Academic literature on the topic 'Sino india'

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Journal articles on the topic "Sino india"

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Garver, John. "The Unresolved Sino–Indian Border Dispute." China Report 47, no. 2 (May 2011): 99–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944551104700204.

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This paper posits that China’s insistence on the ‘return’ to China of the territory constituting Arunachal Pradesh, and even China’s insistence on Indian cession of a salient of territory in the Tawang area of that region, is a form of Chinese deterrence of what Beijing takes to be potentially dangerous ‘anti-China’ behaviour by India. Deep divergence of Chinese and Indian perceptions of Tibet, plus the history of Indian support for unarmed and armed Tibetan resistance to Chinese Communist rule of Tibet, makes Beijing fearful that India might again, someday, work to undermine Chinese rule in Tibet. An open territorial dispute serves as a standing threat to ‘teach India a lesson’, underlining for New Delhi the need for great circumspection in dealing with China. Indian strategic alignment with the United States exacerbates Chinese fears. The intensity of China’s implicit threat can be turned up or down by Beijing as the perversity of Indian policy indicates. Keeping the border issue open dovetails with China’s continuing entente with Pakistan and may even be based on an understanding between Beijing and Islamabad. A premise of this argument is that mainstream Indian opinion is willing to translate the line of actual control into an international border.
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Sameera Imran. "Sino-Indian Strategic Balancing in Nepal." Strategic Studies 41, no. 1 (May 9, 2021): 67–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.53532/ss.041.01.0055.

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This article examines Sino-Indian power balancing in Nepal to explore Kathmandu’s policy options for security. Traditionally, both regional giants have sought to co-opt Nepal in a bid to outflank the other in the Himalayan region. India has exercised greater leverage profiting on ethnic and economic connections. Presently, China’s rise has offered Kathmandu a window of opportunity to substitute the Indian foothold in Nepal. China’s strategic leverage has increased due to the up-gradation of Sino-Nepalese political and economic connections. Nepal’s tilt towards Beijing has led New Delhi to seek reassurances from Kathmandu. Sino-Indian overlapping cultural and competing politico-strategic objectives has increased Kathmandu’s volatility to foreign intervention. The interplay of Sino-Indian regional balancing has constrained policy options for its security. Within this context, the article seeks to analyse the following questions: a.) What are Sino-Indian power ambitions and policy objectives in Nepal? b.) How has China’s expansion of influence impacted on Nepal-India relations and Kathmandu’s policy options for security? The theoretical cushion of neo-classical realism, employing qualitative techniques of content analysis has provided a befitting context to study Nepal’s security challenges. The article argues that Kathmandu’s security drive has to tread on a thin rope of power balancing caught in between India and China. Nepal balances between its tightly knit historic ties with India and the new opportunity dawned in building connections with Beijing. Nepal’s approach marks philosophical approach of Kautilya’s Raja Mandala as an expression of expedient move to win security.
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Chakravorty, PK. "Sino-Indian War of 1962." Indian Historical Review 44, no. 2 (December 2017): 285–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0376983617726649.

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More than half a century has elapsed since China and India fought a War in October–November 1962. The War saw the Chinese Army coming out with flying colours. India as a nation was shocked and had to strain every sinew to reorganise itself to win the ensuing wars with Pakistan in 1965 and 1971. There are many questions as regards the causes of the War, the events which preceded the conflict and what actually happened that led to the debacle. The article addresses these issues comprehensively and analyses the War in detail. Overall it was a failure to assess the Chinese threat in correct perspective. The Indian government did not expect China to fight a War against India. The obvious question to ask is what is the way ahead? The concluding portion of the article deals with the current situation and measures to be taken to deter China from undertaking a military adventure. There is a need to have a National Security Strategy as also leave no stone unturned to build our Comprehensive National Power. In this, our Armed Forces must be modernised to meet the Chinese forces. The Chinese Navy has of late gained strength and is making forays into the Indian Ocean. We should be prepared for this aspect and build our military diplomacy with the United States, Japan and Vietnam. Last of all to understand China, we must create nodes of excellence in our country.
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Kumar, Pranav. "Sino-Bhutanese Relations." China Report 46, no. 3 (August 2010): 243–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944551104600306.

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Historically the interaction between Bhutan and China was through Tibet. The annexation of Tibet by China and the later uprising in Tibet instilled a sense of fear in Bhutan causing it to close its northern border in 1960. However, Bhutan adopted a more open policy in the 1970s gradually increasing the contacts between the two neighbours. Border talks which started in 1984 resulted in an agreement in 1998 on maintaining peace and tranquility along border areas. While China and Bhutan neither have diplomatic relations nor any legal trade, growing Chinese interests in South Asia encompass Bhutan as well. Bhutan, therefore, faces the dilemma of not hurting the interests and sentiments of its traditional friend India while at the same time needing to respond to Chinese overtures and to solve the border problem peacefully and urgently; in the Sino-Bhutanese relationship, the Indian element remains the most important variable. The dynamics of the Sino-Indian relationship and Indian and Chinese strategic interests and activities in the Himalayas will be crucial in shaping Bhutan’s policies towards China.
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Mitra, Subrata K., and Srikanth Thaliyakkattil. "Bhutan and Sino–Indian Rivalry." Asian Survey 58, no. 2 (March 2018): 240–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2018.58.2.240.

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The military standoff between Chinese and Indian troops in the disputed territory of Doklam brought forward the foreign policy dilemmas of Bhutan and its search for an optimal strategy toward its two neighboring big powers. This paper discusses Bhutan’s attempts to balance its overwhelming dependence on India with the necessity of normal diplomatic relations with China.
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Alikberov, E. Sh, A. R. Alikberova, and V. A. Letiaev. "Sino-Indian Rivalry: Sri Lanka." Russia & World: Sc. Dialogue, no. 4 (December 23, 2022): 126–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.53658/rw2022-2-4(6)-126-137.

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The article is devoted to Sri Lanka, one of the zones of strategic interests of China and India. Both Asian states are forming new consumer markets, building new sea corridors, and in the busiest maritime trade corridor in the world – the Indian Ocean, their competition for control over key transport arteries is becoming more and more evident. In the current conditions, the value of control over logistics is determined not so much by the volume of trade and benefits, as by the ability to consistently generate added value. Thus, Sri Lanka, being at the center of the strategic priorities of India and China in South Asia, turns into a zone of vital interests of the two Asian dominant forces. The study shows the weaknesses and strengths of Sri Lanka, which can affect the further balance of relations between the three states.
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Zilong, Che. "The Development of Sino Indian Trade from the Perspective of “The Belt and Road Initiative”." Journal of Economics and Management Sciences 4, no. 3 (September 6, 2021): p7. http://dx.doi.org/10.30560/jems.v4n3p7.

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Since ancient times, the two ancient civilizations of China and India have had a long history of trade exchanges, and such trade exchanges have left an important mark in the history of Sino-India relations. Chronologically,this article takes the Sino-Indian trade exchanges as a research perspective to outline two thousand years of trade history between two countries. From the Sino-Indian Business Road that began in the Qin Dynasty and Han Dynasty to the origin of the Silk Road on which Zhang Qian went to the Western Regions as an envoy, explored the Sino-India-Tibet Road and Maritime Silk Road trade; analyzed the opium trade between China, Britain and India in modern times. At the same time, it uses the founding of People’s Republic of China, the Sino-Indian War, the Belt and Road Initiative and the important events of the global epidemic as nodes to describe the development of Sino-Indian trade. In the long history, this kind of rich trade history also shows that China and India are more likely and should establish a better and more extensive trade cooperation relationship, and learn to effectively deal with the turmoil. This will provide reference for operating the trade activities between the two countries.
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Warrich, Haseeb Ur Rehman, Rooh Ul Amin Khan, and Salma Umber. "Reporting Sino-Indian Border Conflict Through Peace Journalism Approach." Global Mass Communication Review V, no. III (September 30, 2020): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gmcr.2020(v-iii).01.

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The study attempts to analyze the coverage of recent Sino-Indian border conflict through peace and war journalism along with understanding how peace journalism ideals can be translated into conflict reporting. The descriptive analysis of news stories published from May 5, 2020, to October 5, 2020, in the mainstream contemporary English press of China (China Daily and Global Times) and India (Times of India and The Hindu) is carried out through content analysis. The period is significant because of the recent border conflict between China and India at Ladakh. The approach of peace and war journalism is explored through in-depth interviews of Indian and Chinese journalists. The study concluded that both Indian and Chinese press employed war framing more dominantly than peace framing while reporting on-going border conflict. A higher instance of peace journalism was recorded in the Chinese press in comparison to the Indian press. The ideals of peace journalism can be achieved by refraining from becoming part of the propaganda paradigm.
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Hussain, T. Karki. "Sino-Soviet Detente in the Making." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 42, no. 1 (January 1986): 38–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848604200103.

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Increasingly, the trend in Sino-Soviet normalization has acquired the kind of high visibility which compels serious attention within India. There are several valid reasons for our interest in the matter. Historically, both the Sino-Indian dispute and the Sino-Soviet split occurred in the fifties when the parties concerned had appeared to the outside world as friends and allies. In subsequent developments, the sixties began with a border war between India and China and ended with another border war between China and the Soviet Union. Although the nature of China's bilateral controversies, leading to actual confrontation with India and Soviet Union, were not identical in their origin and evolution, chronologically, its durability with either protagonist has spanned more than a quarter of a century. More recently, an almost parallel movement towards arapprochement is taking place, formally signified by an ongoing process of seven rounds of Sino-Soviet consultations and six meetings between the Indian and the Chinese representatives till date. Although their initial differences concerning some political issues persist, China and the Soviet Union have been interacting with each other at a frequency which was unimaginable barely a couple of years ago. In 1985, for example, more than 70 visits were exchanged between the two erstwhile adversaries. Following the 27th Congress of the CPSU which ended on 3 March 1986, in the forthcoming weeks sometime, Soviet First Vice-Premier Arkhipov is scheduled to visit Beijing to review bilateral, economic, scientific and cultural relations. Later, in the summer of 1'86, Soviet and Chinese Foreign Ministers will hold important talks with each other which are expected to contribute further towards normalization. Similarly, Sino-Indian contacts at several levels have also grown considerably. It may be explained that it does not lie within the scope of this article to examine the derivative triangular linkages present in the Sino-Indian and the Sino-Soviet issues or to argue that the apparent dynamic of the Sino-Soviet thaw would weaken India's bargaining positionvis-a-vis China and therefore a border settlement should be precipitated in order to match the pace of the evolving pattern in Sino-Soviet relations. Rather, the following presentation precludes any juxtaposition with the Sino-Indian problems and focuses almost entirely on certain initiatives taken by the Chinese leadership which have rendered its earlier posturing somewhat obsolete and created an opportunity for it to weigh the Soviet factor afresh in the immediate perspective. Finally, the article seeks to analyse the imperatives behind Beijing's current moves within the larger framework of the primary objective of removing once for all the backward economic status of the country. However, to the extent that the process of Sino-Soviet normalization flows from the shifts in China's foreign and domestic policies, its implications for India are self-evident and for that very reason worthy of our deep interest.
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Chervin, Reed. "“Cartographic Aggression”: Media Politics, Propaganda, and the Sino-Indian Border Dispute." Journal of Cold War Studies 22, no. 3 (August 2020): 225–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00911.

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The middle of the twentieth century witnessed a serious border dispute between China and India. This article explores how these countries used multiple media (e.g., historical documents and film) to support their respective territorial claims. The two countries pursued similar authoritarian approaches by expanding their archival holdings, banning books, and selectively redrawing maps. They regarded dissenting views not only as incorrect but as national security threats. China and India policed domestic media to legitimize government policies and to present their cases to the international community. The British government, for its part, demonstrated its support for India. Because British leaders sympathized with their former colony and because the borders of India were a product of the British Empire, leaders in the United Kingdom endorsed Indian propaganda. Nevertheless, democracy in India and the United Kingdom rendered complete control of the media difficult. The Sino-Indian conflict therefore represented a war over information as well as territory.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Sino india"

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Kumar, Pranav. "Prospects for Sino-India relations 2020." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/5678.

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This thesis argues that territorial dispute, regional geopolitics, and economic competition, catalyzed by misperceptions, will ensure that Sino-India relations remain competitive in nature. However, the high costs of war, growing economic interaction, and the imperative for peaceful economic development will help keep the nature of competition to a pragmatic level through 2020. Worth noting is that nations engaged in pragmatic competition continue to factor in "the other" as a potential enemy for military planning purposes. To stabilize pragmatism in Sino-India relations this thesis recommends a three-pronged strategy for India: build trust; ensure credible deterrence; and, promote economic and regional cooperation. To be forthcoming without appearing weak must be India's mantra.
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Svensson, Johan. "Sino-Indian Relations:Complex Challenges in a Complex Relationship." Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Sektionen för hälsa och samhälle (HOS), 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-19198.

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China and India, demographically being the two largest countries in the world, are together accounting for more than a third of the world’s total population. This makes the Sino-Indian relationship critical not only for those living in China and India, but for the whole world. Regardless of a history filled with conflicts and a contemporary competition over regional influence have the two Asian powers managed to increasingly deepen their economic ties. Even though the relationship seems to be moving in a more peaceful direction of mutual understanding and cooperation, it is still a very fragile relationship. The focus of this research lies in the contemporary Sino-Indian relations, which aims to understand the role trade and cooperation have had in moving the attention away from security-related issues on to more positive fields. The empirical observations that will be tested in the case of Sino-Indian relations are the border dispute at Arunachal Pradesh and the political and economic interdependence. Together these will represent the empirical foundation of the research, which will be tested and interpreted by the neo-realist and neo-liberal perspective. The concluding remarks on the research is that trade and cooperation unlikely is the main factor in the Sino-Indian relationship, preventing or reducing attention from being given to security-related issues, but should rather be seen as the foundational source on which a process towards confidence-building measures, institutions, mutual interests and a political goodwill has been established.
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Zhang, Muchun. "The Sino-Indian Border War and the foreign policies of China and India (1950-1965)." Thesis, Bangor University, 2018. https://research.bangor.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-sinoindian-border-war-and-the-foreign-policies-of-china-and-india-19501965(32bc5179-c994-4885-a0c0-fe9e981cdf09).html.

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There has been growing interest in the historical analysis of the Sino-Indian relations and the Sino-Indian border issue, yet little research has focus on the impact of two Government’s foreign policies on the Sino-Indian border issue. This study examines the Sino-Indian relations, particularly the Sino-Indian border issue, Tibetan issues and China and India’s foreign policies in the middle 20th century. This research will examine the origin and development of the Sino-Indian border issue and connections between and national diplomatic policies and the border disputes in China and India. More specifically, this research aims to illustrate the origins of the Sino-Indian border dispute, the role Tibet played in the Sino-Indian border issue, the impacts of their foreign policies on the Sino-Indian border issue from the 1950s to the 1960s, the measures both states took to ease boundary intension and conflicts, why the 1962 Border War happened, and what changes to foreign policies two governments made before and after the 1962 Border War. This study involves the collection and analysis of historical archival materials and official documents from both China and India.
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Que, Wen Jun. "String of pearls, myth or reality? : Sino-Indian interaction in Indian Ocean." Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2595577.

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Chand, Bibek. "Buffer States in Sub-Systemic Rivalries: Analyzing Nepal's Role in Sino-Indian Security Dynamics." FIU Digital Commons, 2018. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3779.

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This dissertation analyzes the relevance and importance of small buffer states for contemporary International Relations. It argues that sub-systemic interactions reinvigorate the role of buffer states in regional security. Using the case study of the triadic relationship among India, Nepal, and China, this study explains the evolving role of buffer states. The technological innovations in weapons systems, transportation, and communication have extended the reach of potential adversaries, rendering intermediate territorial space less significant than in the past. Thus, it is hypothesized in this dissertation that increased sub-systemic rivalry reinvigorates differently the relevance and significance of buffer states. The role of such states has evolved from an overwhelmingly geographic concept based on spatial discontinuity between larger rival powers to that of a fluid political space in which Great/Middle Power rivalry and competition play out. The research utilizes a mixed research design, specifically called the convergent parallel design. Data was collected based on specific critical junctures between 1990-2017. For quantitative analysis, data on trade, foreign direct investment, and foreign aid were collected; for the qualitative data analysis, foreign policy statements, press releases, and media briefs were used. Incorporating the Kruskal-Wallis Test and content analysis, both the results of the qualitative and quantitative analyses were collectively interpreted. Results demonstrate that during critical historical junctures, material and rhetorical engagements of both China and India invigorate within the buffer state of Nepal. In periods that India increases its material and rhetorical engagements, China concomitantly decreases its material engagement all the while increasing its rhetorical engagement. In essence, buffer states maintain relevance through the externalization of interactions between larger powers in the form of dynamic rhetorical and material engagements. In this case, Nepal maintains its relevance as a dynamic political space for interactions between its neighbors, India and China.
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Bakhala, Franklin. "Indian opium and Sino-Indian trade relations 1801-1858." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.389672.

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Tseng, Lan-Shu. "The transformations of Sino-Indian relations, 1950-2013." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2017. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/39523/.

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With or without global consent, China and India are the rising powers in Asia. After 1962, these two states have experienced enduring rivalries with historical and intricate hostility over the issues of territory, the sanctuary of Tibetan refugees on Indian territory, polarized relations with Pakistan, and geopolitical and resources competition. However, these disagreements have evolved from confrontation to the mixed elements of competition and cooperation to date. Sino-Indian relations have undergone a transformation with momentum toward cooperation on a number of regional and global issues over the last two decades. This thesis aims at exploring why Sino-Indian relations have been transformed from enmity to amity. To do so, I apply the peace and war theory of an international relations theorist, Benjamin Miller, as a main theoretical framework to analyse the transformations of Sino-Indian relations between 1950s and 2013. Thus, this thesis finds alternative explanations of the regional orders to account for why rivals states tend to peacefully coexist, contributing to peace studies. This thesis argues that the transformations of Sino-Indian relations from hot war to cold war, then to cold peace can be contributed to two factors: firstly, the end of superpower competition and the presence of the great powers – Russia, between 1990 and 1999, and the US, after 2000 –imposing regional stability. Secondly, China and India suffered from the problems of a “state-to-nation imbalance”, causing the 1962 war. Moreover, the Sino-Indian relations were characterized by the challenges to the unresolved border disputes associated with China’s Tibet issue, making peace reversible and a high level of warm peace more difficult.
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Shahani, Uttara. "Sind and the partition of India, c.1927-1952." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2019. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/290268.

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Sindhi Hindus comprise the world's most widespread South Asian diaspora. When the British divided their Indian empire in 1947, unlike Punjab, Bengal, and Assam, they did not partition Sind (today a part of Pakistan), despite the minority campaign for a partition of the region. Sind's partition in 1947 was a deterritorialised and demographic one, producing over a million 'non-Muslim' refugees who resettled in India and abroad. A frequently overlooked region in histories of South Asia, Sind is of profound importance to the history of the partition of India. In the decades preceding partition Sind formed the core of the demand for the creation of 'Muslim majority' provinces that later gave Pakistan its territorial basis. This thesis outlines a new history of partition from the pre-partition Sindhi movement for separation from the Bombay Presidency. It explores the hardening of communal identities in a province renowned for its blurred religious boundaries and the ambiguities of defining a 'Muslim majority' province in the run-up to the foundation of Pakistan. Partition histories emphasise the role of sudden and unexpected genocidal violence in creating refugees. The processes of nation-formation and establishing new political-legal sovereignties also shaped refugee flows. Sindhi Hindu migration at the time of partition is also located within their older histories of mobility and suggests a more complex picture of displacements at the time of partition. Largely unwelcome in India, Sindhi refugees exercised a considerable amount of initiative, in rehabilitating themselves and in challenging the state's slow response to their demands for rehabilitation. Using rarely studied legal archives, this thesis charts how, despite being a stateless minority, Sindhi refugees' legal campaigns shaped the Indian constitution and informed broader notions of Indian citizenship. Refugee initiatives to create a 'new' Sind and port in Kutch collided with the governmental agenda to secure the integration of the princely states and harness their economic resources to the Indian Union. By investigating the 'failures' of this attempt to re-establish 'Sind in India', this thesis provides unique insights into the fraught interaction between refugee resettlement and the birth of a new nation.
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Harder, Anton. "Defining independence in Cold War Asia : Sino-Indian relations, 1949-1962." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2015. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3414/.

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In the early hours of 20 October 1962, the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) launched a series of devastating assaults on Indian posts stretched along thousands of miles of mountainous border. The attack drew a line under several years of acrimony over the border and an even longer period of uncertainty and ambiguity regarding each sides’ respective claims. However, the SinoIndian War was far more than just a territorial scrap, bloody as it was. It was widely perceived as a Chinese attack on Nehruvian non-alignment, a peculiar foreign policy posture that he had developed to counter the Cold War. By rejecting Nehru so firmly, Beijing was demonstrating a clear turn from the moderation it had pursued in tandem with the Soviets to engage non-socialist Asia through the mid-1950s. Mao’s attack on India was then a firm rejection of both Delhi’s moderation and Soviet partnership and a major turning point in the history of the Cold War and Asia. This thesis adds to the existing histories of the war by exploring Sino-Indian relations from 1949 when the two Asian giants cautiously swapped ambassadors. The ambiguous relationship between Beijing and Delhi is examined from the perspective of Nehru’s ambitious overall foreign policy agenda, rather than just a narrow focus on the border and Tibet. The deterioration of ties between Delhi and Beijing is often characterised as the result of conflicting territorial and indeed imperial ambitions. But it is also true to say that from early in the 1950s there was a remarkable effort at collaboration and accommodation of their respective ambitions. Simultaneously, collaboration was always underpinned by an acute sense of competition for influence in Asia, in particular over the appropriate model of development for the region. In particular, this thesis gives far greater emphasis on Beijing’s function within the dynamics of Sino-Indian relations, and shows how vital were the ideological shifts within the Chinese leadership. The ideologically framed judgements about Indian economic development policies had a major impact on how Beijing assessed the ongoing feasibility of its entire experiment with a moderate foreign policy in general and cooperation with Delhi specifically. By illustrating how these understandings of India also affected Chinese views of the Soviet leadership’s competence, this thesis also makes an important contribution to the historiography of the Sino-Soviet split. Ultimately, relations collapsed with Delhi not just because of hard territorial interests, but because Mao came to believe that the continued deferral of revolutionary goals was leaving the field clear for reactionary elements in China, India and beyond.
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Westcott, Stephen. "The intractable Sino-Indian border dispute: A theoretical and historical account." Thesis, Westcott, Stephen (2017) The intractable Sino-Indian border dispute: A theoretical and historical account. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2017. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/41262/.

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The Sino-Indian border dispute remains one of the most significant points of tension between Asia’s two rising powers, generating numerous military standoffs and diplomatic incidents since the founding of the two countries. Yet, despite the importance of the Sino-Indian border dispute in the geopolitics of both states, there have been no theoretical examination to date as to why the Sino-Indian border dispute has become and remain intractable. The lack of a proper theory regarding the intractableness of the Sino-Indian border dispute is symptomatic of a wider dearth of serious theoretical studies investigating why and how interstate border disputes become and remain intractable. This dissertation, therefore, attempts to answer a research question that has not been properly addressed in the scholarly literature on interstate border disputes: “why has the Sino-Indian border dispute become and remained intractable and thereby difficult to resolve?” Utilising neoclassical realism as a guide, I propose and test one core hypothesis: China and India have maintained their irreconcilable positions towards the border dispute because any attempt at resolution, whether by making painful and unpopular concessions or by attempts to annex the territory by force, is against the interest of three sets of actors in both states. These three actors correspond with Kenneth Waltz’s three levels-of-analysis; that is the individual state leaders, the state’s governing institutions and the State as an actor operating in the international system. When these actors approach an interstate border dispute, there are three general policy strategies available: to escalate, to compromise or to maintain the status quo. For different reasons, actors from both China and India typically consider escalatory and compromise strategies too risky and reject them as options. Thus, maintaining the status quo becomes the default policy for both sides. Consequently, despite several rounds of border negotiations and numerous confrontations, the Sino-Indian border dispute remains intractable, a state of affairs that is likely to continue for the foreseeable future.
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Books on the topic "Sino india"

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Liu, Xuecheng. The Sino-Indian border dispute and Sino-Indian relations. Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1994.

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Hoffmann, Steven A. India and the China crisis. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990.

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Unknown and unsung: Indian Air Force in the Sino-Indian War of 1962. New Delhi: KW Publishers in association with Centre for Air Power Studies, 2013.

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The Sino-Indian border dispute: A legal study. New York: Greenwood Press, 1986.

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Palit, D. K. War in high Himalaya: The Indian army in crisis, 1962. London: Hurst, 1991.

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A clash of political cultures: Sino-India relations, 1957-1962. New Delhi: Lotus Collection, 2004.

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Vohra, Sahdev. The northern frontier of India: The border dispute with China. New Delhi: Intellectual Pub. House, 1993.

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Banerjee, Purnendu Kumar. My Peking memoirs of the Chinese invasion of India. New Delhi: Clarion Books, 1990.

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Shandilya, Charan. India-China War of 1962: Reality of McMahon line & facts about the "Chinese aggression in 1962", illuminated by notes on recent policies of BJP-led Government of India. Ghaziabad: Supriya Art Press, 1998.

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India-China border dispute: A case study of the eastern sector. New Delhi: A.P.H. Pub. Corp., 1998.

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Book chapters on the topic "Sino india"

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Yang, Yishuang. "Sino-India Bilateral Relations: Review and Prospects." In Current Chinese Economic Report Series, 191–222. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-45940-9_9.

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Bhattacharya, Pinaki. "China, India Should March to Their Own Drummers." In Sino-US and Indo-US Relations, 155–76. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-7276-6_8.

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Bhattacharya, Pinaki. "India in Vanishing Bipolar World: Begins Negotiating Choppy Waters." In Sino-US and Indo-US Relations, 107–29. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-7276-6_6.

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Singh, Swaran. "Afghan Factor in Reviving the Sino-Pak Axis." In China and India in Central Asia, 81–93. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230114357_6.

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Caussat, Paul. "Facing Political Issues and Protecting National Sovereignty: The Sino-Indian Economic Relation Since 1947." In China-India Relations, 81–98. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-44425-9_5.

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Jian, Xu. "China’s major-country diplomacy, Asia policy and Sino-Indian relations." In India and China in Asia, 65–82. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2019. | Series: Routledge studies on think Asia ; 1: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429424496-4.

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Baruah, Darshana M., and C. Raja Mohan. "The emerging dynamics of Sino-Indian rivalry in the Bay of Bengal." In India–China Maritime Competition, 88–110. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York : Routledge, 2019. | Series: Cass series : naval policy and history, ISSN 1366-9478 ; Volume 63: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429444227-5.

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Ndzendze, Bhaso. "India: Between Two Southern Powers." In The Political Economy of Sino–South African Trade and Regional Competition, 113–29. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-98076-4_5.

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McGarr, Paul M. "The long shadow of colonial cartography: Britain and the Sino-Indian war of 1962." In War and Peace in Contemporary India, 58–85. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003231998-4.

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Logan, William A. T. "India’s Air Defenses and the Sino-Indian War: Exercise Shiksha, November 1963." In A Technological History of Cold-War India, 1947–⁠1969, 103–34. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-78767-7_5.

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Conference papers on the topic "Sino india"

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Hu, Rui, and Keping Tian. "Sino-Indian Relations Since the Launch of India s Look East Policy." In International Conference on Education, Language, Art and Intercultural Communication (ICELAIC-14). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icelaic-14.2014.173.

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"The Prospects and Challenges of Sino-India Cooperation under “the Belt and Road” Initiative ----Based on the Five-Link Index." In 2017 3rd International Conference on Innovation Develpment of E-commerce and Logistics. Francis Academic Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.25236/icidel.2017.073.

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"Strategic Thinking on Sino-Indian Cultural Exchange Based on Cinematic Perspective." In 2018 4th International Conference on Education & Training, Management and Humanities Science. Clausius Scientific Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.23977/etmhs.2018.29165.

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YANG, Rui, and Hong-Yan GAO. "Research on Sino-Indian Co-production Strategy Based on Cultural Diversity." In Proceedings of the 4th Annual International Conference on Social Science and Contemporary Humanity Development (SSCHD 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/sschd-18.2019.18.

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Rao, L. Navinkumar, and S. Gairola. "A low-power isolated photovoltaic (PV) system employing sine model." In 2015 Annual IEEE India Conference (INDICON). IEEE, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/indicon.2015.7443267.

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Peng, Pei. "The Impact of the Sino-Indian Border Conflict on the Kashmir Issue." In Proceedings of the 2019 5th International Conference on Social Science and Higher Education (ICSSHE 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icsshe-19.2019.273.

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Montesinos lapuente, Angela. "Los movimientos feministas periféricos como herramienta de cambio social. Una aproximación a los feminismos no occidentales en la práctica artística." In IV Congreso Internacional Estética y Política: Poéticas del desacuerdo para una democracia plural. València: Editorial Universitat Politècnica de València, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/cep4.2019.10511.

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Como es sabido, los procesos capitalistas y neoliberales, son herencia y resultado de una larga tradición colonialista de la Vieja Europa que ha derivado a un ente colonizador denominado Occidente civilizado y civilizador, en términos territoriales, hasta difuminarse en simplemente núcleos de poder económico. Así, la globalización heredera de la llamada “universalidad” del yo occidental ha dejado de lado e invisibilizado al otro, esto es, a los territorios colonizados, vistos como salvajes o primitivos. Estos, se han dejado de lado por carecer de los avances socio-tecnológicos del “primer mundo”, países “democráticos”, “bajo soberanía popular”, pero, como es sabido, articulados en torno al capital y sus normas. En el siglo XXI estamos asistiendo a la aparición de diferentes movimientos y grupos, que a través de luchas y reivindicaciones concretas intentan modificar y en ocasiones directamente acabar con este estado neoliberal. De esta forma, resistencias como el movimiento feminista actúan por la igualdad, pero a su vez actúan como representación de diferentes maneras de hacer, diversos modelos de gestión que se deben extrapolar a otros niveles más generales de gobierno, participación y lucha. No obstante, aún así, el movimiento feminista que prevalece es un aparato occidentalizado, pero ¿qué sucede en territorios de la periferia respecto a los núcleos de poder económico? Aparentemente, estamos asistiendo a un apertura de escucha, así por ejemplo, los movimientos feministas en países de Latinoamérica o la India ya no solo quedan bloqueadas en su propio territorio si no que se expanden o se deben expandir a otros países, a otros grupos como ejemplos de proyectos alternativos a los más tradicionales u occidentales. En este texto intentaremos aproximarnos a los movimientos feministas periféricos y cómo estos pueden dar luz, nuevos puntos de vista y nuevas maneras de hacer a los movimientos occidentales. No sólo en la lucha por la igualdad sino también en como la lucha por la tierra y su utilización como forma de vida pueden influenciar en procesos respecto a la lucha sobre el cambio climático, maneras de comercio e intercambios. Refiriendo a través de la figura del subalterno tanto luchas feministas como resistencias sociales de clase. La transversalidad imperante de los medios sociales y culturales actuales, llevan en ocasiones a difuminar la frontera entre el arte y lo puramente sociológico, convirtiendo la propia propuesta artística en una de las herramientas de resistencia más combativas.
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Bishnu, Abhijeet, Anjana Jain, and Anurag Shrivastava. "Optimized sinc power pulse for inter carrier interference mitigation in OFDM system." In 2013 Annual IEEE India Conference (INDICON). IEEE, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/indcon.2013.6725861.

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Rana, Sanjima, and Khushal Thakur. "Extrapolated-grid based Mobile Sink Data path selection for Wireless Sensor Network." In 2015 Annual IEEE India Conference (INDICON). IEEE, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/indicon.2015.7443567.

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Garcia Laborda, Jesus. "Razones para el uso de blogs por maestros en formación." In IN-RED 2018: IV Congreso Nacional de Innovación Educativa y Docencia en Red. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica València, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/inred2018.2018.8883.

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Aunque las tecnologías de la información han sido utilizadas en el aula universitaria desde principios de los 80, su difusión y profundidad es muy diferente en España. En las carreras de Humanidades y Ciencia Sociales de la Universidad de Alcalá se han visto limitadas por unos recursos ciertamente limitados. De ahí la necesidad de obtener recursos sencillos y accesibles gratuitamente. Los blogs constituyen una excelente oportunidad para desarrollar la capacidad de los futuros maestros de elaborar o combinar sus propias creaciones y tareas del aula para darles la máxima difusión posible. Este trabajo presenta sucintamente los resultados de las razones y uso de blogs en la formación de profesores. Para ello, tras elaborar los estudiantes de Magisterio sus blogs en grupos, se les solicitó sus opiniones respecto a su uso y funcionalidad de los mismos. Entre los resultados destaca la combinación de aspectos lúdicos y formativos. Esto indica que el uso de blogs favorece no sólo la creatividad, la capacidad de escritura sino que es, además, altamente motivador. Palabras clave: blogs, formación del profesorado, motivación, elementos lúdicos, encuesta.
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Reports on the topic "Sino india"

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Pant, Harsh V. The Growing Complexity of Sino-Indian Ties. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, June 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada603164.

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SIDHU, WAHEGURU PAL SINGH, JING-DONG YUAN, and KENT L. BIRINGER. Cooperative Monitoring Center Occasional Paper/13: Cooperative monitoring for confidence building: A case study of the Sino-Indian border areas. Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI), August 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.2172/752010.

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Amarasinghe, U. A., V. Smakhtin, B. R. Sharma, and N. Eriyagama. Bailout with white revolution or sink deeper? groundwater depletion and impacts in the Moga District of Punjab, India. International Water Management Institute (IWMI), 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.5337/2010.229.

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Ortega Gironés, Enrique. LA GEOLOGÍA VERSUS EL DOGMA CLIMÁTICO (1ª PARTE). Ilustre Colegio Oficial de Geólogos, November 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.21028/eog.2022.11.30.

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Los medios de comunicación, de forma sesgada, suelen presentar ante la opinión pública al fenómeno del calentamiento global como un proceso exclusivamente atribuible a las actividades antrópicas, y sobre el que la Humanidad tiene capacidad para detenerlo e incluso revertirlo. Sin embargo, el registro geológico del planeta indica todo lo contrario, que a lo largo de la historia de la Tierra han existido espontáneamente muchos cambios climáticos similares e incluso mayores que el actual, dirigidos por procesos naturales que siguen activos en la actualidad y que, por lo tanto, modificarlos está fuera de nuestro alcance.
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Bolivar Guerra, Jorge Ivan. Una historia de afinidades en Centroamérica y Colombia: el control fiscal como un hecho de poder. Contraloría General de Antioquia, January 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.58373/obscga.004.

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Es imposible analizar los orígenes del control fiscal en Centroamérica y Colombia sin hacer referencia directamente a los descubridores y conquistadores, los cuales influenciaron la concepción administrativa y forjaron la historia del continente con la realidad existente en España y la cultura anglo-francesa. Una historia en clara discordancia con el deber ser y el real hacer de los gobernantes de las denominadas “Nuevas Indias”. La presente investigación se desarrolla de forma historiográfica estudiando el control fiscal en el trascurso del tiempo: desde la conquista hasta el inicio de la llamada república de Colombia. La metodología aplicada se fundamenta en el enfoque cualitativo, el cual se apoyó en un análisis historiográfico abordado a partir de múltiples fuentes históricas, recopiladas, muchas de ellas, en artículos científicos y trabajos de grado sobre la evolución del control fiscal en los territorios geográficos en cuestión. El resultado obtenido evidencia que aun cuando los sistemas de control fiscal en Colombia y Centroamérica presentan divergencias, en la actualidad es notable la existencia de unas fuentes comunes que unen los orígenes de estos tipos de controles fiscales.
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Mesa Rosero, Edwin Hernán, Gloria Elsa Rodríguez Jiménez, María Victoria Díaz Franco, Claudia Meza Narváez, and María Inés Carmona López. Reconocimiento social de las profesiones de fonoaudiología y fisioterapia en Chile y Colombia. Corporación Universitaria Iberoamericana, January 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.32457/12728/999820184.

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Según Fernández Pérez (2001) "El concepto profesión ha evolucionado a través del tiempo y ha sido producto de un desarrollo histórico, que ha creado y renovado mecanismos de diversa índole, hasta llegar a los procesos modernos que se conocen hoy en día", en ese sentido profesiones como la enfermería se han interesado por conocer y hasta transformar su imagen social en los diferentes ámbitos de desempeño, los cuales han llegado a ser tergiversado por los medios de comunicación, específicamente espacios televisivos como las novelas (Gómez-Bustamante, 2012; Encinas Prieto, 2016) 2. Por lo anterior se propuso un proceso de investigación que indagará la imagen social de la fisioterapia y la fonoaudiología utilizando una metodología mixta con un muestreo en bola de nieve, de esta manera se caracterizó percepción de la labor de los profesionales en fonoaudiología y fisioterapia en Chile y Colombia en tres grupos poblaciones, el social que contempló la comunidad en general, docentes y estudiantes de otras profesiones, el educativo en dónde se tuvo en cuenta a los profesionales y los estudiantes y el grupo ocupacional que considero a los empleadores. Para Colombia se obtuvieron 353 registros válidos, correspondiendo, como lo indica la tabla 13, docentes con el 18,1%, empleadores 4,2 %, estudiantes 36,3% y 41,4% comunidad en general
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Yenes, Laura, Puy Ayarza, Pablo Calvín, and Alberto Santamaría. ORIGEN DE LA ANOMALÍA MAGNÉTICA DE SALAMANCA. CONTRIBUCIÓN DE LA FORMACIÓN ALDEATEJADA (PROTEROZOICO SUPERIOR) Y DE LAS PIZARRAS ORDOVÍCICAS. Ilustre Colegio Oficial de Geólogos, May 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21028/ly.2021.05.25.

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La Anomalía Magnética de Salamanca (AMSA) presenta una amplitud y geometría que sugieren la existencia de una fuente localizada a poca profundidad y situada ligeramente al sureste de la propia ciudad. Su característica más llamativa es su polaridad inversa, que indica la existencia de rocas con una magnetización remanente adquirida durante un cron de polaridad inversa. Se han estudiado dos litologías que son potencialmente portadoras de una magnetización remanente natural (NRM) compatible con dicha anomalía: las Pizarras de Aldeatejada (Neoproterozoico) y las Pizarras del Ordovícico Medio, ambas aflorando en el flanco sur del Sinclinal de Salamanca. Los estudios realizados incluyen microscopía óptica, desmagnetización de la NRM por campos alternos, curvas termomagnéticas y desmagnetización térmica de la magnetización remanente isotérmica (IRM) adquirida a lo largo de tres ejes. Los resultados muestran que las Pizarras de Aldeatejada presentan una NRM lo suficientemente intensa para generar una anomalía magnética. Sin embargo, es de polaridad normal, compatible con el campo magnético terrestre actual y, por lo tanto, no debe contribuir a la generación de la AMSA, de polaridad inversa. Por el contrario, las Pizarras Ordovícicas muestran una NRM de polaridad inversa compatible con la AMSA, pero poco intensa. Si estas últimas continúan hacia el este, por debajo de la ciudad de Salamanca, y la intensidad de su NRM aumenta, podrían ser la fuente de la anomalía.
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Montagut Cifuentes, Eduardo Alejandro, Robinson Fidel Casanova Rosero, Julián Mauricio Betancourt Portela, Juan Alberto Patiño Martínez, Cabrera Luna Edgard Enrico, and Blanco García José Luis. Anuario Científico CCCP 1984 - 2000. Direccion General Maritima - DIMAR, December 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.26640/anuario.cccp-2000.

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Manejo integral de la zona costera aplicado al ordenamiento territorial del municipio de Tumaco. // Análisis de algunas características físico-químicas registradas en las aguas estuarinas de la Ensenada de Tumaco. // Variación espacio-temporal del zooplancton en la Ensenada de Tumaco, Pacífico colombiano. // Investigación oceanográfica conjunta en la Región Pacífica Sudeste y su proyección. La Dirección General Marítima a través de sus dos Centros de Investigación localizados en Cartagena y Tumaco, desarrolla investigación científica marina con una tradición de más de dos décadas y aportes sign ificativos al conocimiento descriptivo de las aguas oceánicas del Caribe y del Pacífico, a sus litorales y zonas costeras. Es tal vez esta materia en la que mayores resultados tangibles se han obtenidoen los últimos años, no solamente al existir una tradición y experiencia ampliamente reconocidas nacional e internacionalmente, sino porque contamos con un recurso humano idóneo, cal ificado, tanto a bordo de las unidades oceanográficas como en tierra y con un extraordinario sentido de pertenencia. Considerando que las plataformas de investigación son esenciales para el fortalecimiento de la capacidad operativa e investigativa de la Armada Nacional y la Dirección General Marítima, se desarrol la desde 1999, el proyecto de reparaciones mayores de los buques oceanográficos ARC Malpelo y ARC Providencia, que debe terminar en el 2001. La Agenda para la Colombia del siglo XXI , publicada por COLCI ENCIAS, nos indica que se han promulgado los planes estratégicos preparados en los siete programas Nacionales de Innovación y Desarrollo Tecnológico. En este contexto la Dirección General Marítima formuló su Agenda Científica que identificó cuatro Programas para ser desarrol lados en el período 2000-2010: Oceanografía Operacional , Protección del Medio Marino, Zona Costera e Hidrografía. La estrategias regionales de ciencia y tecnología cobran entonces, especial relevancia. Es en el espacio regional, y en el de las necesidades locales, que se puede buscar una más clara articulación entre los programas nacionales y los requerimientos de desarrollo del país. Con el lema: Colombia dos Mares, una Patria , el presente Anuario Científico, en su primera edición pretende consolidar en un solo volumen, resultados de investigaciones adelantadas en los dos Centros y que por lo tanto ameritan su divulgación y difusión, dentro de la estrategia institucional de comunicación para dar a conocer los avances de la investigación desarrollada, así como la toma de conciencia sobre el problema ambiental, la degradación de la zona costera y su situación particular de riesgo en la región del Pacífico, el rol principal de los océanos y el clima, la explotación de recursos oceánicos vivos y no vivos y la necesidad de sostenibil idad en su utilización.
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Lonin, Serguei A., Luis Alfredo Calero Hernández, Tuchkovenko Yuri S., Ricardo José Molares Babra, Jesús Antonio Garay Tinoco, María Teresa Vélez, Luis Alvaro Mendoza Mazzeo, et al. Anuario Científico CIOH 1975 - 2000. Direccion General Maritima - DIMAR, December 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.26640/anuario.cioh-2000.

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Modelación numérica de derrames de crudo y concepto del problema inverso. Aplicación de la modelación numérica a la solución de problemas ambientales de la Ciénaga Grande de Santa Marta. Diagnóstico Ambiental del Archipiélago Islas del Rosario, como fundamento para su ordenamiento territorial. Caracterización geomorfológica de la franja litoral del Departamento del Atlántico - Caribe colombiano. La Dirección General Marítima a través de sus dos Centros de Investigación localizados en Cartagena y Tumaco, desarrolla investigación científica marina con una tradición de más de dos décadas y aportes significativos al conocimiento descriptivo de las aguas oceánicas del Caribe y del Pacífico, a sus litorales y zonas costeras. Es tal vez esta materia en la que mayores resultados tangibles se han obtenido en los últimos años, no solamente al existir una tradición y experiencia amplia- mente reconocidas nacional e internacionalmente, sino porque contamos con un recurso humano idóneo, calificado, ta nto a bordo de las unidades oceanográficas como en tierra y con un extraordinario sentido de pertenencia. Considerando que las plataformas de investigación son esenciales para el fortalecimiento de la capacidad operativa e investigativa de la Armada Nacional y la Dirección General Marítima, se desarrolla desde 1999, el proyecto de reparaciones mayores de los buques oceanográficos ARC Malpelo y ARC Providencia, que debe terminar en el 2001. La Agenda para la Colombia del siglo XXI, publicada por COLCIENCIAS, nos indica que se han promulgado los planes estratégicos preparados en los siete programas Nacionales de Innovación y Desarrollo Tecnológico. En este contexto la Dirección General Marítima formuló su Agenda Científica que identificó cuatro Programas para ser desarrollados en el período 2000-2010: Oceanografía Operacional, Protección del Medio Marino, Zona Costera e Hidrografía. La estrategias regionales de ciencia y tecnología cobran entonces, especial relevancia. Es en el espacio regional, y en el de las necesidades locales, que se puede buscar una más clara articulación entre los programas nacionales y los requerimientos de desarrollo del país. Con el lema: Colombia dos Mares, una Patria, el presente Anuario Científico,en su primera edición pretende consolidar en un solo volumen, resultados de investigaciones adelantadas en los dos Centros y que por lo tanto ameritan su divulgación y difusión, dentro de la estrategia institucional de comunicación para dar a conocer los avances de la investigación desarrollada, así como la toma de conciencia sobre el problema ambiental, la degradación de la zona costera y su situación particular de riesgo en la región del Pacífico, el rol principal de los océanos y el clima, la explotación de recursos oceánicos vivos y no vivos y la necesidad de sostenibilidad en su utilización.
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Araujo, G. A., T. A. Quintero, Andrés Miguel Quintero Gutiérrez, and Medardo José Rodríguez Polo. Medición de la condición corporal del ganado Cebú. Universidad Nacional Abierta y a Distancia, December 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.22490/ecapma.3672.

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Contextualización del Tema: Se define la condición corporal como la cantidad de grasa que cubre la vaca, que indica las reservas de energía útil que dispone para hacer frente a las altas demandas que impone la producción de leche y se puntualizan las ventajas que tiene este indicador sobre el peso vivo, el perímetro torácico y otros estimadores de las reservas corporales. Vacío de Investigación: En la ganadería de ganado Cebú del trópico colombiano especialmente en la región caribe, se ha arraigado la técnica de la observación visual, sin tener conocimiento de los indicadores de la condición corporal, y por lo tanto se requiere promover el uso de la calificación de la condición corporal como herramienta de campo en la toma de decisiones en el manejo nutricional de la vaca. Propósito de Working paper: Es socializar el conocimiento que viene realizando el semillero de investigación acordes con las salidas de campo, aludiendo al tipo de estrategias didácticas que implican la aplicación de conceptos, teorías y postulados para construcción de nuevo conocimiento. Metodología seguida en el estudio: Se brinda una metodología para ganado cebú con 5 categorías de puntaje, aplicando la guía para la evaluación de la condición corporal de vacas en sistemas doble propósito, con la siguiente escala: 1 muy pobre, 2 pobre, 3 regular, 4 buena, 5 muy buena y 6 obesa. Resultados Obtenidos Evidenciamos que la gran mayoría de la vacas presentan una condición corporal entre 3 y 4, la cual se puede considerar de regular a buena, reflejando que tienen poca producción de leche, presentan un gran número de días abiertos y una baja condición corporal al final de la lactancia. Conclusiones: Se evidencio la estrecha relación entre valores de la condición corporal con el plano nutricional, la incorporación a la producción, valores de condición corporal de 2.5 a 3.5 si se desean alcanzar niveles productivos y reproductivos adecuados.
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