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v1i1.20.
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This article undertakes a historical tour d’horizon of relations between China and India from ancient to contemporary times. It provides a factual narrative of the journey that these two Asian civilisations and nation-states have taken over millennia and focuses on cultural as well as political and economic factors which have helped manage serious problems and crises. The author presents a hopeful picture of present-day ties between the two Asian giants and expresses guarded optimism about the ability of both sides to handle the pressures of growing competition in the future.
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Munir, Fakhr Ul, SanaUllah, and Anila. "Issues in Sino-Indian Relations: Implications for Competition." Global Political Review IV, no. II (June 30, 2019): 56–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2019(iv-ii).06.
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India and China are the world's fast mounting economies influencing global politics affecting 2.5 billion of their subjects via their policies. Both states account for one-fifth of the total populace of the globe. Asia's overall progress, peace, prosperity and stability is directly influenced by the relations of these two Asian competitors. It is anticipated that by 2025, these states would be world's economies. However, bilateral disputes and enmity wield greater regional and global implications, which are intensely required to be resolved for the best and prosperous future. One of the most crucial aspects aggravating Sino-Indian relations is the asylum given to Dalai Lama and the status of Tibet. China has been assisting Pakistan economically and technically to build Gwadar Port, supporting Sri Lankan northern Hambantota Port, extending sustenance to Bangladesh's Chittagong Port, and furthering support to the Myanmar Port lying at the coastal region of the Indian Ocean. However, the strained relations for decades between India and China had given little space for healthy trade, increasing from 3 billion $ in 2000 to 20 billion $ in 2010.
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Ali, Asghar, Nazim Rahim, and Ghulam Hussain Abid Sipra. "AN ANALYSIS OF SINO-INDIAN RELATIONS: MODUS OPERANDI OR MODUS VIVENDI." Global Political Review 3, no. 1 (June 30, 2018): 24–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2018(iii-i).03.
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China and India celebrated their embryonic relations with a documented modus vivendi i.e. “The Panchsheel Agreement”. This concord highlighted five principles of peaceful coexistence between India and China. The Tibet region was the nucleus of this agreement. Nevertheless, after four years of its celebration, eyebrows raised from both sides in 1959 when China started its unification process and India welcomed the Dalai Lama, a separatist leader of the Tibetan region. This caused bitterness between India and China and both the states reversed to their retrospective modus operandi, which later on graduated into a full-fledged war between the two countries in 1962. Despite their limited modus vivendi in the 21st century, both the states tend more towards their intrinsic modus operandi. This analytical study is discussing the Sino-Indian relations through the lenses of Modus vivendi and Modus operandi and its implication for Pakistan.
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Maxwell, Neville. "Why the Sino–Indian Border Dispute is Still Unresolved after 50 Years: A Recapitulation." China Report 47, no. 2 (May 2011): 71–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944551104700202.
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In its dying days the British Empire in India launched an aggressive annexation of what it recognised to be legally Chinese territory. The government of independent India inherited that border dispute and intensified it, completing the annexation and ignoring China’s protests. The People’s Republic of China (PRC) government, acquiescing in the loss of territory, offered diplomatic legalisation of the new boundary India had imposed in its North-East but the Nehru government refused to negotiate. It then developed and advanced a claim to Chinese territory in the north-west, again refusing to submit the claim to negotiation. Persistent Indian attempts to implement its territorial claims by armed force led to the 1962 border war. The Indian defeat did not lead to any change of policy; both the claims and the refusal to negotiate were maintained. The dead-locked Sino–Indian dispute and armed confrontation are thus the consequence of Indian expansionism and intransigence.
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Garver, John. "Across the Himalayan Gap: An Indian Quest for Understanding China. Edited by Tan Chung. [New Delhi: Indira Gandhi National Centre for the Arts and Gyan Publishing House, 1998. ISBN 81-212-0585-9.]." China Quarterly 170 (June 2002): 477–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009443902310283.
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This is a fascinating book essential for anyone seeking to understand contemporary China–India relations. It presents in considerable detail and from a number of different perspectives the strategic vision of a coalition of China and India struggling in common to create a new world economic–political order in greater comport with the interests and values of the peoples of the non-Western world. This vision of Sino-Indian co-operation in building a new world order was posited as the desirable end-goal of the process of Sino-Indian rapprochement presided over by Indian Congress Party and Chinese leaders beginning in 1988.
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He, Hongmei, Qianfan Shi, and Li’ai Ma. "Viewing Sino-India Relations from the Perfective of Indian Visa Policy." Asia Social Science Academy 2, no. 3 (March 31, 2021): 161–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.51600/jass.2021.2.3.161.
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Hoffmann, Steven A. "Rethinking the Linkage between Tibet and the China-India Border Conflict: A Realist Approach." Journal of Cold War Studies 8, no. 3 (July 2006): 165–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2006.8.3.165.
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This article assesses the dynamic political and military relationships among Tibet, China, and India in the late 1950s and early 1960s. By examining the three governments' calculations and security interests, the article shows that the relationships among the three are best understood from a realist perspective. The focus in the article is on the Sino-Indian dispute over the territory known as “Assam Himalaya,” located on the far eastern end of the Sino-Indian border, between southeastern Tibet and northeast India. The article covers a relatively lengthy period, from 1913 to 1962, but in doing so it shows that territorial claims and the desire for secure borders were the key concern of all the countries involved—Tibet, China, India under British imperial rule, post-1947 India, and the United States.
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Garver, John W. "The Restoration of Sino-Indian Comity following India's Nuclear Tests." China Quarterly 168 (December 2001): 865–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009443901000511.
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Indian justification of its May 1998 nuclear tests in terms of Chinese threats to India prompted a multifacited Chinese campaign pressuring New Delhi to retract its offensive statements. One significant element of Chinese concerns with Indian statements was apprehension over an Indian drift toward alignment with the United States. Beijing's efforts were successful and within two years New Delhi had given Beijing the requisite assurances and the normal state of Sino-Indian amity was restored. Sino-Indian interactions in the period after India's May 1998 tests demonstrates the extreme sensitivity of both powers to the other's alignment with the United States in the post-Cold War world.
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Megal, Jahanzaib, and Muhammad Nadeem Mirza. "STRING OF PEARLS AND NECKLACE OF DIAMONDS: SINO-INDIAN GEO-STRATEGIC COMPETITION IN THE INDIAN OCEAN." Asia-Pacific - Annual Research Journal of Far East & South East Asia 40 (December 26, 2022): 21–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.47781/asia-pacific.vol40.iss0.5862.
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The Indian Ocean holds immense vitality for its strategic trade routes and choke points. China and India are Asia’s two rising powers, who aim to dominate the Indian Ocean to satisfy their regional and global ambitions. This competitiveness for regional influence has resulted in geo-strategic competition in the Indian Ocean. China, through the strategy of ‘String of Pearls’, has increased its naval footprint by building ports in Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, and Myanmar. India has similarly responded with an alternative counterbalancing strategy ‘Necklace of Diamonds’ by deepening its relations and partnership with Iran, Oman, Singapore, Bangladesh, Myanmar, and other regional countries. This qualitative exploratory comparative case study finds that: China through its String of Pearls strategy intends to achieve great power status, boost its economy, and address its security concerns, especially those related with the Malacca Dilemma. India, through its Necklace of Diamonds strategy, is trying to counterbalance Chinese presence in the Indian Ocean. Moreover, India intends to enhance its political and economic clout – being the rising power of the region.
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Sadibekova, Bibisora, and Muqaddas Turdieva. "FEATURES OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF CHINA-INDIAN TRADE RELATIONS." INNOVATIONS IN ECONOMY 4, no. 3 (April 30, 2020): 97–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.26739/2181-9491-2020-4-12.
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The article devoted to study the trade relations between China and India,analyzing the foreign trade policy of two countries and their relationship. China -India relations also called Sino-Indian relations,refers to the bilateral relationship between the People's Republic of China and the Republic of India
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YAN, CHUNCAI, ZHAOHUI JIN, and XINHUA WANG. "Cladopelma Kieffer from the Sino-Indian Region (Diptera: Chironomidae)." Zootaxa 1916, no. 1 (October 27, 2008): 44–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/zootaxa.1916.1.2.
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The Sino-Indian species of the genus Cladopelma Kieffer are reviewed and one new species from China, C. costum sp. n., is described and illustrated as male. The males of C. edwardsi (Kruseman) and C. virescens (Meigen) from China are re-examined. Type material of Cryptotendipes inawaabeus Sasa, Kitami et Suzuki, Harnischia daitoheia Sasa et Suzuki, H. ginzandeeus Sasa et Suzuki, H. inadeeus Sasa, Kitami et Suzuki, H. sibacedea Sasa, Sumita et Suzuki, H. simantocedea Sasa, Suzuki et Sakai from Japan and Cladopelma indicum Bhattacharyay, Duta et Chaudhuri from India are reexamined, and all regarded as new synonyms of C. edwardsi. Cladopelma onogawaprima Sasa is regarded as a new synonym of C. hibaraprima Sasa and the species is transferred to Cryptotendipes as a new combination. Cladopelma kamalanagari Maheshwari et Agarwal from India is transferred to Paracladopelma as a new combination. A key to all known males of Cladopelma is provided.
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Atwill, David G. "Boundaries of Belonging: Sino-Indian Relations and the 1960 Tibetan Muslim Incident." Journal of Asian Studies 75, no. 3 (August 2016): 595–620. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911816000553.
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Bridging Tibetan, Chinese, and South Asian studies, this article examines the 1960 Tibetan Muslim Incident, when nearly one thousand Tibetan Muslims declared themselves to be Indian citizens by virtue of their Kashmiri ancestry and petitioned the Chinese government to be allowed to emigrate to India. The paradox of the 1960 Tibetan Muslim Incident is that it occurred after a decade of careful Sino-Indian diplomacy, a diplomacy emerging out of each nation's shared struggle for independence and liberation from an anti-imperialist past. By locating the event in the broader ideological movements of postcolonial Asia, the article focuses on a set of aspirations, motivations, and spaces by which China, India, and the Tibetan Muslims sought to define their actions outside of standard nationalistic, ideological, and military narratives of the period.
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Tieri, Silvia. "Book Review: Amitav Acharya, East of India, South of China: Sino-Indian Encounters in Southeast Asia." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 74, no. 4 (November 14, 2018): 494–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928418802082.
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SURYANARAYANA, P. S. "China–India Rivalry: The Saga of Game Changers." East Asian Policy 13, no. 02 (April 2021): 5–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s179393052100009x.
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China and India have surprised the world by their military brinkmanship since mid-2020 amid the global coronavirus pandemic. Also surprising was their sudden disengagement at a key site, Pangong Tso Lake area in the western sector of their disputed boundary, in February 2021. But the continuing crisis has eroded their summit-level consensus reached in 2018 and 2019 that they were neighbourly partners, not rivals. The genesis of this crisis is the clash of their new perspectives on the Kashmir issue which, originally an India–Pakistan affair, has now become a major Chinese concern as well. Two new game changers in the troubled Sino–Indian engagement have caused this crisis. The author suggests a nuanced agreement on mutual military accommodation. Such an accord could create the ambience for serious negotiations to settle the intractable Sino–Indian boundary disputes.
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Sangtam, Apila. "East of India, South of China: Sino-Indian Encounters in Southeast Asia." Asian Affairs 51, no. 3 (May 26, 2020): 726–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2020.1792721.
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Hall, Ian. "East of India, south of China: Sino-Indian encounters in southeast Asia." International Affairs 94, no. 4 (July 1, 2018): 961–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiy124.
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Acharya, Amitav, and Rahul Mishra. "East of India, South of China: Sino-Indian Encounters in Southeast Asia." Contemporary Southeast Asia 40, no. 1 (April 30, 2018): 170–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs40-1l.
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Xuecheng, Liu. "Look Beyond the Sino–Indian Border Dispute." China Report 47, no. 2 (May 2011): 147–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944551104700207.
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Since the 1950s, the border dispute has shadowed the ebb and flow of Sino–Indian relations. The Chinese and Indian governments have attempted to resolve the border dispute through diplomatic negotiations which have generated several meaningful documents. But the basic position of both the countries on the border dispute remains unchanged. Both sides have agreed to press ahead with the frame-work negotiations in accordance with the agreed political parameters and guiding principles so as to seek a fair and reasonable solution acceptable to them. Prior to that, both sides have agreed to work together to maintain peace and tranquillity in the border areas. While we are cautiously optimistic about the steady improvement of the bilateral relations between the two rising Asian giants, we are increasingly concerned about the consequences of their geopolitical rhetoric and strategic suspicion originating primarily from the unresolved border dispute. Their political leaders should understand and respect each other’s core national interests and major concerns, properly handle their differences, and seek common development and a win-win situation. A good China–India relationship makes both winners while a confrontational one makes both losers.
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Jetly, Nancy. "Sino-Indian Relations: A Quest for Normalization." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 42, no. 1 (January 1986): 53–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848604200104.
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I have always thought that it is important, even essential, that these two countries of Asia, India and China, should have friendly and, as far as possible, cooperative relations. It would be a tragedy, not only for India, and possibly for China, but for Asia and the whole world, if they develop some kind of permanent hostility… Friendship cannot exist between the weak and the strong, between a country that is trying to bully and the other which agrees to be bullied. It is only when people are more or less equal and when they respect each other, that they can be friends. That is true of nations also. We did work for the friendship of India and China and despite all that has happened and is happening, we shall continue to work for it. That does not mean that we should surrender anything that we consider right and that we should hand over bits of territory to China to please them. That is not the way to be friends with anybody or to maintain our dignity or self respect.1
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Asma Sana and Shaheen Akhtar. "India’s ‘Indo-Pacific’ Strategy: Emerging Sino-Indian Maritime Competition." Strategic Studies 40, no. 3 (October 12, 2020): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.53532/ss.040.03.0073.
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India is rapidly modernising its naval capabilities and expanding its maritime interests in Asia-Pacific region. The recent surge in its maritime domain is associated with two factors: Firstly, the rise of China as an ‘Asian power’ with growing influence in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR); secondly, India’s aspirations to become a leading player in the IOR while expanding its sway in the Pacific ocean. This paper argues that India’s increased regional engagements and its strategic partnership with the US will strengthen Indian footprints in the Indo-Pacific region which will increase security concerns for China. This paper explores the evolution of Indian strategic thinking over the years on ‘sea power,’ examines the emerging contours of India’s ‘Indo-Pacific’ strategy as well as fulfilling its aspirations of becoming a global power, and discusses the implications of ‘India’s Extended Neighbourhood’ policy for China’s economic and strategic interests in East Asia and the South China Sea.
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Chandra, Vikash. "East of India, South of China: Sino-India Encounters in Southeast Asia." Strategic Analysis 42, no. 6 (November 2, 2018): 654–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2018.1557929.
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Garver, John W. "The Indian Factor in Recent Sino-Soviet Relations." China Quarterly 125 (March 1991): 55–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000030307.
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Chinese foreign policy is typically a complex mix of bilateral, regional and global considerations shaped by the perceptions and domestic political concerns of various participants in China's decision-making process. One significant factor shaping Chinese foreign policy over the past decade which has not been given adequate attention is Chinese consideration of South Asia, and especially India. India's size, substantial aggregate national power, central geographic position in South Asia, prominent role in the Third World/Non-Aligned Movement, and the determination of its leaders to establish India as the pre-eminent power in South Asia, have given India significant weight in Chinese foreign policy calculations. This includes, I will argue, Beijing's calculations regarding China's relations with the Soviet Union and the United States.
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Mikaelian, Arman Artakovich, and Vladimir Mikhailovich Morozov. "The U.S. Factor in Sino-Israeli and Indian-Israeli Relations." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, no. 2 (December 15, 2021): 338–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-2-338-349.
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The article analyses the US influence on Israeli policy towards both China and India. The United States has had and still has a significant influence on the dynamics of Israeli-Chinese and Israeli-Indian relations. The relevance of the issue stems from the growing importance of China and India in the world affairs amid rising tensions between the US and China that are spilling into a trade war. The article aims to explore the US influence on Israels policy in Asia. It examines the way how the Israeli leadership has adapted to Washingtons influence while promoting its strategic cooperation with China and India. The study comprises historical method, comparative analysis and historical-systematic analysis. The author comes to the following conclusions. First, Washingtons influence on Sino-Israeli relations has gone through five development stages: the first stage (1971-1989): implicit US support for the development of Sino-Israeli relations; the second stage (1990-1998): American criticism of military and technical cooperation between Israel and China; the third stage (1999-2005): Washingtons shift from criticism to pressure policy in order to prevent the Israeli leadership from military cooperation with China; the fourth stage (2006-2016): Israels acceptance of US demands and refusal to supply arms to Beijing (with Tel Aviv focusing on the development of trade and economic relations with China); the fifth stage (2017 - present): U.S. criticism of Israeli-Chinese economic cooperation amid worsening contacts between Beijing and Washington. The Israeli government is trying to meet Washingtons demands as well as preserve its strategic economic relations with Beijing. Second, the US factor, on the contrary, contributed to normalization of Indian-Israeli relations, having a positive impact on the development of trade, economic and military cooperation between Tel Aviv and New Delhi. Third, the US actions can be explained by an attempt to preserve its national interests. At the same time, the author stresses that the US influence on Israels policy in Asia complies with Washingtons regional priorities set forth in the 2017 US National Security Strategy.
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Jacob, Jabin T. "For a New Kind of ‘Forward Policy’." China Report 47, no. 2 (May 2011): 133–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944551104700206.
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This paper argues that more than their boundary dispute, it is the place of Tibet in the Sino–Indian relationship that is at the core of the continuing mistrust between the two countries. For China, pushing economic development as a panacea to ethnic grievances has been an insufficient strategy. To ensure sustainable political stability in Tibet, it is necessary to give India greater space in Tibet in the form of improved economic, tourist and religious exchanges as a way of relieving the sense of cultural siege that ethnic Tibetans suffer from. India meanwhile, having accepted Chinese sovereignty over Tibet, will have to reciprocate with a new ‘forward policy’ of its own allowing for greater Chinese access to its own markets and the removal of other discriminatory restrictions on Chinese travelling to India. The way ahead lies in converting Tibet’s political centrality into an economic centrality in the Sino–Indian bilateral relationship.
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Damayanti, Angel, and Bryan Libertho Karyoprawiro. "Rational Choices in Sino-Indian Border Dispute in Aksai." Intermestic: Journal of International Studies 6, no. 2 (May 31, 2022): 459. http://dx.doi.org/10.24198/intermestic.v6n2.11.
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This study aims to explain the strategies taken by two major countries in the region, China and India, in overcoming border disputes in the Aksai Chin region. By using rational choice theory to explain the behavior of India and China and the reasons why they choose to use non-confrontational strategies. The research methodology used is qualitative with a case study model to analyze the policies of the two countries. The results of the study found that despite different views regarding Aksai Chin, the two countries both built trust and were committed that the border dispute would not affect their bilateral relationship as a whole. India and China have opted for a strategy of optimizing mutual benefits over purely national interests. It can be concluded that the two countries chose to take a non-confrontational policy in the border dispute in Aksai Chin as a rational choice in times of crisis based on the optimal benefits that can be obtained by both countries. Keywords: Aksai Chin, border dispute, India-China, non-confrontational policy, rational choice
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Tripathi, Prof Shubhra. "Sinitic Influence in India: Perspectives and Future Prospects." SMART MOVES JOURNAL IJELLH 8, no. 3 (March 28, 2020): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.24113/ijellh.v8i6.10627.
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It is a well-established fact that during the ancient period Indian culture exercised a considerable influence on China, mainly through the spread of Buddhism. Later, with the passage of time, Sinitic culture spread to regions that are now known as Japan, Korea, and Vietnam, etc. on almost the same lines. Since it is beyond the scope of this paper to discuss the spread of Sinitic civilization all over the world, I shall confine myself to the spread of Sinitic civilization and culture in India. It is interesting to see how these two ancient civilizations, India and China have interacted and spread their cultural influence on each other, quietly and unobtrusively, unlike the western culture, which spread through the force of colonialism, often accompanied with violence and bloodshed.
Even a cursory study of Sino-Indian interactions since ancient times will reveal the exhaustive spread of Indian thoughts and ideas on Buddhism, Ayurveda, astronomical axioms of Aryabhatta, Indian numerals including “0”, and martial art techniques of Bodhidharma etc. in China. Also, Sino-Indian trade and cultural interactions on the Silk Route, visits of Chinese scholar –pilgrims like Xuanzang and Fa Hien to India, establishment of Tamil merchant guilds in medieval South China etc. are historical facts which cannot be denied. However, one wonders, when all these were happening, what was the state of Sinitic influence on India? Was the process only one way, i.e. Indian influence on China and not vice versa? If Chinese culture and civilization influenced India, then how did they spread and to what extent? Lastly, and most importantly, what is the future and significance of Sinitic cultural influence in India? This paper attempts to answer these questions.
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Freddy, Haans J. "China, India & Pakistan strategic triangle – the Pakistan factor in Sino-Indian relations." Global Affairs 6, no. 4-5 (October 19, 2020): 559–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23340460.2020.1871300.
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Deshpande, G. P. "The Third Sun in the Sino-Indian Sky: The Seventeenth Karmapa in India." China Report 36, no. 2 (May 2000): 253–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944550003600206.
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Mehzabin, Maisaa, and MD Kawser Rahim Shuvo. "China and India’s Comparative Response to the 2017 Rohingya Crisis in Bangladesh." Indonesian Journal of Innovation and Applied Sciences (IJIAS) 1, no. 2 (June 11, 2021): 113–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.47540/ijias.v1i2.216.
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The simultaneous rise of China and India has been creating significant re-orientation in the contemporary international system. Both the countries are trying to climb up in the global power hierarchy but for the first instance, they are competing with each other for the Pan-Asian leadership. As a result, their neighboring countries like Bangladesh and Myanmar are becoming hot spots for geostrategic power play between the two Asian powers. The Sino-Indian geostrategic competition intensified after 25 August 2017 when the military crackdown happened at the Rakhine state on Rohingya people. This paper illustrates the nature and dimensions of the response from New Delhi and Beijing on the 2017 Rohingya Refugee crisis. This paper adopted a qualitative method and data was analyzed based on secondary data. The findings argue that there was a qualitative difference between the responses from India and China in this crisis. India claimed to remain neutral in the crisis and provided limited humanitarian and economic assistance to Bangladesh and Myanmar. This paper also reviews why China and India back Myanmar and the international response to this crisis. Finally, this paper concludes with Bangladesh’s challenges from the Sino-Indian geostrategic interests in the Rakhine state.
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Ali, Quaid, Muhammad Ayaz Khan, and Saima Gul. "Sino-Indian Engagement in Central Asia: Implications for Pakistan." Global Social Sciences Review IV, no. II (June 30, 2019): 190–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2019(iv-ii).25.
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Five Central Asian Republics (CARs) got independence in December 1991 as a result of the collapse of the USSR. Politically, economically, strategically and geographically Central Asia is regarded as the Heart of Asia. This region is the hub of the natural resources. It became a battle ground for the states which have interest in its hydrocarbon reserves. The paper examines the ongoing competition between China and India for the resources of Central Asia. Both of these countries are eyeing the huge potential of trade relations with this large market. They were also trying to create energy partnerships with the gas- and oil-rich region. This resulted in competition between the two countries inof the region. This article describes China and India as competitors in this region. As a neighbouring country, this engagement of China and India has serious implications for Pakistan.
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Iqbal, Badar Alam. "Changing Scenario of Sino-India Trade and Investment Relations." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 57, no. 4 (October 2001): 183–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492840105700410.
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Menon, Raja. "Samudra Manthan: Sino-India Rivalry in the Indo-Pacific." Maritime Affairs:Journal of the National Maritime Foundation of India 9, no. 1 (June 2013): 148–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09733159.2013.798107.
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Rajagopalan, Rajesh. "The state of Sino‐American relations: Implications for India." Strategic Analysis 23, no. 4 (July 1999): 671–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700169908455074.
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Amarasinghe, Punsara. "Melian dialogue syndrome in the Indian Ocean: A critical appraisal of Sri Lanka’s “small state dilemma” in the context of Indo-Sino rivalry." Open Military Studies 1, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 129–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/openms-2020-0109.
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Abstract Sri Lanka’s foreign secretary’s statement indicating that Colombo would adopt “ India First” foreign policy appears to be a much-consoling phrase for the Indian diplomats. It is a fact beyond any dispute that New Delhi felt anxious about Sri Lanka’s extensive hobnobbing with China for years that has finally seen massive Chinese presence in the island nation. Given Sri Lanka’s strategic location in the Indian ocean as a crucial hub in the Indian ocean governance, Colombo’s relations with Beijing have always created a tense situation in India. However, the newly elected president of Sri Lanka Gotabaya Rajapaksa and his government’s novel approach to profess their foreign policy as India cantered doctrine raises some perplexity with the realpolitik caught by Sri Lanka. This paper seeks to examine the asymmetrical relationship that existed between Indian and Sri Lanka after the independence of both nations, wherein New Delhi used different means to carve Sri Lanka’s external relations for the best interests of India. Furthermore, this paper analyses the unequal position Sri Lanka has been facing as a small nation located near a ricing global power and how Sri Lanka struggles to balance both India and China in their rivalry in the Indian Ocean. The results emerge from this paper will reveal the impossibility of upholding neutrality for a small state before complex geopolitical power struggles.
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Guan, Ang Cheng. "Book Review: East of India, South of China: Sino-Indian Encounters in Southeast Asia." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 37, no. 3 (December 2018): 200–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341803700310.
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Perwita, Anak Agung Banyu. "The Modi Factor: The Role Of Narendra Modi’s Idiosyncratic Factors In India’s Foreign Policy Responses Towards China Pakistan Economic Corridor." Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) 8, no. 2 (November 30, 2019): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.25077/ajis.8.2.115-140.2019.
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The development of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), as part of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), is one of the causes of worsening Sino-Indian relations in recent years. The Economic Corridor runs through Pakistan-occupied Kashmir, which India has claimed as its territory for decades. India sees thie Project as a violation of its sovereignty, but China defends the Project, saying that it is purely an economic connectivity project without strategic purposes. Seeing the possible worsening relations, India initiated to invite Xi Jinping for an Informal Summit with Narendra Modi. With a longstanding historical relationship with China, and his personal style diplomacy, Modi manages to fix some misconception with Xi Jinping on several issues. While trying to fix Sino-Indian relations, Narendra Modi is at the same time still firm on its opposition towards the Project. The authors observe that Narendra Modi’s personality plays a big role in India’s response towards China-Pakistan Economic Corridor. Modi’s strong and assertive personality, coupled with his Hindu-nationalist belief, explained the Indian decision to firmly opposing the CPEC. On the other hand, the footprints of Modi’s charisma, personal-style diplomacy, and his longstanding relationship with China, are visible in the Wuhan Summit, in which Modi became the spearhead of diplomacy.
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Kashyap, Usha, and Neha Bothra. "Sino-US Trade and Trade War." Management and Economics Research Journal 5 (2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.18639/merj.2019.879180.
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Trade has been one of the most primary reasons behind economic association. Cross-border trade not only makes the markets cost-efficient but rather also brings up a higher degree of specialization to the respective nations. Bilateral trades have proven to be quintessential to both sides of the deal. However, on a parallel front, every economy has a self-interest toward the domestic produce, and they also try to defend their local manufacturers from cross-border competition. The United States has an “America-first” policy. Whenever the United States imposes tariffs and duties, similar responses have been observed by China. These moves are an area of great concern for global trade. The impact is often visible on the rest of the world. A trade-off exists between domestic economic growth and favored imports. This study is an attempt to discuss the trade relations between the United States and China and how this has led to a trade war. The trade tensions between the United States and China may continue for a few more years. There is a battle for economic supremacy and global leadership. This study explains why the United States is increasing tariffs on Chinese goods and how China is retaliating. This US–China trade war has affected not only the two economies but also the world economy. This study elucidates the repercussions of trade war on the international supply chain and the countries of the European Union. This study has also endeavored to discuss the impact of this trade war on the Indian economy. It is a golden opportunity for India to increase exports to China, the United States, and Europe.