Relevant bibliographies by topics / Sinhalese nationalism

Academic literature on the topic 'Sinhalese nationalism'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 28 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Sinhalese nationalism"

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Roberts, Michael. "For Humanity. For the Sinhalese. Dharmapala as Crusading Bosat." Journal of Asian Studies 56, no. 4 (November 1997): 1006–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2658297.

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In 1956, eight years after political independence was secured for Sri Lanka, a major transformation was effected through the ballot. A confederation of forces led by the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) under S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike turfed the United National Party (UNP) and its right wing, English-educated leadership out of office. These forces represented a groundswell of the underprivileged against the privileged, and, as such, represented a radical socialist thrust. They also included a powerful strand of Sinhala nativism, i.e., of cultural nationalism, which made Sinhala the language of administration and which espoused conspiracy theories directed against the influence wielded by Catholic cabals. This body of thought has been described in the literature as “Sinhala linguistic nationalism” and “Sinhala Buddhist nationalism.” What requires underlining here is the fact that this ideological corpus had previously been in a defensive position because it was deemed a “communalism.” But, now, in 1956, the majoritarian sanction of a populist and radical victory converted it into a nationalism (see Roberts 1994, 258–59, 263–64, and ch. 12)–a force which some scholars, standing in the mid-1990s, would redefine as “chauvinism.”
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ROWELL, GEORGE. "Ceylon's Kristallnacht: A Reassessment of the Pogrom of 1915." Modern Asian Studies 43, no. 3 (May 2009): 619–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x06002496.

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AbstractIn 1915 the south-western quadrant of Ceylon was convulsed by a week of rioting in which the Buddhist Sinhalese majority attacked a Muslim minority known as the Moors. The consensus amongst historians has long been that the pogrom (as it is best described) was the spontaneous result of religious tension and/or economic grievances at the popular level, with no leadership beyond the uncoordinated activities of local agitators. The consensus ignores significant evidence of wider orchestration, including the activities of itinerant gangs and other mobile agitators, the deliberate propagation of identical false rumours throughout the affected area, and the activities of individuals and societies associated with the Sinhala-Buddhist nationalist movement. Although the picture is far from complete, the best interpretation of the evidence is that this movement orchestrated the pogrom, albeit with varying degrees of success in each locality. That it was able to do so shows that Sinhala-Buddhist nationalism (as opposed to non-communalist, Ceylon-wide nationalism) was more deeply entrenched than is usually thought, which helps to explain Sri Lanka's political direction later in the century.
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Kemper, Steven, and K. N. O. Dharmadasa. "Language, Religion, and Ethnic Assertiveness: The Growth of Sinhalese Nationalism in Sri Lanka." American Historical Review 101, no. 4 (October 1996): 1262. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2169770.

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Peebles, Patrick, and K. N. O. Dharmadasa. "Language, Religion, and Ethnic Assertiveness: The Growth of Sinhalese Nationalism in Sri Lanka." Pacific Affairs 66, no. 4 (1993): 609. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2760710.

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Stokke, Kristian. "Sinhalese and Tamil nationalism as post-colonial political projects from ‘above’, 1948–1983." Political Geography 17, no. 1 (January 1998): 83–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0962-6298(96)00070-4.

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Gaul, Anne. "Security, Sovereignty, Patriotism—Sinhalese Nationalism and the State in Sri Lankan History Textbooks." Ethnopolitics 16, no. 2 (May 12, 2015): 161–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2015.1041834.

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TOYOYAMA, AKI. "Visual Politics of Japanese Majolica Tiles in Colonial South Asia." Journal of Indian and Asian Studies 01, no. 02 (July 2020): 2050010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2717541320500102.

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This paper examines the political, socio-economic, and cultural aspects of Japanese decorative tiles or the so-called majolica tiles widely diffused in colonial South Asia in the early twentieth century. A tile became a popular building material in European countries by the first half of the nineteenth century, and European tiles spread over the world with the expansion of colonialism. Japan in the making of a modern nation established domestic manufacturing of tiles mainly after British models, and the industry’s rapid development was helped by the First World War (1914–1918) and the Great Kanto Earthquake (1923). The Japanese tile industry successfully entered into foreign markets, among which India was the largest and most important market that resulted in developing a variety of new Indian or Hindu designs associated with the rise of nationalism and mode of consumption. Not only within India, tiles, however, also played a crucial role in formulating cosmopolitan identities of migrant mercantile networks exemplified by the Chettiar architecture in South and Southeast Asia. However, in the late 1930s, cosmopolitanism shared by different communities in colonial urban settings became overwhelmed by nationalisms as seen in Sri Lanka where Japanese majolica tiles were differently used as a means to express religiously-regulated nationalisms in the Chettiar and Sinhalese Buddhist architecture. Thus, the analysis reveals visual politics of different religious nationalisms symbolized by Japanese majolica tiles in the interwar period that still structure the present visualscapes.
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Kucukcan, Talip. "Nationalism and Religion." American Journal of Islam and Society 13, no. 3 (October 1, 1996): 424–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v13i3.2308.

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Following the spectacular disintegration of the Soviet Union, popularand academic interest in nationalism and religion gathered momentum. Inaddition to recent ethnic clashes and religious conflicts in many parts of theworld, particularly the Balkans, Central Asia, the Middle East, and manyAfrican states, questions have been raised about the relation betweennationalism and religion. What, if any, is the relationship between nationalismand religion? To what extent can religion influence the emergenceand maintenance of nationalism? Can religious beliefs and sentiments legitimizea nationalist ideology? What is meant by “religious nationalism,” andhow is it related to nation-states, resistance, and violence? These questionswere addressed during a one-day conference held at the London School ofEconomics, University of London on 22 March 1996. The well-attendedconference was organized by the Association for the Study of Ethnicity andNationalism, which was established in 1990 and has published the journalNations and Nationalism since March 1995.The first paper at the Nationalism and Religion conference was presentedby Bruce Kapferer (University College of London, London, UK).In his paper “Religious and Historical Metaphors in the Context ofNationalist Violence,” he addressed political action, the force of ideologies,and the relevance of mythological schemes to religious and ritual practiceby means of a case study of Sinhalese Buddhists in Sri Lanka and theevents of 1989-90. In his own words, his focus was “the dynamics ofremythologization, or the process . . . whereby current political and economicforces are totalized within mythological schemes constructed in historicalperiods relatively independent of the circumstances of contemporarynationalism” and “the force of such ideological remythologizations, that is,how such remythologizations can became a passionate dimension of politicalactivity and give it direction.”According to Kapferer, the relation of mythologization to routine religiousbeliefs and ritual practice is significant. In his paper, he argued that“nationalism is the creation of modernism and it is of a continuous dynamicnature whose power is embedded in and sanctified by the culture that hasoriginated in the rituals of religion which provide a cosmology for nationalism.Cosmology of religion as diverse as nationalism itself that is far fromuniversal claims but exists in diversity.” Kapferer’s theorization is based onhis research in Sri Lanka where, he thinks, continuing conflict is related tonationalism based on cosmologies. The case of Sri Lanka provides anSeminars, Conferences, Addresses 425excellent example of how the construction of state ideology is influencedby religious forces, in this case Buddhism. Kapferer asserted that religionhad a deep territorialization aspect and that nationalism, in this sense, mighthave functioned as reterritorialization of a particular land and postcolonialstate. One can discern from his statements that, in the construction of stateideology in Sri Lanka, myths written by monks and religious rituals wereused to create a nationalist movement that eventually developed into a violentand destructive force in the context of Sri Lanka. Kapferer believes thatthe hierarchical order of the Sri Lankan state is embedded in the cosmologyof ancient religious chronicles.Christopher Cviic (The Royal Institute of International Affairs, London,UK) analyzed another phenomenon taking place in WesternEurope. His paper, “Chosen Peoples and Sacred Territories: TheBalkans,” discussed the relationship between religion, nation, and statein the Balkans throughout history and analyzed how these forces haveplayed themselves out in current events. According to Cviic, historicaldevelopments in the Balkans can provide important clues to understandingthe ongoing Balkan crisis, in which the Orthodox Church hasassumed the status of a nationalist institution representing the Serbiannation. The roots of these developments and the creation of a mythical“chosen” Serbian nation legitimized by religion can be traced to thedefeat and fall of medieval Serbia at Kosova by the Ottomans. Thisdefeat meant that they lost the land.However, under the Ottoman millet system, non-Muslim communitieswere allowed to organize their religious life and legal and educationalinstitutions. This allowed the Serbs to preserve and develop their ethnicand religious identities under the leadership of the Orthodox Church.Thus, religion and identity became inextricably linked, and the OrthodoxChurch assumed an extremely important role in the public life of individualBalkan nations. Cviic pointed out that “in the case of the Serbs, theirOrthodox Church played an important role in the formation of the modemSerbian nation-state by nurturing the myth of Kosova, named after theKosova Polje defeat by the Turks. Essential to that myth was the view thatby choosing to fight at Kosova Polje, the Serbs had opted for the Kingdomof Heaven. Later on the myth grew into a broader one, representing theSerbs as the martyr/victim people with a sacred mission of wresting theirHoly Territory of Kosova from the infidel Muslims to whom it had fallen.A later variant of that myth defined Serbia in terms of wherever Serbiangraves were to be found.” ...
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Aliff, S. M. "Sri Lanka’s General Election 2015." International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 68 (April 2016): 7–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.68.7.

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Sri Lanka emerges from this latest election with a hung Parliament in 2015. A coalition called the United National Front for Good Governance (UNFGG) won 106 seats and secured ten out of 22 electoral districts, including Colombo to obtain the largest block of seats at the parliamentary polls, though it couldn’t secure a simple majority in 225-member parliament. It also has the backing of smaller parties that support its agenda of electoral. In the August parliamentary election, the former president Rajapaksa forces upped the nationalist ante and campaigned to win a majority of parliamentary seats with the votes of the Sinhala Buddhists only, but extreme appeals to nationalism failed to get traction in the elections among the Sinhalese. It is fair to say that the double blow against nationalism in the south was occasioned by the politics of good governance promoted by the UNP and its alliance in the election. In Sri Lanka’s eighth General elections, none of the two major political alliances- the (UNF), nor the (UPFA)- gained a clear majority in the election. More important, for the fourth time the fragmentation of seats among the major parties and regional level party has inaugurated a period of unstable coalition governments, creating an air of political and economic ambiguity in the nation as it enters a post- Mahinda Rajapakse era. This study is based on an interpretive approach. The data were collected from both primary and secondary sources. The study examines distinguishes the 2015 election from previous ones and what extent? What are the major factors leads to defeat the ruling party? However, this study argues that the election results are indicative not only of the decline of Mahinda Rajapakse era but also of a gradual transition toward good governance.
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Campaign For Social Democracy. "Sri Lanka: the choice of two terrors." Race & Class 30, no. 3 (January 1989): 57–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030639688903000306.

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While a stalemate in the predominantly Tamil North and East of Sri Lanka continues despite Indian intervention on the government's behalf, in the Sinhala South death squads associated with the pseudo People's Liberation Front, the JVP, have been ruthlessly eliminating its opponents. The United National Party (UNP) and the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), having created and nurtured popular racism for over thirty years in order to get into power (through a ready-made Sinhalese majority of 70 per cent of the population), * would now like to draw back from the brink of another crippling civil war, this time in the South. But they are unable to do so because the JVP has taken up the Sinhala cause and pushed it to the point of social fascism through assassination and murder. Popular racism based on Sinhala-Buddhist nationalism promoted in the schools and expressed in song, textbook and media served to fuel the anti-Tamil pogroms of 1958, 1977, 1981 and 1983, in which thousands were killed at the hands of street mobs. Some of the most violently anti- Tamil propaganda (deriving inspiration from mythical Sinhalese history) has emanated from the present government. Colonisation of Tamil areas by Sinhalese was justified on the pretext of protecting ancient Buddhist shrines. And it is an open secret that ministers hired their own hit squads in the 1983 pogrom. When, in a bid to end the unwinnable war with the Tamils, the UNP signed the Indo-Lanka Accord in 1987, allowing Indian troops to operate on Sri Lankan soil, it alienated the very Sinhala nationalists it had itself fostered. And it was the JVP which capitalised on the resentment over India's interference in Sri Lanka's internal affairs. Accusing the UNP government (and other supporters of the Accord) of treachery, it enlarged and deepened popular racism into fanatical patriotism. But what has given the JVP terror tactics a hold over the population has been the steady erosion of democratic freedoms, on the one hand, and the self-abasement of the Left, on the other. Both the SLFP and UNP governments have postponed elections to stay in power, but the UNP went further and got itself re-elected en bloc on a phoney referendum to postpone elections. Local elections were never held under the SLFP and whatever elections took place under the UNP have either been rigged and/or carried out under conditions of massive intimidation. In the process, the political literacy that the country once boasted has been lost to the people and, with it, their will to resist. At the same time the collaborationist politics of the Left in the SLFP government of 1970-77 have not only served to decimate its own chances at the polls (it obtained not a single seat in the election of 1977) but also to leave the working-class movement defenceless. So that it was a simple matter for the UNP government to crush the general strike of 1980, imprison its leaders and throw 80, 000 workers permanently out of work. And it has been left to the JVP to pretend to take up the socialist mantle of the Left even as it devotes itself to the racist cause of the Right, and so win the support of the Sinhala-Buddhist people. In the final analysis the choice before the country is that of two terrors: that of the state or that of the JVP. Below we publish an analysis of the situation as at October 1988, put out by the underground Campaign for Social Democracy in the run up to the presidential elections.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Sinhalese nationalism"

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Wijetunge, M. N. R. "Domestic architecture of the Sinhalese elite in the age of nationalism." Thesis, Nottingham Trent University, 2012. http://irep.ntu.ac.uk/id/eprint/305/.

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Domestic architecture of the Sinhalese elites in Sri Lanka remained as unchartered territory until recently. Having focused on the period of nationalism, which indeed is an area in oblivion (both historically and architecturally), this research established that the elite are in a position to better represent/evoke the shifting political/social/cultural forces (i.e. periodic changes) through their architecture within the Ceylonese (Sri Lankan) society. This was the foremost research question tackled. Moreover, the works of the architects Geoffrey Bawa and Valentine Gunasekara were singled-out for being two most varying trajectories aimed at the elite; the background study of post-independence architecture having led the way. How they represented the aspirations of two differing elite groups - the 'governing elite' and the 'political-class' - was then confirmed having placed them against the extant elitist theories. Moreover, the cultural strands of the Ceylonese elite to survive from pre-colonial and colonial situations were identified, and how the articulations became evident in their domestic architectures was assessed through case studies. On the other hand, as broader aims, the applicability of the outcome of the main research question to contexts other than Sri Lanka, communities other than the Sinhalese, or time periods that draw their meanings for being historically/architecturally significant, were established. Other than the foregoing unique contributions to knowledge, the enquiry into the area of elitism was significant. While Western theories on elitism were considered to determine the most apposite, the under-studied sphere of Eastern elitism was tackled in its pre-modern and modern conditions in order to assess social stratifications for the periods in question - Kandyan, Dutch, British and post-independence. Based on social structures of these periods, their elitist positions were envisaged and domestic architectures identified for the results to be presented as a structural analysis. Within this process, more delicate differences such as typologies and phases were revealed, and included in a supplementary catalogue with a repository of new knowledge for future research to dwell on. Moreover, narration of the entire historical spectrum of the island's elite domestic architecture is noteworthy as an original exploration. Optimistically, the imperative findings of this study would open up paths for future researchers in the field.
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Rambukwella, Sassanka Harshana. "The search for nation exploring Sinhala nationalism and its others in Sri Lankan anglophone and Sinhala-language writing /." Thesis, Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 2008. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B41508853.

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Books on the topic "Sinhalese nationalism"

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Sri Lanka's modern writers and patriots. Colombo: Samayawardhana Book Shop, 2007.

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Michael, Roberts. Sinhala-ness and Sinhala nationalism. Colombo: Marga Institute, 2001.

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Language, religion, and ethnic assertiveness: The growth of Sinhalese nationalism in Sri Lanka. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1992.

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Michael, Roberts. Confrontations in Sri Lanka: Sinhalese, LTTE & others. Colombo: Vijitha Yapa Publications, 2009.

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Confrontations in Sri Lanka: Sinhalese, LTTE & others. Colombo: Vijitha Yapa Publications, 2009.

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Michael, Roberts. Confrontations in Sri Lanka: Sinhalese, LTTE & others. Colombo: Vijitha Yapa Publications, 2009.

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DeVotta, Neil. Sinhalese Buddhist Nationalist Ideology: Implications for Politics and Conflict Resolution in Sri Lanka. Washington, DC: East-West Center Washington, 2007.

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Tilakasiri, Siri. Sambhāvya Siṃhala sāhityayē samāja-dēśapālana parisaraya. Koḷamba: Ăs. Goḍagē saha Sahōdarayō, 2007.

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Fire and storm: Essays in Sri Lankan politics. Colombo: Vijitha Yapa Publications, 2010.

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Dharmadasa, KNO. Language, Religion, and Ethnic Assertiveness: The Growth of Sinhalese Nationalism in Sri Lanka. University of Michigan Press, 1993.

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Book chapters on the topic "Sinhalese nationalism"

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Gunawardana, Samanthi J. "Rural Sinhalese Women, Nationalism and Narratives of Development in Sri Lanka’s Post-War Political Economy." In The Global Political Economy of the Household in Asia, 59–74. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137338907_5.

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Staniland, Paul. "Sri Lanka." In Ordering Violence, 230–59. Cornell University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501761102.003.0008.

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This chapter assesses Sri Lanka's history of armed politics. It begins by providing an overview of nationalist politics during the colonial period, primarily the emerging, but fragmented, contest between “Ceylonese” and Sinhalese Buddhist nationalism. The chapter then identifies the major shift that occurred after independence and the rise of the Sinhalese nationalist movement as the dominant project driving governments, both as a result of their own initiative and the pressures they faced from the electorate from 1948 until 1972. From the early 1970s onward, electoral competition between Sinhalese parties, while intense and hard-fought, was nevertheless centered on a broad consensus on the Sinhalese language and Buddhist religion as central to “authentic” nationalism. The left–right dimension was not very relevant to armed politics. Finally, the chapter looks at the armed orders that emerged during the Tamil revolt from the mid-1970s until 2009, mapping out the escalation of the conflict into total warfare. It concludes with implications for understanding Sri Lanka's present and future politics.
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DeVotta, Neil. "The Genesis, Consolidation, and Consequences of Sinhalese Buddhist Nationalism." In When Politics are Sacralized, 187–212. Cambridge University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781108768191.009.

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Wickramasinghe, Nira. "Fashioning a Market." In Cultures in Motion. Princeton University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691159096.003.0006.

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This chapter examines the role of the Singer sewing machine in fashioning a consumer market in colonial Lanka, now known as Sri Lanka. More specifically, it narrates the fashioning of a market imaginary, which indexed modernity as desire installed through the Singer machine. The chapter first provides an overview of the Singer Sewing Machine Company and the market for sewing machines before discussing the company's global expansion. It then considers the Asian market for the Singer sewing machine and the Singer Company's venture in Ceylon/Lanka. It also analyzes the diffusion of the Singer sewing machine in Lanka and the marketing strategies used by Singer in the country. Finally, it explores how the Singer sewing machine intersected with the issue of race and the civilizing mission and how the market imaginary was exposed in circuits of communication such as advertisements, discourses of Sinhalese modern nationalism, and the economy of the machines itself.
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Wijeyeratne, Roshan de Silva. "Appendix 2 Violence, Evil, and the State in Sri Lanka: Revisiting an Ontological Approach to Sinhalese Nationalism." In Legends of People, Myths of State, 291–318. Berghahn Books, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780857455178-016.

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Amunugama, Sarath. "John de Silva and the Sinhala Nationalist Theatre." In The Lion's Roar, 379–415. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199489060.003.0007.

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This chapter discusses the life of John de Silva, the founder of the Sinhala nationalist theatre and the third communications innovator (besides Dharmapala and Sirisena). It also examines in detail de Silva’s interpretation of the sociocultural crisis of colonialism during that period and looks at his efforts to counter it through the nationalist propaganda in his works. The author analysis two of de Silva’s plays: Sinhala Parabhava Natakaya, which talks about the sociocultural crisis of Sinhalese Buddhists as seen by the revivalists, and Sri Wickrama Rajasinha, which confronts the consequences of colonialism in terms of his revivalist philosophy.
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"Hegemonic Populism: Sinhalese Buddhist Nationalist Populism in Contemporary Sri Lanka." In Populism in Asian Democracies, 176–96. BRILL, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004444461_012.

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Henry, Justin W. "Echoes of the Past, Pressures of the Present." In Ravana's Kingdom, 1—C1.N43. Oxford University PressNew York, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197636305.003.0001.

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Abstract This chapter introduces the rise of Ravana as a cultural hero among Sinhala Buddhists, foregrounding the theoretical framework of the book through a discussion of populist politics in the twenty-first century, religious nationalism in South Asia, and a survey of related scholarship in the realms of literary and cultural studies. I highlight the degree to which the proposition that the Sinhala people are descended from the “Yaksha tribe” of Ravana represents a significant rupture from the traditional understanding that the first Sinhalas emigrated from India in the sixth century BCE—an account of the peopling of the island enshrined in the Sri Lanka’s Pali Buddhist chronicles. The chapter concludes with an examination of references and allusions to the Ramayana in the Sri Lanka’s Pali chronicles, as well as an overview of Sinhala Buddhist views on Rakshasas and Yakshas.
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De Silva-Wijeyeratne, Roshan. "Dominion Status and Compromised Foundations: The Soulbury Constitution and Sinhalese Buddhist Nationalist Responses to the Founding of the Ceylonese State, 1931–1956." In Constitutional Foundings in South Asia. Hart Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781509930289.ch-005.

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