Journal articles on the topic 'Significato del parlante'

Nel presente lavoro si considerano le parole composte italiane e croate, e più pre­ cisamente nella fase moderna dell'italiano e del croato. L'approccio allo studio della composizione delle parole nelle due lingue è sincronico. Si prendono in considerazione solo parole motivate nella coscienza linguistica dei parlanti di oggi. La composizione delle parole, che unisce due o più elementi costitutivi, creando in tal modo nuove unità lessicali, è molto importante nella lingua italiana. Si distinguono due casi: in un gran numero di composti ii parlante continua ad identificare i due ele­ menti costitutivi dopo che la fusione è avvenuta (A+B=AB): in questo caso ii signifi­ cato del composto è la somma dei significati dei membri costitutivi e il composto è motivato nella consapevolezza linguistica dei parlanti di oggi; mentre in altri composti la fusione dei due elementi costitutivi dà origine a un nuovo significato (A+B=C), per cui i composti non sono motivati nella consapevolezza linguistica dei parlanti di oggi, quindi non sono trasparenti e dal punto di vista sincronico non sono parole composte, ma vanno studiati dal punto di vista diacronico.

Abstrakt L’uso dei prefissi e dei suffissi superlativi, oltre alla loro funzione di base in quanto indicatori delle dimensioni dell’oggetto descritto o dell’intensità delle sue proprietà, può servire a esprimere l’atteggiamento del parlante nei confronti della realtà extralinguistica. Questi elementi morfologici svolgono non solo la loro funzione di base, ma possono essere utilizzati nella loro funzione secondaria: quella di trasmettere le emozioni dell’autore dell’enunciato. Il materiale linguistico analizzato nell’articolo, tratto dai forum di discussione, riflette le tendenze tipiche dello stile femminile e del linguaggio giovanile. Intensyfikacja znaczenia poprzez użycie prefiksów i sufiksów superlatywnych w młodzieżowej odmianie języka oraz w stylu kobiecym Użycie prefiksów i sufiksów superlatywnych, poza ich zasadniczą funkcją oznaczania rozmiarów opisywanego przedmiotu oraz intensyfikacji jego właściwości, może służyć również wyrażaniu stosunku mówiącego do rzeczywistości pozajęzykowej. Wyżej wspomniane elementy morfologiczne nie tylko spełniają zatem swoją podstawową funkcję, ale mogą być również stosowane w ich drugorzędnej funkcji, tj. w celu przekazywania emocji autora wypowiedzi. Materiał językowy, zaczerpnięty z forów dyskusyjnych, którego analiza jest przedmiotem niniejszego artykułu, odzwierciedla tendencje typowe dla stylu kobiecego oraz młodzieżowej odmiany języka.

Nella narrazione orale, la voce esprime una molteplicità di significati, non solo in riferimento al contenuto vero e proprio del racconto, ma anche rispetto alla disposizione psicologica dei parlanti coinvolti nell’interazione, nonché in rapporto alle modalità di ricostruzione e trasmissione della memoria. Nel descrivere tale stratificazione, partirò da etnotesti tratti da un’intervista dialettologica, per mostrare come in questo tipo di racconto orale prenda forma una sorta di drammatizzazione dell’esperienza vissuta, la quale è interpretata, messa in scena dal parlante per l’interlocutore. Tale drammatizzazione impiega i mezzi espressivi propri del parlato, che saranno descritti in rapporto alle molteplici funzioni svolte nel contesto discorsivo.

La lengua, como órgano del habla, ofrece una doble vertiente plena de significados: bien utilizada se convierte en instrumento de alabanza y bondad, pero, cuando se maneja con perfidia, puede provocar desastres. En este artículo, analizamos su ambivalencia para centrarnos, a continuación, en los diferentes pecados de la lengua, su representación iconográfica, así como los castigos recibidos por blasfemos, mentirosos o aduladores, dejando para un próximo estudio las connotaciones positivas del órgano parlante.

En este artículo se presenta el análisis del proceso de resemantización y recategorización de las piezas lexicales parche y chimba, las cuales forman parte del parlache, variedad argótica del español colombiano. Basados en el Diccionario de uso de parlache (2015) los resultados indican que la palabra parche adquiere unos nuevos significados como sustantivo, verbo pronominal y forma varias locuciones. Chimba cambia de sustantivo a verbo, se usa la parasíntesis para la creación léxica, en fórmulas rutinarias y locuciones verbales.

Per una sorta di pudore, del rapporto denaro/lavoro si parla poco e quel poco solo in termini retributivi, dimenticando i significati psicologici che assume per tutti: lavoratori o no. Il nostro esame parte innanzitutto da una riflessione sui soggetti privi di occupazione: sono un numero impressionante e per loro non ha neppure senso parlare del significato del denaro. Per i lavoratori, al di lŕ del valore della retribuzione, il denaro acquista numerosi significati psicologici, contribuendo a definire l'identitŕ, il contratto psicologico con l'organizzazione, la misura del successo, la risposta al sentimento di giustizia, ... Peraltro, in una fase in cui il mercato del lavoro accentua le sue tendenze duali, suddividendo i lavoratori tra aristocratici e servi, occorre che i decisori riprendano a studiare il lavoro, anche nelle sue componenti conflittuali, per farne un oggetto plausibile di investimento psicologico.

La ‘disarmante' costituzione dell'asilo determina un momento particolare nell'orizzonte dell'opera di Giuseppe Terragni. Sul piano del rapporto con il suo tempo e dell'analisi del significato dello spazio architettonico č interessante rilevare come, da parte delle diverse e piů importanti letture critiche, questa costruzione si ponesse quale termine di paragone rispetto al resto del suo lavoro; tutte letture fortemente supportate dal dato emotivo sia nel caso di quella coeva che di quella seguente, per via della contrastata, ambigua, diciamo difficilmente decifrabile relazione tra l'autore, le correnti artistiche e culturali nazionali ed europee ed il regime fascista. Comunque sia, per questa piccola costruzione, parlare dell'architettura, dell'oggetto e dello spazio senza contemplare l'orizzonte emotivo quale materia originaria e poi interpretativa, rende incompleta la narrazione.

Este artículo surge de una exploración diagnóstica de tipo documental, que se configura como teórica, monográfica y descriptiva, y utiliza fuentes secundarias, esencialmente las designadas por la teoría lingüística semántica y por los estudios sociolingüísticos estadounidenses, hispanoamericanos y colombianos. Pretende dar cuenta de la manera como la competencia léxica del usuario debe resolver la resemantización dada en los verbos de la variedad de habla colombiana denominada parlache. Los fenómenos observados fueron, sobre todo, los distintos tipos de unidades léxicas en las que participan los verbos resemantizados y los procesos y estrategias implicados en su producción y comprensión. Se concluye que la competencia léxica, como capacidad para relacionar las formas con los significados, recurre a los referentes, a las asociaciones conceptuales y funcionales, a las relaciones semánticas,a la lexicogénesis, a las unidades fraseológicas, a los registros, y a los niveles de uso, así que apela a aspectos referenciales e inferenciales.

Negli ultimi anni si è assistito allo sviluppo di una produzione di graphic novel sempre più attenta alle narrazioni del sé e al fumetto come luogo di valorizzazione della memoria individuale e collettiva. In Logicomix, che racconta la storia di Bertrand Russell, la costruzione dell’identità dello scienziato si fonda su una forma di narrazione a metà strada tra finzione autobiografica e racconto biografico. La prospettiva semiotica ci ha permesso di indagare le modalità di costruzione dell’Io dello scienziato adoperate dal testo. Emerge in maniera significativa il rinvio alla dimensione di affettività del soggetto narrativo, che si intreccia al tema della ricerca della verità, tra genio e follia. Si potrebbe parlare, allora, di una fusione tra romanzo biografico e autobiografico, tra documento e finzione, tra passato e presente. Il testo sembrerebbe, dunque, in grado di produrre nuovi ambiti di senso e, per mezzo del dispositivo dell’immaginazione, ridefinire significati già noti.

Intonacija, akcentuacija sono termini ricorrenti nei testi di Michail Bachtin e Valentin N. Vološinov. Ogni enunciazione, ogni testo, ha la sua intonazione e la sua specifica accentuazione. La comprensione non è solo comprensione del contenuto, del significato, ma anche e soprattutto comprensione del testo comprensione del senso, e il senso è dato proprio dalla particolare, specifica intonazione, dalla singolare accentuazione. Ciò non vale soltanto nel parlato, ma anche nella scrittura, dunque nella lettura e anche nella traduzione interlinguistica. È compito del traduttore saper riaccentuare il testo nella lingua d’arrivo così come “risuona” nella lingua di partenza

L'autore propone una lettura dei segni del tempo post-moderno, i quali parlano di Dio come desiderio dell'uomo e pure come fonte che disseta i suoi bisogni. Si parte dalla discussione sul significato dell'espressione "segno del tempo". Dopo un periodizzamento del tempo contemporaneo vengno identificati i tre segni negativi: l'ateismo agressivo, la sociobiologia e la societa dominata dalla hybris. In seguito- vengono individuati i tre segni positivi: il papato, la morte del Giovanni Paolo II nel2005 e le nuove forme di bene generate dana trasformazione della mentalita moderna. Si conclude con alcuni postulati per la teologia dogmatica.

Partendo dal lavoro di Todesco vengono proposte riflessioni riguardo al problema dell'interazione tra mente e corpo. Più il bambino è piccolo, più i suoi sintomi avranno un'espressione prevalentemente, se non esclusivamente, somatica. Spesso il corpo e gli affetti ci parlano più di quanto riescano le parole. Persino le interpretazioni in analisi sono e restano caratterizzate da una componente corporea che si intreccia con un significato affettivo, oltre che cognitivo, sia nel paziente che nell'analista. Gli affetti sono una possibile chiave di volta tra mente e corpo, costituiscono il terreno nel quale una materia sconfina e si sovrappone con l'altra. L'analista necessita di una teoria metapsicologica per potersi orientare rispetto a quan-do, come e cosa interpretare. Il sintomo somatico non necessita peraltro sempre di un'interpretazione, questa può essere in alcune circostanze anche inutile o dannosa. Nel testo si riflette sulla necessità di prendere in considerazione i livelli profondi del funzionamento umano in analisi come in psichiatria. Spesso la frammentazione del sé del paziente si esprime con ma-nifestazioni somatiche che, se interpretate scorrettamente, possono determinare conseguenze non indifferenti sul piano clinico.

Ferme restando le varie accezioni specifiche della voce PAUSA, essa può definirsi con formula generale come sospensione temporanea di un lavoro o di un'attività in genere, un intervallo di silenzio che si fa parlando, leggendo, recitando (o anche sonando o cantando) e, finalmente, l'interruzione di un fenomene per uno spazio di tempo relativamente limitato.1 Questa &efinizione debitamente comprensiva contiene in modo virtuale i vari aspetti e significati del termine in questione. Una esemplificazione provvisoria potrà chiarire meglic quanto stiamo esponendo.

Le impressionistiche rappresentazioni del paesaggio che caratterizzano la prima produzione in versi di Attilio Bertolucci parlano in filigrana di una perdita della natura da parte del soggetto poetico. Muovendo da alcune prose giovanili dell’autore e soffermandosi poi su Sirio e Fuochi in novembre, l’articolo mira innanzitutto a delineare questa vicenda. Ciò consente in un secondo momento di riconsiderare la postura enunciativa tipica della poesia bertolucciana, quella dell’io lirico che descrive il paesaggio campestre, e soprattutto il ruolo dello sguardo, che in ragione dei rilievi effettuati mostra il suo carattere di limite accanto a quello di fondamentale risorsa conoscitiva. Vengono infine indagati i motivi della perdita, riconducibili all’azione corrosiva del tempo e alla prigionia causata dalla vita in città, e il significato simbolico profondo della separazione dalla natura.

Gli annunci per la ricerca del partner, pubblicati online o sulla carta stampata, rappresentano una forma molto particolare di autobiografia. Gli inserzionisti, nel presentare se stessi, il proprio partner ideale, e il futuro che immaginano di condividere con questa persona, concentrano in poche righe un buon numero di informazioni, affidando al tempo stesso anche allo stile e alla costruzione retorica del testo, la buona riuscita della ricerca. Un’analisi che tiene conto della stratificazione di significati in questa forma particolare del parlare di sé, evidenzia la tensione tra soggettività e adeguamento a modelli sociali e linguistici, tra originalità e stereotipia, nonché il tentativo degli scriventi, attraverso la costruzione di un’identità più o meno ludica, di interagire in modi diversi con il destino.

Il campo del design della comunicazione è quello che coinvolge il linguaggio, l'artefatto comunicativo evolutivo, la capacità di fornire nuovi significati, ecc., ma anche la capacità di leggere le tecnologie utilizzate per produrre comunicazione e gli effetti che esse hanno all'interno del "piano d'azione" di un oggetto. piano d'azione" di un oggetto. In questo contesto, abbiamo scelto di sviluppare le idee sul packaging all'interno di uno studio più ampio dell'ambiente incentrato sul "design for access" e di leggere gli artefatti da imballaggio secondo questa prospettiva. Parlare di design per l'accesso significa quindi invertire il punto di vista e le priorità del design. Il packaging implica, di conseguenza, una revisione dell'artefatto che non deve essere limitato dalla dimensione prestazionale e operativa dell'oggetto. dell'oggetto. La prima linea di lavoro è legata all'"etica implicita" e fortemente connessa all'accessibilità comunicativa e informativa del packaging. La seconda linea di ricerca è impegnata a sviluppare nuove forme di apprezzamento del termine "accesso". La presente ricerca indaga le potenzialità dell'artefatto come strumento per sviluppare nuovi livelli di accesso al contenuto stesso e al contenuto informativo.

Uno dei scrittori del IV secolo, che si è inserito nella controversia antropomorfita sorta in quel secolo tra i monaci del deserto egiziano, è Didimo il Cieco d’Alessandria. Nel suo Commento ai Salmi troviamo due immediate menzioni del gruppo degli antropomorfiti e la confutazione del loro errore. L’Alessandrino rimprovera loro di riferire l’essere ad immagine di Dio (Gen 1, 26) al corpo umano, di capire gli antropomorfismi biblici su Dio letteralmente, e in conseguenza di credere che Dio veramente abbia membra umane e una forma esteriore. Commentando molti frammenti biblici che parlano di Dio in questo modo, Didimo spesso mette in rilievo la necessità di un’adeguata interpretazione di tali espressioni. Il fondamentale principio interpretativo – desunto peraltro dalla tradizione anteriore – è quello di intendere queste parole qeoprepîj, cioè in modo degno di Dio, adeguato alla natura di Dio. Il significato degli antropomorfismi non può essere quello suggerito immediatamente dalla lettera della Scrittura, ma deve essere strettamente sottoposto al concetto della realtà a cui essi si riferiscono. Si deve quindi tener conto che Dio è un essere immateriale, spirituale, invisibile, privo di forma e grandezza, incomposto, immutabile, non legato ad alcun posto e libero dalle passioni umane. Nella sua teoria ermeneutica Didimo sembra pure richiamare l’attenzione sulla regola dell’analogia della fede. Nell’interpretazione degli antropomorfismi trova un ampio uso il metodo allegorico, ciò che del resto è tipico per la scuola alessandrina. Così lo scrittore ricava dalle espressioni antropomorfiche della Scrittura diversi significati, non di rado molto profondi: „il volto” di Dio è per esempio il Figlio di Dio oppure la stessa esistenza di Dio, le sue idee o la sua salvezza; lo scrutare gli uomini attraverso „le palpebre” (Sal 10, 4) esprime la divina clemenza nel giudizio; „il grembo” e „il cuore” di Dio Padre, da cui è generato il Figlio, indicano la stessa sostanza del Padre; “le mani” di Dio significano le sue varie potenze (creatrice, punitiva, protettrice), poi i due Testamenti, e infine il Figlio e lo Spirito Santo – due mediatori del Padre nella creazione del mondo; “l’ira” di Dio indica un castigo o un travaglio mandati da Lui, oppure le potenze che fanno il servizio di punizione. Ovviamente in queste interpretazioni Didimo risente spesso della tradizione anteriore (Filone e Origene). Grazie alla presa di posizione contro l’antropomorfismo Didimo appare a noi come un teologo maturo che difende l’immaterialità e la trascendenza di Dio, sa interpretare saggiamente la Scrittura e riesce a ricavarne numerosi e validi contenuti teologici.

RESUM Teoria linguistic i comunicació international La moderna conceptualització del llenguatge com una abstracció representa la cul-minació de la idea tradicional—més o menys clara—segons la qual una llengua és un sisterna de formes què és pot descriure sense fer referència explícita a parlants i oients. Cal recordar, tanmateix, què sense parlants i oients no hi hauria "sisternes abstractes" per a analitzar. El concepte de regla juga un paper central en el programa formalista. El resultat global és, però, la reificació de les categories lingüístiquès així relacionades i una idealització de l'objecte d'estudi què fa impossible l'examen realista de nocions tan basiquès com les de significat i fet verbal. L'alternativa naturalista comporta l'exigència de superar aquèsta fixació en les formes i d'apellar directament a les circumstàncies què donen lloc a l'activitat verbal. Resistir-s'hi condueix inévitablement a una série de culs de sac teôrics i d'inconsistències pràctiquès, p.e., quan ens preguntem què és natural i què és artificial en matèria de llenguatge, o quan jutgem la viabilitat d'una llengua neutral amb vista a la justa cooperació internacional. RESUMO Lingvistika teorio kaj internacia komunikado La moderna konceptako pri lingvo kiel abstraktajo kulminigas la malnovan, pli-malpli klaran ideon, laǔ kiu naturaj lingvoj estas sistemoj de formoj (nun t.n. formalaj sistemoj), supozeble analizeblaj preteratente al realaj geparolantoj kaj geaúdantoj. Tamen, sen ci-lastaj tute malhaveblus tiuj samaj analizendaj "abstraktaj" sistemoj. Reguloj ludas kernan rolon en la formala laborprogramo: netrezulte, la koncernaj konceptoj kaj kate-gorioj estimas aprioriaj memstarajoj, kiuj fakte blokas realecan taksadon de lingvaj faktoj kaj ties vera signifo. Naturalisma ekzameno rekomendas la duarangigon de formoj mem: por ekspliki ilin nepras la rekta enkalkulo de la konkretaj kondicoj sub kiuj efektiviĝas lingvokapablo. Rifuzition fari rezultatas je neeviteblaj teoriaj stratsakoj kaj praktikaj memkontraǔdiroj, ekz-e kiam oni prijuĝas naturecon kaj artefaritecon en lingvaj aferoj aǔ la vivipovon de neǔtrala lingvo por internacia kunlaboro.

A differenza di molti autori spirituali della sua epoca o delle epoche precedenti, Ignazio di Loyola predilige, per parlare del demonio, il termine “nemico” o ancora di più l’espressione “nemico della natura umana”. In questo nostro contributo investighiamo tale espressione: ne analizziamo le ricorrenze negli scritti ignaziani ed esploriamo le fonti da cui Ignazio potrebbe averla ereditata. La difficoltà a rintracciarne l’origine ci spingerà ad approfondire separatamente il significato di “nemico” e di “natura umana” nell’orizzonte semantico/culturale di Ignazio, per poi congiungere questi termini e formulare qualche ipotesi sull’accezione che Ignazio attribuiva all’espressione indagata. Ne emerge la visione di un combattimento escatologico che si svolge nel cuore di ogni uomo e di ogni donna, e in cui ciò che è in gioco è proprio l’interpretazione della natura umana e la piena realizzazione dell’uomo in Dio.

IntroduzioneComponente importante e spesso frequentata degli studi sul comportamento politico, laparty identificationè un concetto che in Italia e, più in generale, in Europa, è stato sovente utilizzato senza una chiara indagine dei significati che può venire ad assumere in contesti di volta in volta differenti. Sviluppato negli anni ‘50 dai ricercatori delMichigan Groupcome elemento centrale nella spiegazione del comportamento elettorale e delle motivazioni di voto dell'elettore americano, la party identification è stata impiegata svariate volte in contesti nazionali diversi da quello americano per storia, struttura politica e sociale, cultura. Un concetto, dunque, che ha avuto molte «traduzioni», linguistiche e culturali, non sempre ininfluenti sui significati e le dimensioni originarie.Il modello dell'équipe di Campbell costituisce, tuttavia, un punto di riferimento obbligato, ogniqualvólta si voglia parlare di identificazione di partito; si tratterà poi di stabilire se la nozione di identificazione a cui si fa riferimento possa ancora essere considerata conforme con l'originale costrutto, oppure ci si trovi di fronte ad un nuovo concetto, differente e non riconducibile al primo.

II merito principale dei Padri della Chiesa consiste nell’aver elaborato i concetti fondamentali e i principi fondanti della dottrina di fede. In modo particolare, tale contributo va valorizzato nella cristologia perche rimane significatvo e valido anche per le ricerche odierne in questo ambito teologico. La cristologia si fonda sui tre principi. 1. Cristo e Salvatore di tutto l'uomo. La sua incamazione garantisce la salvezza di tutto l'essere umano (corpo, anima, intelletto, volonta, sentimento), poiche Egli e vero uomo. La cristologia patristica segue il principio: „II Verbo di di Dio si fece uomo, perchć l'uomo diventasse dio”. 2. Cristo e Salvatore di tutti gli uomini. L’universalita della salvezza e garantita dall'assunzione dal Verbo della natura umana comune a tutte le persone. Egli si e unito in qualche modo ad ogni uomo. 3. La salvezza di Cristo ha anche una dimensione cosmica in quanto Lui e la pienezza della verita di cui i germi si trovano in ogni creatura (Giustino Martire) e in Lui vengono ricapitolate tutte le cose (Ireneo di Lyone). Questi tre principi si fondano sull'ontologia del mistero di Gesu Cristo, ma, al tempo stesso, mantengono un forte e realistico carattere soteriologico. Anzi, il loro fondamento ontologico e garante della validita e dell’universalita della soteriologia. In ąuesto senso, la cristologia dei Padri non conosce l'antinomia tra ontologia e soteriologia di cui si e tanto parlato nella riflessione cristologica del XX secolo. La cristologia patristica rimane attuale e istruttiva nella sua struttura fondante, indicando come presentare organicamente il mistero di Gesu Cristo, vero Dio e vero uomo.

Un docente di liceo, che si descrive come “lombardo di origine e sempre vissuto in Lombardia” segnala di essersi accorto con sorpresa del fatto che la parola cala, nel significato di ‘spazzaneve’, non è nota al di fuori della Regione. Vale la pena di riportare quasi per intero la sua formulazione: “Stupito perché per trentacinque anni mi era parsa una parola italiana standard, ho cercato notizie [...]; ho trovato solo due articoli che la registrano come parola ticinese. Ora, effettivamente vivo molto vicino al confine, e da sempre mi è chiaro il confronto con l’italiano parlato in Svizzera: percepisco alcune forme come marcatamente ticinesi, ma non questa. Esistono studi che siano in grado di ricostruire la storia della parola, se sia effettivamente ticinese e passata nell’italiano delle zone di confine o, viceversa, propria dei dialetti lombardi occidentali in genere e non solo di quelli ticinesi?”

Cos’è che muove al riso? O al sorriso, perché in effetti il verbo γελάω ha ambedue i significati? Perché si rida, o si sorrida, c’è bisogno che ci si trovi insieme ad altri, e coinvolti in una certa situazione che ad un certo punto fa scattare in noi quel tipo di reazione. Questa nota vuol essere un abbozzo di ricerca sulle varie situazioni in cui si ride o si sorride nei dialoghi di Platone. C’è un ridicolo che sorge nell’ambito di una discussione, quando gli interlocutori parlano ognuno per conto suo, senza tener conto di ciò che dice l’altro (p.e. Eutidemo, Gorgia); c’è un ridicolo che sorge involontariamente da una battuta o da un’osservazione di uno degli interlocutori (p.e. Fedro, Fedone); c'è un ridicolo, per così dire soggettivo, che sorge da alcune domande, di Socrate o di un altro interlocutore (p.e. Fedro, Menone, Liside, Protagora); e poi c’è un ridicolo, per così dire oggettivo, che sorge da comportamenti e situazioni particolari (p.e. Repubblica, Simposio). E infine, ci sono interessanti accenni alla natura stessa del ridicolo e alla liceità del suo uso, nelle commedie o negli incontri tra gli uomini (p.e. Filebo, Leggi).

Il concetto di Metaverso è introdotto come antidoto a un pensare per modelli. Una definizione accettabile di Metaverso è la seguente: "una rete massicciamente scalata e interoperabile di mondi virtuali 3D renderizzati in tempo reale, che possono essere sperimentati in modo sincrono e persistente da un numero effettivamente illimitato di utenti, e con continuità di dati, come identità, storia, diritti, oggetti, comunicazioni e pagamenti". La definizione proposta sottolinea il Metaverso come uno spazio di interazione, capace di far convergere e la dimensione fisica e quella virtuale: parlare nel caso del Metaverso di "gemelli" ha il significato non di una semplice rappresentazione/simulazione, come nel caso dei modelli, ma di un flusso bidirezionale di dati, capace di generare una relazione non trascurabile tra le due dimensioni. Nel Metaverso, differentemente da ciò che avviene in qualunque modello, non solo si vive, ma si è posti di fronte a un "gemello digitale", capace di condensare tutti gli aspetti e tutte le pieghe della personalità. Se è vero che la vita non ha bisogno di perfezione, secondo l'insegnamento di Jung, ma di completezza, completezza significa sapersi osservare e vedere anche il proprio lato oscuro, la propria ombra. Nel Metaverso l'Io è nudo: questa circostanza può indurre più facilmente a riflettere sulla realtà della propria ombra e del rapporto con essa.

Il papa Giovanni Paolo II nella sua enciclica Redemptor hominis ha mostrato che cosa significa la dignità dell’uomo ed i suoi dritti connessi alla dignità della nazione ed i dritti di essa. Questo programma il Santo Padre realizza nei suo insegnamento. Come ispirazione gli servivano le esperienze dalla storia più recente, ed in modo particolare l’occupazione tedesca come pure l’attività distruttiva del totalitarismo comunista ed infine la liberazione dal giogo di totalitarismo di tanti popoli negli anni 1989-1990. Giovanni Paolo II, analizzando i dritti dell’uomo, stottolinea il significato basilare di dritto alla libertà ed alla vita, senza cui non si puo parlare di rispetto per la persona umana, la quale vive i funzione in grande famiglia, che costituisce la nazione. Giovanni Paolo II insegna sulla dignità e sui dritti della nazione, sopra tutto, durante le Assemblée Generali dell’ONU il 2.X.1979 ed il 5.X.1995, come pure nei discorso presso la Torre di Bandenburgo a Berlino il 23.VI.1996. I discorsi soprannominati non contengono nessun elenco dei dritti della nazione, ma indicano soltanti alcuni più importanti: il dritto di esistere, di decidere di se stesso, della libertà, della propria identità, della diversità, dell’indipendenza, della propria cultura e lingua, della solidare collaborazione nella pace e giusiizia con le altre nazioni. Il Papa condanna il nazionalismo, il quale proclama lo sdegno e l’odio per altri popoli contraponendolo al patriotismo - l’amore della propria patria, la quale è l’mpegno di ogni cittadino di una nazione. Il soggetto di preocuppazione particolare di Giovanni Paolo II è l’unità delle nazioni di Europa.

Tra i temi di carattere giuridico e politico quello della sovranità è il più presente nei corsi che Michel Foucault ha tenuto presso il Collège de France dal 1970 al 1984. L’insegnamento presso questa istituzione – intitolato, nel suo caso, Storia dei sistemi di pensiero - obbedisce a regole particolari. Una tra queste è l’obbligo gravante sui docenti a non riproporre, di anno in anno, lo stesso corso di lezioni svolte in precedenza, ma di cambiare argomento. Al netto di questa clausola, negli anni che vanno dal 1973 al 1979, Foucault si occupa ripetutamente e intensamente di questioni che hanno una connessione molto esplicita e diretta con la dimensione del potere. Alcuni dei corsi tenuti costituiscono la base di opere che egli pubblica in questo periodo come Sorvegliare e punire o La volontà di sapere. È, certamente, all’interno dei corsi che si viene profilando l’idea del potere che attraversa la sua ricerca in questa fase temporale ed è grazie a questo laboratorio trasparente del suo lavoro che è possibile seguire l’analisi e la rielaborazione che egli svolge sull’argomento “sovranità”. Sebbene questo termine non sia mai espressamente presente nei titoli delle annualità didattiche, molte delle lezioni che impegnano l’insegnamento affidato a Foucault convergono su questa categoria. Foucault riceve dalla teoria giuridica e dalla politologia una parola alla quale si attribuisce pacificamente un preciso significato. Il titolare del potere sovrano è rappresentato, da una lunghissima e importante tradizione, come colui attorno al quale ruota il funzionamento dello Stato. Il sovrano è posto “in alto” e “al centro” della mappa del potere come il punto a partire dal quale e verso il quale si muovono tutti gli ingranaggi essenziali che fanno funzionare la macchina statuale. Inoltre, il sovrano è colui che esercita il proprio potere attraverso l’uso di una forza eminente, idonea a far rispettare le leggi, mantenere l’ordine e inibire qualunque ipotesi di sedizione. Foucault intende, viceversa, mettere in discussione questa lettura. L’itinerario che egli segue punta verso una fenomenologia dei rapporti di potere colti nella loro multiformità e disseminazione. Si tratta di osservare il potere rinunciando alla prospettiva della verticalità, come se esso fosse collocato presso una sola sede, alla prospettiva della patrimonialità, come se esso fosse posseduto esclusivamente da qualcuno e, infine, alla prospettiva della repressione, come se l’unica lingua che esso sapesse parlare fosse quella dell’intimidazione, della sanzione e delle armi. Per rileggere il potere bisogna, al contrario, studiarne il funzionamento presso apparati parziali della società, distribuiti trasversalmente e in grado di implementare una tecnologia che non si fonda sull’interdizione ma, al contrario, sulla sollecitazione della disciplina. Lungo il suo itinerario Foucault incontra lo sviluppo storico della penalità, nel cui perimetro viene sviluppandosi un potere fortemente individualizzante, capace di perseguire un incasellamento degli individui che si serve di molteplici tecniche di osservazione e descrizione operanti a vari livelli della struttura sociale; la storia della psichiatria, grazie alla quale la distinzione normale/anormale, e le conseguenti misure di monitoraggio e controllo della condotta deviante, hanno potuto avvalersi dell’uso di parametri “scientifici” e, pertanto, più cogenti; infine, la biopolitica, che ha ricollocato il tema della sottoposizione dei corpi a regole e vincoli, in vista della massimizzazione delle loro prestazioni, dalla scala degli individui a quella delle popolazioni, lasciando apparire dietro la figura tralatizia del sovrano che esprime la propria egemonia decidendo chi possa vivere e chi debba morire, l’immagine assai più concreta del potere anonimo delle regole di alimentazione, igiene e profilassi che stabiliscono come un’intera collettività debba essere curata e protetta.

Il lavoro – che vuole essere un contributo agli studi su lingua italiana, televisione e divulgazione linguistica - si occupa del programma tematico sull’italiano Le parole per dirlo, in onda ogni domenica mattina su Rai 3 dal mese di ottobre 2020, condotto da Noemi Gherrero con la partecipazione dei linguisti Valeria Della Valle e Giuseppe Patota. Le parole per dirlo è al momento in tv l’unica trasmissione interamente dedicata alla lingua italiana, dato significativo tanto più in un contesto televisivo che dedica ai programmi linguistici uno spazio di gran lunga inferiore a quello occupato da altri generi della divulgazione scientifico-culturale. Il lavoro presenta il programma in seno alla programmazione linguistica Rai dagli esordi (metà degli anni ‘50 del ‘900) a oggi e a correlati fattori storico-culturali, sociolinguistici, comunicativi (fasi e caratteri del mezzo televisivo e sua evoluzione tecnologica; missione di servizio pubblico della Rai; la “lingua” come oggetto di informazione culturale), descrive struttura delle puntate e aspetti crossmediali, illustra le strategie della divulgazione e i temi linguistici privilegiati, anche con focus su puntate specifiche, riportate secondo gli usuali criteri di trascrizione del parlato televisivo. Osservazioni su lingua e tecniche divulgative si basano su un totale di 28 ore e 20 minuti di materiali audiovisivi. The essay deals with a thematic programme on the Italian language, Le parole per dirlo, broadcast every Sunday morning on Rai 3 since October 2020. The programme is presented by Noemi Gherrero with the participation of two linguists, prof. Valeria Della Valle and prof. Giuseppe Patota and it is currently the only TV programme entirely dedicated to the Italian language (a very significant fact in a television programming scenario in which programmes about the Italian language are given less space than other scientific and cultural outreach programmes). The work presents the programme within the Rai linguistic programming from its beginnings (mid 1950s) to the present day and takes into consideration historical-cultural, sociolinguistic and communicative factors (phases and characteristics of the television medium and its technological evolution; Rai's public service mission; "language" as an object of cultural information). It describes then the structure of the episodes and cross-media aspects, the strategies of dissemination and the discussed linguistic themes: the analysis focuses on specific episodes, reported according to the usual criteria of transcription of television speech. Observations on language and dissemination techniques are based on a total of 28 hours and 20 minutes of audiovisual materials.

la imagen y en especial la imagen visual, domina nuestro mundo de hoy. Se nos impone querámosla o no - para bien o para mal. El desbordamiento de la imagen relacionada con el vertiginoso mundo de los objetos se ha convertido en elemento de investigación, pues el conocimiento de las imágenes, de su origen y de sus leyes es una de las claves de nuestro tiempo las cuales genera problemas de caracter descriptivo e interpretativo, ya que la polivalencia de significados y sentidos presentes en ella no acepta simplemente un único sentido, sino, se podría decir la totalidad de sentidos. Desde esta perspectiva, las instituciones escolares no se encuentran preparadas para asumir el reto de la imagen al interior de las aulas, nisiquiera desde la Educación artística. Los resultados de esta investigación muestran que las estudiantes consumen a diario una diversi­dad de imágenes, sin embargo, carecen habilidades para verlas y observarlas, asi coma para leerlas, escribirlas, pero sobre manera, de la capacidad de hablar de las imágenes y sobre las imágenes que constituyen el mundo. En este sentido, en palabras de Efland. Freedman y Stuahr la función de la enseñanza de la Educación Artística "es preparar a los estudiantes a comprender los mundos sociales y culturales en los que ellos habitan. Esos mundos son representaciones creadas con las cualidades estética de los medios". Por lo tanto, comprender no significa develar verdades ocultas en los mensajes que imponen las imágenes, ni transformar, debería ser entendido como provocar un cambio social como consecuencia del develamiento de tales verdades. Para tal fin, se hace evidente la necesidad de una metodología que permita obtener estas habilidades lectoras, escritoras y parlantes para ser dueños de esas imágenes, controlarlas o beneficiarnos de ellas, ya sea por el gozo o para el uso. Por tanto se requiere de la construcción de una didáctica de la visualidad que cimienta un nuevo tipo de pensamiento, en donde la imágen recobra un significado con relación al pensamiento verbal, lógico-discursivo dentro de los procesos de orientación pedagógica en los diferentes niveles escolares, desde los grados básicos hasta la universidad. El estudiante a través de la imágen construye el conocimiento explorando el mundo, el entorno y actua sobre él sin esperar que todo se le de. A partir de estos planteamientos la investigación realiza una propuesta básica a partir de la imágen como instrumento pedagógico de la cultura visual que contribuya a mejorar los procesos de descripción, análisis e interpretación en niños, niñas y jóvenes de las institucio­nes educativas ubicadas en la zona rural del departamento del Huila.

This article deals with the phenomenon of overregularization in a language already extremely regular, i.e. Esperanto, in children who are learning it as their mother tongue together with one or two other national languages. It consists of an analysis of the diaries kept by Esperanto-speaking parents, tracing the development of five children who were brought up speaking Esperanto as one of their two or three mother-tongues. The children were all of European origin, and their ages ranged from one to five years. The different forms of overregularization have been subdivided into three levels of complexity based on the number and type of morpheme compositions used, and the degree of semantic elaboration. Detailed comments are provided on the forms and meanings of the various examples representing each level, showing the correlation between the age of the children and the growing complexity of the forms. This study can be seen as a first step towards a more systematic analysis of the typologies of overregularization specific to this category of early bilingual children and a better understanding of their language development profile. Sommario Regolarizzazione di una lingua regolare: Il fenomeno della iperregolarizzazione in bambini che parlano l’esperanto Questo articolo si occupa del fenomeno della iperregolarizzazione in una lingua già estremamente regolare, cioè l’esperanto, da parte di bambini che la stanno imparando come lingua materna insieme ad una o due altre lingue nazionali. Esso consiste in una analisi dei diari tenuti dai genitori esperantofoni, che registrano lo sviluppo di cinque bambini che sono stati allevati parlando in esperanto come una delle loro due o tre lingue materne. I bambini sono tutti di estrazione europea e le loro età vanno da uno a cinque anni. Le differenti forme di iperregolarizzazione sono state divise in tre livelli di complessità basati sul numero e sul tipo di combinazioni di morfemi e sul grado di elaborazione semantica. Vengono forniti commenti dettagliati sulle forme e sui significati dei vari esempi rappresentantivi di ogni livello, che mostrano la correlazione tra l’età dei bambini e la crescente complessità delle forme. Questo studio può essere visto come un primo passo vero una analisi più sistematica delle tipologie di iperregolarizzazione specifiche per questa categoria di bilingui precoci e verso una migliore comprensione del loro profilo di sviluppo linguistico. Resumo Reguligo de regula lingvo: La fenomeno de superreguligo en Esperanto-parolantaj infanoj Ĉi tiu artikolo temas pri la fenomeno de superreguligo en lingvo jam tre regula, tio estas Esperanto, fare de infanoj, kiuj lernadas ĝin kiel gepatran lingvon kune kun unu aŭ du aliaj naciaj lingvoj. Ĝi konsistas el analizo de la taglibroj verkitaj de esperantlingvaj gepatroj. La taglibroj raportas pri la lingva evoluo de kvin infanoj, kiuj kreskis, parolante en Esperanto kiel unu el la du aŭ tri lingvoj lernataj de la naskiĝo. La infanoj estas ĉiuj eŭropaj kaj iliaj aĝoj varias inter unu kaj kvin jaroj. La pluraj formoj de superreguligo estis dividitaj laŭ tri malsimplec-niveloj, kiuj baziĝas je la kvanto kaj la speco de morfem-kombinoj kaj je la grado de signifo-prilaborado aplikita. Oni liveras detalajn komentojn pri la unuopaj vort-formoj kaj pri la signifoj de la ekzemploj, kiuj reprezentas la unuopajn nivelojn. Ĉi tiuj ekzemploj montras kunvariadon de la aĝo de la infanoj kaj de la pliiĝanta malfacileco de la vortformoj. Ĉi tiu studo povas esti rigardata kiel unua paŝo al pli sistema esploro de la speco de superreguligoj tipaj por ĉi tiu speco de fruaj dulingvuloj kaj al pli bona kompreno de ilia lingvo-evoluo.

Parlare di disabilità in un contesto di psicoterapia psicoanalitica non è usuale, ancora meno quando ci si confronta con disabilità sensoriali specifiche. Consideriamo la sordità, la possibilità di incontrare un paziente sordo, di interagire con lui in maniera diretta utilizzando come strumento di comunicazione la LIS (Lingua Italiana dei Segni). La terapia diventa in questo modo un viaggio nel viaggio, tanto per la terapeuta che incontra il paziente quanto per la persona sorda che decide in maniera autonoma di entrare in contatto con un soggetto udente, che utilizza la sua modalità di interazione con il mondo della sordità. Il setting della terapia, che prende forma dalla sua concretezza nell'essere prima di tutto luogo dell'incontro di due persone, poco per volta diventa luogo dell'incontro di due menti, due sensibilità, due mondi. Nella psicoterapia con i pazienti sordi le caratteristiche del setting sembrano ampliarsi, acquistano una forma tridimensionale: ci sono corpi che si incontrano, stili narrativi che prendono forma attraverso l'utilizzo di una lingua nuova definita da regole specifiche, segni, significati come nell'interazione con una lingua straniera. Paziente e terapeuta si conoscono anche attraverso l'espressione dello stile narrativo, dell'utilizzo delle mani per segnare, delle modalità di interazione di quelle mani sui propri corpi nell'esecuzione del segno. Si tratta di un viaggio affascinante, complesso e faticoso. Lo sguardo tra paziente e terapeuta a volte celato, negato o desiderato in altri casi, nell'incontro con la persona sorda diviene forma essenziale del setting: è importante lo sguardo che si rivolge al segno disegnato dalle mani, è rilevante lo sguardo che si posa sui volti per coglierne espressioni e caratteristiche elementi fondamentali nella LIS. L'incontro con Edoardo, giovane paziente adulto all'epoca del primo contatto per iniziare una terapia, presenta poco per volta la trama di una narrazione mai ascoltata ma forse ancora prima mai narrata. Nei segni che quasi timidamente si concedono paziente e terapeuta si coglie l'evoluzione di un percorso, che all'interno del setting prende forma e si trasforma. Edoardo cresce, la sua terapeuta insieme a lui e il luogo delle sedute diventa momento prezioso di condivisione emotiva ed affettiva. Il desiderio di autonomia di Edoardo, i suoi progetti delineati all'interno della terapia un giorno purtroppo vengono bruscamente tagliati, negati da un ambiente familiare chiuso e intimorito di fronte ai progressi del figlio. Edoardo esce di scena, costretto ad abbandonare il luogo della terapia diventa nuovamente sordo di fronte alle sue possibilità di crescita. Il setting della terapia perde la presenza di Edoardo, il tempo si dilata e i mesi diventano anni nel ricordo della sua assenza. L'irrompere nella vita di tutti della pandemia stravolge ritmi e consuetudini, le terapie cercano nuovi assetti per definire nuove forme di incontro e far fronte alla nuova realtà. In questo clima Edoardo dopo anni decide di riprendere la sua terapia, di ridare forma viva al setting del suo lavoro clinico. Edoardo desidera l'incontro in presenza, l'utilizzo delle mascherine simbolicamente gli ha fatto sentire il dolore provato per la negazione della comunicazione, con emozione ritrova il suo luogo con la sua terapeuta e può riprendere la trama della sua narrazione. Il lavoro con Edoardo permette di cogliere la specificità del setting, che ha trovato spazio nella mente del paziente, facendogli compagnia durante gli anni di assenza dal luogo della terapia. Edoardo ha custodito dentro di sé il senso del lavoro terapeutico, è riuscito ad ascoltarsi e riconoscere nella ricerca del setting perduto la voce di quella relazione che lo ha fatto sentire vivo.

Nei canali sommersi della clandestinità, la Resistenza passò anche attraverso una cultura che si conservava ostinatamente di respiro europeo, attraverso i vasti orizzonti dei progetti editoriali: come quello de La Nuova Biblioteca editrice, di Carlo Bernari, che portò avanti lo sperimentalismo degli anni Trenta (e di una Napoli in contatto con la Parigi di Breton e con il secondo surrealismo al servizio della rivoluzione), aprendosi alle nuove correnti artistiche d'Europa, non solo anticipando la visione del mondo del dopoguerra e le domande su una nuova definizione di uomo, ma anche mantenendo ampi i confini di una stagione che fu definita neorealistica quando ormai il termine, almeno in letteratura, aveva perso molto del suo significato originario. Si dovrebbe parlare, piuttosto, per gli anni dell’immediato dopoguerra, di neo-espressionismo, come le scelte editoriali de La Nuova Biblioteca confermano, orientate verso quella “seconda ondata dell'espressionismo” che Contini individua nella Germania Weimar. Solo dopo il ritrovamento dell'intero catalogo delle edizioni de La Nuova Biblioteca, pubblicato il 7 giugno 1944 nella Roma appena liberata, si è potuta ricostruire la portata di questo progetto e il vasto orizzonte che ne orientava il disegno. A rendere prezioso il catalogo de La Nuova Biblioteca non è solo la preparazione di testi che sarebbero stati fondamentali per la nuova cultura del dopoguerra (come, per la prima volta in Italia, l’ opera omnia di Antonio Gramsci, in un'edizione priva di tagli e perciò anticipatrice dell'edizione critica di Gerratana del 1975) o la presenza di nomi come Delio Cantimori, Umberto Barbaro, Franco Calamandrei, Ettore Lo Gatto, Lombardo Radice, Alicata e Sapegno, ma è anche la particolare fase cronologica in cui questo progetto prende forma: si tratta di un lasso di tempo breve, apertosi a ridosso della guerra e destinato a chiudersi rapidamente: è come uno squarcio, in cui il magma di materiali diversi accumulatosi nei canali della clandestinità affiora per un’ultima volta prima che intorno si irrigidiscano gli schemi di nuove culture sempre più dominanti. Torneranno a inabissarsi, queste narrazioni aperte alla deformazione, alla menzogna romanzesca e alla commistione tra le arti; tuttavia come un fiume carsico continueranno a scorrere, andando a unirsi a tutte quelle correnti che procedendo parallele, tra inversioni, stalli e rivolgimenti, attraverseranno l'intero secolo.

Like any other Freedom struggle, the Indian National movement too witnessed a great deal of revolutionary thought movement in the initial years of 1900AD. A section of people especially well educated in India supported the revolutionary ideas and contributed greatly to the awakening masses and consolidation of freedom struggle against alien rulers. As a result, the revolutionaries rationalized the fight against alien rulers and infused the idea of self-determination and self-reliance used as a tool to motivate the youth especially. Most of the revolutionaries had common parlance and opined that the British were for the exploitation of resources meant for Indians and nothing more than that. Therefore, the revolutionaries felt that salvation for the motherland thus lay in the attainment of Swaraj alone for Indians. In fact, this made them to think in terms of political independence and economic self-sufficiency was the mandatory requirement for attainment of Swaraj. The cult of Swadeshi movement became vanguard for the youth to imbibe sympathies were manifested in the revolutionary activities. This article elucidates the significant role played by youth in propagating the revolutionary ideals for making national movement as a mass movement. Furthermore, through this paper discussed various issues confronted by youth while profess the prospects of revolutionary thought movement. Keywords: Freedom struggle, Indian National movement, Indian youth.

L’onomàstica literària estudia la creació, tipologia i funció dels antropònims dins un context literari, els quals mitjançant diferents variants, desenvolupen una expressivitat determinada, que caracteritza un personatge alhora que també influeix en la trama argumental, és a dir, es tracta d’una especialitat interdisciplinària que investiga el significat literari dels noms dins una obra. El tresor dels antropònims guimeranians –alguns d’ells inventats, d’altres reals o presos de la història– ofereix una àmplia paleta sempre, però fent referència a l’espai i el temps en què transcorre l’acció i el paper que exerceixen, sia còmic, sia tràgic. Aquest article es concentrarà en la freqüència, la tipologia (noms parlants, sonors, classificadors i personificadors) i les diverses funcions que un nom pot desplegar dins el text d’acord amb els propòsits concebuts ja d’antuvi per l’autor.The literary onomastic studies the creation, typology and function of the anthroponyms within a literary context; through different variants these names develop a typical expressiveness of the characters and also influence the plot, in other words it is a interdisciplinary field, that investigates the literary meaning of the onomastic in a work. The treasure of Guimerà’s names –some of them invented, some others real or loaned from the history– offers a broad palette but always in relation with the space and the time by which the plot takes place and the role that they play, either comic or tragic. This article will deal with the frequency, typology (speaking, sonorous, classifiers, impersonators names) and the different functions, which a name can unfold within a text in accordance with the beforehand envisaged purpose of the author.

Abstract. This current cross-cultural study was designed to examine the role of sociocultural influences on disordered eating behaviors in two Spanish-speaking countries (Spain and Mexico). The Eating Attitudes Test (EAT), the Bulimia Test (BULIT) and the Questionnaire on Influence on Body Shape Model (CIMEC, in Spanish) were administered to 862 students (Spain, 254 females and 184 males; Mexico, 243 females and 181 males). The data analysis revealed that there were no significant main effects of “Country”; there was significant main effect of “Gender” in the distress due to body image (p = .001), influence of verbal messages (p = .035) and influence of social models subscales (p = .008); and in main effects of “Symptomatology” in all the subscales (distress due to body image, influence of advertising, influence of verbal messages, influence of social models and influence of social situations). In the interactions only was found differences in “Country x Gender” (influence of advertising [p = .029]). These findings support the differences reported between males and females; as well as to underline that the effect of the sociocultural influences appears to change across time as culture change.Key Words: Cross-cultural, disordered eating behaviors, sociocultural influences, Mexico, Spain. Resumen. En este estudio transcultural se evaluó el rol de las influencias socioculturales sobre conductas alimentarias no saludables en dos países hispano-parlantes (España y México). El Test de Actitudes Alimentarias (EAT, por sus siglas en inglés), el Test de Bulimia (BULIT) y el Cuestionario de Influencia del Modelo Estético Corporal (CIMEC) fueron administrados a 862 estudiantes (España, 254 mujeres y 184 varones; México, 243 mujeres y 181 varones). El análisis de los datos reveló no diferencias significativas en los efectos principales de la variable “País”; en los efectos principales de la variable “Género” se encontraron diferencias significativas en las sub-escalas malestar con la imagen corporal (p = . 001), influencia de los mensajes verbales (p = . 035) e influencia de los modelos sociales (p = . 008); y en los efectos principales de la variable ”Sintomatología” en todas las sub-escalas (malestar con la imagen corporal, influencia de la publicidad, influencia de los mensajes verbales, influencia de los modelos sociales e influencia de las situaciones sociales). En las interacciones sólo se encontró diferencias en “País x Género” (influencia de la publicidad [p = .029]). Estos datos apoyan las diferencias reportadas entre mujeres y varones; así como subrayan que el efecto de las influencias socioculturales cambian a lo largo del tiempo. Palabras clave: Transcultural, conductas alimentarias no saludables, influencias socioculturales, México, España.

‘Natura' è un termine ricorrente nel lessico geografico. A essa sono connessi articolati sistemi epistemologici, che producono significati molteplici e trasversali rispetto alle diverse branche della disciplina, i quali la connettono a un complesso sistema multi- e inter-disciplinare.Per questo motivo lo scopo di questo contributo non può essere quello di rendere conto della complessità insita nella concettualizzazione della natura nel pensiero geografico. L'intenzione è piuttosto di proporre una riflessione circoscritta a uno specifico quadro teorico dedotto dalla letteratura anglofona, denominato social nature, a partire dall'analisi dei testi di alcuni autori (tra tutti Noel Castree e Bruce Braun), per aprire poi la riflessione a ulteriori correnti di pensiero che a esso sono connesse (si veda per esempio la more-than-human theory di Sarah Whatmore) e provare a capire quali potenzialità racchiude dal punto di vista teorico e metodologico.Soprattutto però, obiettivo di questo numero monografico è rispondere alle seguenti domande: perché reintrodurre un dibattito sulla natura nella geografia italiana? E che cosa significa parlare di social nature oggi? Approfondire le possibili applicazioni della teoria sociale della natura, sollecitandoalcuni studiosi italiani a ragionare sul tema, è stata, a nostro avviso, un'e-Social nature geographies. Le geografie e l'approccio sociale alla natura sigenza dettata dalle potenzialità insite nel pensiero connesso alla social nature, nonché dal proliferare, in seno alla geografia italiana, di riflessioni su approcci diricerca ad esso riconducibili, ma che solo raramente hanno proposto analisi sistematicheed esaustive esplicitamente centrate sul tema.Il concetto di social nature, come risulterà chiaro negli approfondimenti a seguire, è frutto della sedimentazione di diversi influssi teorici provenienti principalmente dal marxismo e dalle sue evoluzioni contemporanee (neo e post).Questo contributo, pertanto, è da intendersi come una introduzione, e non come una review esaustiva dell'argomento, data la vastità delle linee di pensiero che coinvolge e dei dibattiti che ha alimentato. Ugualmente, non è possibile qui delineare il percorso del pensiero geografico che ha condotto alla formulazione della costruzione sociale della natura. Tuttavia, si ritiene necessario contestualizzare,seppur sommariamente, l'origine di questo dibattito.Questo lavoro, dunque, deve essere visto come un tentativo di aprire una riflessione sulla social nature, provando a riagganciarla al dibattito italiano, allo scopo di capire in che misura il suo recupero possa ritenersi utile per alimentare riflessioni sui principali cambiamenti che le società stanno vivendo nella contemporaneità e che sono al centro della ricerca geografica. Ovviamente, i contributi selezionatinon esauriscono i temi geografici, ma vogliono rappresentare un primo stimolo dacui partire per ulteriori lavori.

Questo lavoro è dedicato agli errori di accordo di genere nell’italiano L2 parlato da studenti la cui L1 è il polacco. L’articolo si concentra sui sostantivi il cui genere differisce tra la L1 e la L2 (es. It. casa[F] vs. Pol. dom[M] ‘casa’). L’ipotesi della ricerca è che in tali condizioni, l’accordo può verificarsi nella forma di genere richiesta non dalla lingua di destinazione, ma dalla L1. La configurazione linguistica scelta è particolarmente appropriata per rispondere alla domanda di ricerca perché le due lingue presentano sistemi di genere parzialmente sovrapposti (It. M/F, Pol. M/F/N) e modelli di accordo simili (aggettivi, pronomi, alcune forme verbali). Diciassette studenti universitari polacchi appendenti l’italiano L2 hanno tradotto oralmente nella lingua di arrivo una serie di frasi in lingua polacca contenenti modelli di accordo di genere. Metà dei sostantivi target differivano per genere tra la L1 e la L2, mentre l’altra metà presentava un genere identico. Le frasi target sono state progettate per indagare ulteriormente il potenziale effetto del POS (aggettivo vs. articolo definito vs. verbo) e del genere del nome nella L2. I dati confermano l’ipotesi iniziale ed evidenziano un ruolo significativo per tutte le variabili considerate, anche se di diversa entità. Interlingual interference in the acquisition of gender agreement in Italian L2 This work is devoted to gender agreement errors in L2 Italian as spoken by L1 Polish learners. The paper focusses on nouns whose gender differs between the L1 and the L2 (e.g. It. casa[f] vs. Pol. dom[m] ‘house’). The research hypothesis is that in such conditions, agreeing elements may occur in the gender form required not by the target language, but by the L1. The chosen language configuration is particularly appropriate for investigating the research question because the two languages exhibit partially overlapping gender systems (It. m/f, Pol. m/f/n) and similar agreement patterns (adjectives, pronouns, some verb forms). Seventeen L1 Polish university students of L2 Italian orally translated into the target language a set of Polish sentences containing gender agreement patterns. Half of the target nouns differed in gender between the L1 and the L2, while the other half exhibited identical gender. Target sentences were designed to further investigate the potential effect of POS (adjective vs. definite article vs. verb) and noun gender in the L2. The data confirm the initial hypothesis and highlight a significant role for all the variables considered, although of varying magnitude.

IntroduzioneNella abbondante letteratura che prefigura una crisi delle convenzionali forme di politica nelle democrazie dell'Europa occidentale un'enfasi speciale è stata posta sulla presunta sfida rivolta ai più tradizionali e consolidati partiti di massa. La stessa politica tradizionale è vista come passè ed i grandi partiti di massa, che ne rappresentano la più classica incarnazione, sono ritenuti — a torto o a ragione — strumenti sempre più inadeguati all'incanalamento delle forme contemporanee della rappresentanza.La vulnerabilità dei partiti di massa tradizionali pare derivare da due distinti processi. In primo luogo questi partiti sono ritenuti vulnerabili in termini ideologici e di politiche, in quanto rifletterebbero temi e problemi che corrispondono sempre meno agli interessi contemporanei. In secondo luogo, sono visti come vulnerabili sotto il profilo organizzativo, in quanto cittadini più istruiti, articolati e informati non sarebbero più soddisfatti della passività e/o anonimità che caratterizza la partecipazione in questo tipo di partiti e della natura essenzialmente oligarchica attraverso la quale si ritiene venga esercitato il loro controllo. Seguendo con varie intonazioni entrambe queste linee di ragionamento, gran parte della letteratura contemporanea pone conseguentemente l'accen to sulla erosione dei partiti tradizionali e suggerisce un potenziale riallineamento a favore di partiti più recenti e più piccoli, che appaiono allo stesso tempo più sensibili verso le nuove issues e più aperti verso nuove forme di partecipazione. L'emergere di partiti ecologisti in un gran numero di democrazie europee è spesso citato come la prova più evidente della base di un tale riallineamento, ma evidenza dello stesso tipo può anche essere individuata per un gruppo più ampio di partiti che vanno dai Radicali italiani a D'66 nei Paesi Bassi e ai Socialisti di sinistra in Danimarca e Norvegia (Poguntke 1987).Tuttavia, è chiaro che ognuno di questi argomenti ha implicazioni alquanto diverse. Se, per esempio, quello corretto è il primo, allora il motore principale del cambiamento è il grado di insoddisfazione programmatica e se i partiti tradizionali si rivelassero incapaci di adattarsi dovremmo aspettarci che il riallineamento conseguente favorisca i nuovi partiti. Se invece è corretta la seconda ipotesi, allora il cambiamento principale deriva da insoddisfazione organizzativa e potrebbe risultarne un riallineamento a favore dei piccoli partiti. In realtà i due processi possono essere combinati solo nella misura in cui partiti nuovi tendono anche ad essere partiti piccoli e viceversa, un punto su cui dovremo tornare in seguito.L'importanza di distinguere tra partiti nuovi e partiti piccoli emerge anche al semplice livello di definizione. Mentre la definizione di cosa costituisca un «nuovo» partito (rispetto a un partito della «nuova politica») non sembra porre difficoltà molto superiori a quelle di stabilire una data di soglia temporale, la definizione di cosa sia un partito «piccolo» è molto più problematica. In quest'ultimo caso sono disponibili due strategie. In primo luogo possiamo definire la piccola dimensione in termini di nlevanza sistemica, o facendo ricorso ai criteri identificati da Sartori (1976, 121-25) oppure a criteri alternativi anch'essi basati sul ruolo sistemico dei partiti in questione (Smith 1987). Tuttavia, in questo caso si tende inevitabilmente a parlare di partiti rilevanti o irrilevanti piuttosto che di partiti piccoli o grandi per sè. La seconda alternativa è quella più ovvia, secondo cui piccoli e grandi partiti possono essere distinti sulla base della semplice dimensione, sia essa elettorale, parlamentare, organizzativa o altro. Di sicuro i piccoli partiti possono essere partiti rilevanti e quelliirrilevanti · possono essere piccoli. In ultima analisi, tuttavia, nel nostro caso «piccolo» si deve riferire alla dimensione piuttosto che al ruolo.Questo lavoro è parte di un più ampio progetto dedicato alla esperienza dei piccoli partiti nell'Europa occidentale ed altri contributi del progetto tratteranno il ruolo sistemico dei piccoli partiti, le varie soglie di rilevanza nella loro vita e le varie esperienze in un gran numero di diversi contesti nazionali (Mueller, Rommel e Pridham, in via di pubblicazione). L'obiettivo di questo lavoro è semplicemente quello di offrire un quadro di sintesi sull'universo elettorale dei piccoli partiti nell'Europa occidentale del dopoguerra. Attraverso questa analisi spero di mostrare il grado in cui le fortune elettorali di tali partiti sono cambiate nel tempo, di identificare quei paesi e quei periodi in cui tali cambiamenti sono stati più pronunciati e, in particolare, di identificare quali piccoli partiti ne sono stati coinvolti.Va inoltre aggiunto che si tratta di una analisi a carattere largamente induttivo: cercherò prima di definire cosa costituisca un piccolo partito e in seguito di investigare le modalità e le spiegazioni del cambiamento nel sostegno elettorale aggregato di questi partiti. Intuitivamente si ha la sensazione che il sostegno elettorale dei piccoli partiti sia aumentato negli anni del dopoguerra. Per esempio, la recente nascita di piccoli partiti ecologici, così come le numerose analisi che suggeriscono un declino dei cleavages tradizionali di classe e religione e la crisi concomitante affrontata da quei partiti tradizionali e di grandi dimensioni che mobilitano il voto lungo queste linee di cleavage, sembrano implicare che i partiti di piccola taglia siano divenuti sempre più importanti con il tempo. Anche in questo caso, tuttavia, ci vuole cautela nel mettere in relazione prognosi di mutamento con una classificazione di partiti derivata dalla sola taglia. Non tutti i partiti piccoli sono partiti nuovi, né tantomeno partiti della «nuova politica», e molti si mobilitano elettoralmente in riferimento a linee di frattura molto tradizionali. Un esempio pertinente è quello del Partito popolare svedese in Finlandia. Inoltre, non tutti i nuovi partiti sono partiti piccoli, come evidenzia il successo elettorale della nuova Associazione Cristiano-democratica nei Paesi Bassi. Per la verità, si può anche dubitare che una categorizzazione dei partiti in soli termini di taglia abbia un significato teorico; ma questo è un problema diverso, sul quale torneremo in seguito.Nonostante questi caveat rimane incontestabile che una lettura non-critica della letteratura contemporanea suggerirebbe che vi è stato nel tempo un aumento di voti verso i piccoli partiti e questa ipotesi di partenza dirigerà la nostra analisi. Nella prossima sezione opereremo una classificazione dei partiti a seconda della loro taglia e, su questa base, una classificazione dei sistemi di partito a seconda della distribuzione dei diversi tipi di partiti. Successivamente analizzeremo la tendenza temporale del sostegno elettorale ai piccoli partiti e cercheremo di offrire alcune spiegazioni per la variazione di queste tendenze. Infine, esamineremo in che modo il voto per i piccoli partiti si distribuisce nelle diverse famiglie politico-ideologiche e studiere-mo l'andamento elettorale dei diversi sottogruppi di piccoli partiti, inclusi i «nuovi» piccoli partiti e i «vecchi» piccoli partiti.

Una novela constituye un universo en toda regla, producto de la imaginaciόn de un escritor. En el corazόn de este universo se mueven personajes representando a seres humanos segùn las modalidades de la ficciόn. Los atributos que permiten reconstruir sus retratos se prestan a diversas interpretaciones. Estas no solamente implican consideraciones estéticas (porque el escritor es “antes de nadaˮ un artista), sino también sociolόgicas y antropolόgicas, debido a que la literatura no puede ser disociada de las realidades proprias de la vida social y comunitaria. De hecho, el nombre siendo la referencia identitaria que especifica al individuo a priori, que y le distingue de sus semejantes, es interesante ver hasta qué punto es rico en implicaciones y “nos hablaˮ en las novelas de Alain Mabanckou. En efecto; los nombres de sus personajes definen totalmente a los seres que los llevan. Sugieren aspectos de su personalidad o incluso influyen en sus destinos. Y con razόn, comprender el sentido de sus significados aporta una luz nada despreciable a los relatos del escritor congolés. A novel constitutes a fully-fledged universe a product of a writer’s imagination. The characters representing some beings move to the core of this universe according to the modes of the fiction. The attributes that permit to reconstitute their portraits are suitable to various interpretations. These not only imply aesthetic considerations ( because the writer is first of all an artist ) , but also sociological and anthropological, insofar the literature would not be dissociated of the realities of the social and communal life. In fact, the name being the identical reference that first specifies the individual and distinguishes him/her of his/her fellow creatures, it is permissible to see to what point it is rich of implications and “talking” in the novels of Alain Mabanckou. Indeed ; the names of his characters define the people who carry them in the absolute. They suggest aspects oh their personality or influence their destiny. And for reason, to seize the senses of which they are invested brings non negligible lightings on the narrations that the congolese writer provides us with. Un roman constitue un univers à part entière, produit de l’imagination d’un écrivain. Au cœur de cet univers se meuvent des personnages représentant des êtres humains selon les modalités de la fiction. Les attributs qui permettent de reconstituer leurs portraits se prêtent à divers interprétations. Celles-ci impliquent non seulement des considérations esthétiques (parce que l’écrivain est avant tout un artiste), mais aussi sociologiques et anthropologiques, dans la mesure où la littérature ne saurait être dissociée des réalités propres à la vie sociale et communautaire. De fait, le nom étant la référence identitaire qui spécifie l’individu de prime abord et le distingue de ses semblables, il est intéressant de voir à quel point il est riche d’implications et « parlant » dans les roman d’Alain Mabanckou. En effet ; les noms de ses personnages définissent les êtres qui les portent dans l’absolu. Ils suggèrent des aspects de leur personnalité ou encore influencent leurs destinées. Et pour cause, saisir les sens dont ils sont investis apporte des éclairages non négligeables sur les récits que nous livre l’écrivain Congolais.

Voice is the element that makes speech audible. Apart from conveying the meaning of what is spoken, it can carry a variety of information about the speaker like gender, age, general health, mood, and emotions. Expressing emotions is a crucial aspect in speech communication and vocal music. Bhava, or emotions in vocal music convey the essence of the piece rendered by the singer. This preliminary study is to understand the role of the larynx in expressing emotions like joy and sorrow in Carnatic vocal music. Twelve Carnatic singers rendered vocal emotions at three levels, joy, sorrow, and neutral. The output was recorded, analyzed, and compared between each level. Results showed significant differences between the laryngeal dynamics of joy and sorrow. The results of this and future studies will help in designing voice therapy techniques for disorders like Parkinson’s disease that affect both facial and vocal expression of emotions. Keywords: emotions, carnatic, vocal, laryngealSpanishExpresión de Emociones en la música vocal carnáticaLa voz es el elemento que hace al habla audible. Aparte de trasmitir el significado de lo que se dice, puede llevar variedad de información sobre quien habla como el género, edad, estado de salud, humor, emoción. Expresar emociones es un aspecto crucial de la comunicación hablada y esto también ocurre en el canto. Las emociones en la música vocal transmiten la esencia de una pieza (Bhava) , dictada por el cantante. Este estudio preliminar es un intento de comprender el rol de la laringe en la expresión de emociones como alegría y tristeza en la música vocal carnática. Doce cantantes carnáticos interpretan emociones vocales en tres niveles: alegría, tristeza y neutro. La producción entre cada nivel fue grabada, analizada y comparada. Los resultados muestran diferencias significativas entre las dinámicas de la laringe en alegría y tristeza. El resulto de este y de estudios futuros ayudara a diseñar técnicas de terapia vocal para desordenes como la enfermedad de Parkinson que afecta la expresión vocal y facial de emociones.Palabras claves: Emociones, carnático , vocal , laringe GermanDer Ausdruck dvon Emotionen durch Carnatic vokale Musik Abstract: Die Stimme ist ein Element, das Sprache hörbar werden lässt. Abgesehen vom Inhalt dessen, was gesagt wird, überträgt sie verschiedenste Informationen über den Sprechenden, wie Geschlecht, Alter, allgemeine Gesundheit, Stimmung und Emotionen. Das Ausdrücken von Emotionen ist ein entscheidender Aspekt verbaler Kommunikation; dies ereignet sich auch beim Singen. Bhava oder Emotionen in vokaler Musik, überträgt die Essenz eines Stückes, das von dem Sänger wiedergegeben wird. Diese einleitende Studie ist ein Versuch, die Rolle der Larynx beim Ausdruck von Emotionen, wie Freude und Leid, durch Carnatic vokale Musik zu verstehen. 12 Carnatic Sänger interpretierten vokale Emotionen in drei Stufen: Freude, Leid und neutral. Der Output der drei Stufen wurde aufgenommen, analysiert und verglichen. Die Ergebnisse zeigten signifikante Unterschiede zwischen der Larynx- Dynamik bei Freude und Leid. Die Ergebnisse dieser und zukünftiger Studien werden helfen, vokale Therapietechniken für Krankheiten wie Parkinson zu erstellen, die beides, den mimischen und vokalen Ausdruck von Emotionen beeinflussen. ItalianEspressioi ed Emozioni nella Musica Vocale CarnaticaLa voce è l’elemento che rende le nostre parole udibili. Oltre a trasmettere il significato di ciò che viene detto, può trasportare una varietà di informazioni riguardanti chi in quel momento sta parlando come, il sesso, l’età , lo stato generale di salute, l’umore e l’emozione.. Esprimere un emozione è un aspetto cruciale nella comunicazione verbale e questo avviene anche nel canto. Bhava, o le emozioni in musica comunicano l’essenza di brano, trasmessa dal cantante.. Questo studio preliminare e`un tetativo di comprendere il ruolo della laringe nell’esprimere emozoni come la gioia e il dolore nella musica vocale Carnatica. 12 cantanti Carnatici hanno fornito 3 livelli di emozioni vocali: gioia, dolore e neutralità. Il prodotto tra I vari livelli è stato registrato, analizzato, e comparato. I risultati hanno mostrato differenze significative tra le dinamiche della laringe di gioia e di dolore. Questi risultati e gli studi futuri aiuteranno alla progettazione di tecniche di logopedia per disturbi come il morbo di Parkinson, che colpisce sia l’espressione facciale che vocale dell’espressione.Parole chiave: musica vocale carnatica, laringeJapaneseカルナータカ音楽の声における感情表現について 声とは、ことばを聴覚化するための要素である。語られている事柄の意味を伝達するだけでなく、声は、語り手の様々な情報、例えば性別、年齢、健康状態、気分、感情などを伝える媒体となる。感情表現とは、言語的コミュニケーションにおける重要な要素であり、これは歌唱でも同様である。声楽音楽におけるバーヴァ（Bhava）また感情は、その曲の根本的要素であり、歌手によって表現されるものである。この予備研究は、カルナータカ音楽の歌唱で喜びや哀しみ等の感情を表現する際、歌手の喉頭部がいかに作用しているかについて理解するための検証である。方法は、12名のカルナータカ音楽の歌手が、３つのレベルの感情（喜び、悲しみ、ニュートラル）を歌唱表現する。各レベルの違いは、すべて録音され、分析され、比較された。結果として、喜びと悲しみの表現における喉頭部の動きに、大きな差が生じていることが分かった。この結果と将来的研究は、パーキンソン病などの表情や発語における感情表現に困難を持つ対象者に対して、声を使ったセラピーの 技法を設計する際に有効になると考える。キーワード：感情、カルナータカ音楽、声楽、喉頭部

Il significato e, in particolare, l'origine del modo idiomatico parlare a vanvera sono l'oggetto dei quesiti di Mirella M., che ci scrive dalla provincia di Rieti, e di Federica D., che scrive dalla provincia di Cremona; più specificamente Maria Antonietta P., dalla provincia di Taranto, ci chiede il significato del termine vanvera e Silvia M., da Belluno, domanda se sia vero quanto ha letto a proposito di una connessione tra il termine vanvera e alcuni "usi e costumi della nobiltà".

Il presente saggio s’incentra sulla fiaba, genere presente in tutte le culture, alla quale è stato affidato, sin dai primordi, il compito di parlare a livello simbolico dell’essenza stessa dell’esperienza umana. Con antica saggezza e trasparenza di significati la fiaba risponde alle domande centrali della vita: la nascita, l’amore, la morte. Le sue caratteristiche formali (l’assenza di denominazioni, l’atemporalità, l’astrattezza delle figure e la mancata definizione dello spazio, l’uso dei simboli, l’universalità) le permettono di trascendere la storicità dell’esistenza per radicarsi in quella dimensione che appartiene alla vita immaginativa e inconscia del fruitore, basata appunto sui simboli.

RiassuntoNel canto X del Purgatorio Dante immagina un’arte divina come risposta alla superbia dell’arte umana. I bassorilievi in cui Dio ha scolpito tre esempi dell’umiltà sono immagini perfette di un concetto altrettanto perfetto. Nonostante la confusione dei sensi che esse provocano, queste sculture divine vengono percepite dal poeta come rappresentazioni. La famosa formula del »visibile parlare« (v. 95) evidenzia come per Dante l’arte sia solo legittimata se mira alla parola e con questo ad un significato intellettuale e spirituale. L’apparenza, in questa concezione dell’arte, non è un’illusione, ma al contrario è al servizio della conoscenza. Questa apologia di una apparenza che non sia ingannevole, che Dante riassume in un verso raramente commentato (v. 133), permette una interpretazione alternativa della prima terzina del canto. Nello stesso tempo la rappresentazione dell’arte divina indica i limiti imposti all’arte umana. In modo tanto discreto quanto umile, Dante ha messo in scena, alla fine di questo canto, i limiti della sua propria poesia

Este número heterogéneo de InterAlia procura hacer más amplio el significado de queer desde unas posiciones inesperadas. Por un lado, incluye dos traducciones al español de sendos ensayos magistrales de Lee Edelman y David M. Halperin y, por el otro, indaga en lo que tiene de queer la figura del fumador, la música creada con un rebanador de huevo, el adulto que rehúsa renegar de su niñez, el pino parlante que se inventa un cuento melodramático ambientado en la República de Weimar y, finalmente, Patricia Nell Warren, la escritora nacida en Montana (EE. UU.), que aprendió el ucraniano –la lengua de su marido inmigrante– lo suficiente como para llegar a ser reconocida como poeta en Ucrania, que a continuación salió del armario como lesbiana y que acabó publicando el primer bestseller norteamericano sobre hombres gais. Este número de InterAlia se ocupa asimismo de la condición y de las perspectivas de los estudios queer en diferentes lugares, pero también de la mercantilización de las identidades queer como consecuencia de facilitar la información sobre los pronombres de género preferidos, así como otros datos personales, a los actores de la economía de la información global. Por último, este número plantea la cuestión de la aparente falta de un espacio común para quienes se identifican como queers y quienes no comparten más que la singularidad de su deseo. Lxs autorxs de este número se preguntan qué puede ser queer tanto en general como política, filosófica y estéticamente.

Ad oggi sono noti alla comunità scientifica cinque epitalami giudeo-catalani, conservati in due manoscritti (Gerusalemme, Biblioteca Nazionale Universitaria, ms. 8° 3312 e Oxford, Bodleian Library, ms. Lyell 98) risalenti a metà XV secolo e provenienti da ambiente provenzale. Tra questi, una particolare attenzione spetta a piyyu? na’eh, un ‘canto festivo’ pensato per i festeggiamenti che seguono il rito nuziale. Questo canto è una parodia, dai toni umoristici e dalle forti allusioni erotiche, che si presenta in forma di dialogo tra i due sposi, un vecchio e una ragazza. Il primo non vuole consumare l’amore, data l’età, ma, per l’insistenza della moglie, le propone infine di farsi sostituire da un baldo giovanotto. L’interesse di questo testo riguarda innanzitutto il linguaggio, e in secondo luogo la sua forma letteraria. Per quanto riguarda il linguaggio, esso è scritto in un giudeo-catalano in cui la componente ebraica è sottilmente intrecciata a quella romanza. Gli ebraismi sono funzionali a suscitare il riso del pubblico, perché calati in un contesto triviale in cui la loro sacralità originaria crea un forte e comico contrasto. Alcuni dei termini ebraici hanno mutato il loro significato, assumendone uno connotato, secondo un fenomeno di slittamento semantico tipico dei Jewish Languages. Per questa ragione, piyyu? na’eh è anche un prezioso testimone linguistico di una fase poco attestata, perché alquanto antica, del giudeo-catalano parlato. A livello letterario, piyyu? na’eh è un testo assai ricercato, i cui toni ‘popolareggianti’ sono ottenuti attraverso un sapiente uso del linguaggio ‘colloquiale’, della metrica, della caratterizzazione stereotipica dei personaggi. In questo saggio, presento innanzitutto l’analisi semantica della componente ebraica, approfondendo le varie categorie linguistiche e/o stilistiche in cui possono essere fatti rientrare gli ebraismi del testo, per mostrare come questa dinamica riproduca ed esasperi per intenti comici la prassi linguistica quotidiana degli ebrei catalani dell’epoca e costituisca, dunque, sia un fatto stilistico, sia una preziosa testimonianza storico-linguistica. In secondo luogo, mostro come piyyu? na’eh sia stato composto da un autore dotto che disponeva di fonti letterarie ebraiche e romanze e propongo una contestualizzazione di questo tipo di testo nell’ambito del genere letterario romanzo della pastorella e della canzone di donna, in cui la figura femminile costituisce l’occasione della scenetta umoristica e la giustificazione del ricorso a un codice mistilingue.

The following essay constitutes a theoretical journey through the landscape of the NAMES Project AIDS Quilt, one narrated from the perspective of those who live on to mourn, to remember. To some critics, my approach might at once appear radical or unorthodox since I focus on how Quilt spectators engage with the artifact and are thereby implicated in the history of the epidemic, rather than on how the dead are made to speak from beyond the grave. My intent is not to invalidate the claims made or the conclusions reached by other critics who have written persuasively about how the Quilt facilitates a voice (both individual and collective) for those who have died of AIDS-related illnesses; indeed, such critics have contributed a wealth of significant knowledge to critical understandings of the pedagogical and political functions of the Quilt. My intent, rather, is to respond to a set of as yet unexplored questions about how the ever-evolving landscape of the AIDS epidemic has altered the nature and purpose of Quilt spectatorship. When the Quilt was created in 1985, “naming names” was an important strategy for political survival, especially given the institutional apathy that silenced and marginalized all who were infected and/or affected by the epidemic. However, over the past sixteen years, apathy has slowly given way to increased attention by medical and media institutions. No longer is memory and reverence enough. Now, we must ask ourselves how the Quilt can continue to be used to combat the emergent obstacles that have sprung up in the wake of apathy and silence. This is not to suggest that remembrance, mourning, and reverence are not still significant responses to the epidemic; we cannot forgot the past, lest we repeat it. But it is to suggest that as we look back, we also must move forward and continue to chart new horizons for how our minds and bodies engage with the Quilt as a social and political space. Throughout this essay, then, my conclusions are at best tentative, offered more as a gesture of hope than as a model for survival. It is my hope that critics can continue to press against social spaces both with caution and determination because those actions matter. We must act with caution because there can be devastating consequences of asserting claims to visibility and location. We must act with determination because there are equally perilous consequences of not doing so. Since its meager beginnings, the NAMES Project AIDS Quilt has undergone exponential changes in size, shape, and scope, but critical responses to the Quilt have remained stagnant with most critics attributing to the Quilt a single meaning and purpose: to revere the dead. Cultural critic Peter S. Hawkins, for instance, argues that "the Quilt . . . is most profoundly about the naming of names" (760), while journalist Jerry Gentry suggests that the Quilt bespeaks "a national and international constructive expression of grief" (550), a grief which most powerfully resonates in the loss of individual lives. While "naming names" is a politically important function of the Quilt, critics who read the artifact as only motivated by memory assume that exhibitions of the artifact facilitate a static model of performance. For such critics, the Quilt represents a mass graveyard--both as a place of interment and as a place in which ideological meanings are circumscribed by the fixity and stillness of reverence. (This reading is partly enabled by the fact that each panel measures the size of a human grave.) Not only does this reading universalize the meaning of the Quilt but also it establishes a monolithic viewing position from which to receive that meaning. Here, I outline an alternative model of reception which is implicit in the design and display of the Quilt. While this model acknowledges reverence as one potential response to the Quilt, it does not foreclose other ways of reading. Rather than facilitating a grave performance, then, the Quilt enables performances within the grave. These performances are constituted in/through a dynamic exchange between speaker and listener, text and context, and work to produce a range of ideological meanings and subject positions. To understand how the Quilt locates its viewers within a particular subject position, it is first necessary to specify the speaker-listener relationship established in displays of the Quilt. This relationship is played out through a series of confessional utterances which, as Michel Foucault explains in The History of Sexuality, Volume 1, imply a dialectic relationship between speaker and listener in which subjectivity is predicated on subjection (61-62). The speaker's desire to confess necessitates the presence of a listener, one not wholly passive since his/her presence incites and enables the will to confess. In this way, both speaker and listener are marked as active/passive agents in an exchange characterized by reciprocity and negotiation. Because speakers and listeners simultaneously serve as subject and object of the confession, the exchange cannot be represented as static (active/passive) or unidirectional (sender-message-receiver). Since many critics already have carefully delineated the processes through which the Quilt directs the address of the panels and constitutes the dead as subjects, here I want to focus on how spectators are constructed as subjects who bear witness. Critics typically posit viewers of the Quilt as unified, coherent, monolithic subjects; yet Foucault's discussion of the confessional exchange assumes a subject-in-process. For me, this process is most accurately characterized as schizophrenic. My use of schizophrenia is tropic rather than diagnostic, in that the term works figuratively to describe subject formation rather than to identify the nature of psychiatric disturbance. Two characteristics (which are derived from the symptomatology of the psychic disorder schizophrenia) define the schizophrenic spectator: one, the loss of "normal" associations; and two, the presence of "auditory hallucinations." The first characteristic of schizophrenic spectators is the loss of "normal" associations. Remi J. Cadoret notes that in schizophrenics, "[t]hought processes appear to lose their normal associations, or usual connecting links, so that the individual is often unable to focus his [sic] thinking upon a particular mental task" (481). For schizophrenics, conventional relational markers (such as chronology, causality, temporality, and spatiality) no longer order cognition; instead, these markers are distorted (if not entirely ineffectual), creating for the schizophrenic a fractured sense of self in/and world. Without these normal associations, the schizophrenic wanders aimlessly (and often in isolation) through a chaotic world in search of structure, meaning, and purpose. Temporal associations provide perhaps the most common means of ordering experience. Viewed as a linear progression characterized by movement, change, and renewal, time structures the historical and the everyday by sequencing, demarcating, and hierarchizing events. Within the Quilt, this sense of progression is supplanted by perpetual repetition of the present. Elsley has offered a similar observation, noting that the Quilt operates in a "transitory present" tense, it "exists in a continual state of becoming" (194). In one sense, this perpetual present tense derives from the fact that no two displays of the Quilt are identical. Panels are ordered differently, new names and panels are added, older panels begin to show signs of wear-and-tear. A perpetual present tense also derives from the fact that the Quilt charts the progression of an epidemic that is itself ongoing, incomplete. Thus, the landscape of the Quilt is re-mapped in light of advances in HIV-treatment, softening/tightening of social mores, and changes in AIDS demographics. Another common means of ordering experience is though spatial associations. Location orders the social through architecture, urban planning, and zoning, endowing spaces with a well-defined purpose and layout. Yet the Quilt provides few signals regarding how spectators are intended to navigate its surface. As Weinberg notes, the Quilt is a "great grid" with "no narrative, no start or finish" (37). By describing the Quilt as a "grid," Weinberg implicitly ascribes to the artifact a controlling logic, a unified design--what in quilting parlance is termed a patchwork sampler. This design pattern, however, does not direct the flow of spectators in a single stream of traffic. This is so because, unlike a Drunkard's Path or Double Wedding Band pattern in which the individual panel blocks work together to create a unified design across the surface of the quilt, a patchwork sampler is constituted by a series of single panel blocks, each with a unique design, history, and logic. As a result, patrons' movements are guided by associations and punctuated by pauses, interruptions, and abrupt changes in course. The randomness of engagement is further enabled by the muslin walkways which visually separate the panels, marking each as distinct and disallowing any sense of continuity (narrative, spatial) among them. The routes which visitors of the Quilt traverse thus are transitory and ephemeral, simultaneously charted and erased in the moment of passing by. The second characteristic of schizophrenic spectators is the presence of auditory hallucinations. Cadoret defines these hallucinations as "the perception of auditory stimuli, or sounds, where none are externally present . . . . The voices . . . may repeat his [sic] thoughts or actions, argue with him [sic], or threaten, scold, or cure him [sic]" (481). Auditory hallucinations can lead the schizophrenic to believe that s/he is under constant surveillance or can cause the schizophrenic to slip further into a self-contained, isolated world of delusion. That the Quilt is made up of "a myriad of individual voices" (Elsley 192) is immediately apparent in the number of individuals who have taken part in its construction and display. With each quilt panel, spectators are confronted with multiple voices--the person who has died, the person(s) who made the block, the person(s) who stitched the block to others for a specific display, and so on. Moreover, the Quilt places these "individual voices . . . in the context of community" (Elsley 191). For Quilt spectators, then, memories of a life lived coexist with grief over a life cut short, anger at institutional apathy and systemic homophobia, faith in the import of remembering those who have died, and so on. Each of these voices vie for the spectator's attention, facilitating a gaze that is dynamic, multidirectional, mobile. Because the gaze is not fixed, the Quilt cannot convey a solitary truth claim to its viewers; rather, spectators must immerse themselves within the delusion and confusion of voices, imposing some sense of order on their own viewing experiences. Given that persons with AIDS continue to be marginalized within American culture, my use of the schizophrenic spectator to trace the reception dynamic of Quilt exhibits might appear to perpetuate, rather than unsettle, dominant ideological formations. Of course, this is the critical conundrum at the center of all investigations into subject formation: that is, "how to take an oppositional relation to power that is, admittedly, implicated in the very power one opposes" (Butler 17). Despite the potential pitfalls, I nonetheless use the trope of schizophrenia precisely because it recognizes the ways in which Quilt spectators, persons with AIDS, and persons who have died of AIDS-related illnesses are divested of the power and authority to speak even before they begin speaking. Furthermore, because the schizophrenic subject is founded on ever-shifting affinities (in time, across space), the position enables spectators to chart alternative lines of relation among institutional practices, ideological formations, and individual experiences, thus potentially mobilizing and sustaining a shared political program. It is on these twin goals of pedagogy and polemics that the NAMES Project originally was founded, and it is to these goals that we now must return. References Butler, Judith. The Psychic Life of Power: Theories in Subjection. Stanford: Stanford UP, 1997. Cadoret, Remi J. "Schizophrenia." Collier's Encyclopedia. Vol. 20. Eds. Lauren S. Bahr, et. al. New York: Collier's, 1997. 480-482. Elsley, Judy. "The Rhetoric of the NAMES Project AIDS Quilt: Reading the Text(ile)." AIDS: The Literary Response. Ed. Emmanuel S. Nelson. New York: Twayne, 1992. 187-196. Foucault, Michel. The History of Sexuality, Volume 1: An Introduction. Trans. Robert Hurley. New York: Vintage, 1990. Gentry, Jerry. "The NAMES Project: A Catharsis of Grief." The Christian CENTURY 23 May 1989: 550-551. Hawkins, Peter S. "Naming Names: The Art of Memory and the NAMES Project AIDS Quilt." Critical Inquiry 19(Summer 1993): 752-779. Weinberg, Jonathan. "The Quilt: Activism and Remembrance." Art in America 80(Dec. 1992): 37, 39.

One cannot use the Internet for long without encountering its many dead ends. Despite the adage that everything posted online stays there forever, users quickly discover how fleeting Web content can be. Whether it be the result of missing files, platform moderation, or simply bad code, the Internet constantly displaces its archival contents. Eventual decay is the fate of all digital media, as Wendy Hui Kyong Chun observed in a 2008 article. “Digital media is not always there”, she writes. “We suffer daily frustrations with digital sources that just disappear” (160). When the media content we seek is something trivial like a digitised vacation photo, our inability to retrieve it may merely disappoint us. But what happens when we lose access to Web content about significant cultural events, like viral misinformation about a school shooting? This question takes on great urgency as conspiracy content spreads online at baffling scale and unprecedented speed. Although conspiracy theories have long been a fixture of American culture, the contemporary Internet enables all manner of “information disorder” (Wardle and Derakhshan) to warp media coverage, sway public opinion, and even disrupt the function of government—as seen in the harrowing “Stop the Steal” attack on the U.S. Capitol on 6 January 2021, when rioters attempted to prevent Congress from verifying the results of the 2020 Presidential Election. Scholars across disciplines have sought to understand how conspiracy theories function within our current information ecosystem (Marwick and Lewis; Muirhead and Rosenblum; Phillips and Milner). Much contemporary research focusses on circulation, tracking how conspiracy theories and other types of misinformation travel from fringe Websites to mainstream news outlets such as the New York Times. While undoubtedly valuable, this emphasis on circulation provides an incomplete picture of online conspiracy theories’ lifecycle. How should scholars account for the afterlife of conspiracy content, such as links to conspiracy videos that get taken down for violating YouTube’s Community Guidelines? This and related questions about the dead ends of online conspiracy theorising are underexplored in the existing scholarly literature. This essay contends that the Internet’s tendency to decay ought to factor into our models of digital conspiracy theories. I focus on the phenomenon of malfunctional hyperlinks, one of the most common types of disrepair to which the Internet is prone. The product of so-called “link rot”, broken links would appear to signal an archival failure for online conspiracy theories. Yet recent work from rhetorical theorist Jenny Rice suggests that these broken hyperlinks instead function as a rhetorically potent archive in their own right. To understand this uncanny persuasive work, I draw from rhetorical theory to analyse broken links to conspiracy content on Reddit, the popular social news platform, surrounding the 2018 school shooting in Parkland, Florida, the worst high school shooting in American history. I show that broken links on the subreddit r/conspiracy, by virtue of their dysfunction, persuade conspiracy theorists that they possess “stigmatized knowledge” (Barkun 26) about the shooting that is being suppressed. Ultimately, I argue that link rot functions as a powerful source of evidence within digital conspiracy theories, imbuing broken links with enduring rhetorical force to validate marginalised belief systems. Link Rot—Archival Failure or Archival Possibility? As is suggested by the prefix ‘inter-’, connectivity has always been one of the Internet’s core functionalities. Indeed, the ability to hyperlink two different texts—and now images, videos, and other media—is so fundamental to navigating the Web that we often take these links for granted until they malfunction. In popular parlance, we then say we have clicked on a “broken” or “dead” link, and without proper care to prevent its occurrence, all URLs are susceptible to dying eventually (much like us mortals). This slow process of decay is known as “link rot”. The precise extent of link rot on the Internet is unknown—and likely unknowable, in practice if not principle—but multiple studies have been conducted to assess the degree of link rot in specific archives. One study from 2015 found that nearly 50% of the URLs cited in 406 library and information science journal articles published between 2008-2012 were no longer accessible (Kumar et al. 59). In the context of governmental Webpages, a 2010 study determined that while only 8% of the URLs sampled in 2008 had link rot, that number more than tripled to 28% of URLs with link rot when sampled only two years later (Rhodes 589-90). More recently, scholars from Harvard’s Berkman Klein Center for Internet and Society uncovered an alarming amount of link rot in the online archive of the New York Times, perhaps the most prominent newspaper in the United States: “25% of all links were completely inaccessible, with linkrot becoming more common over time – 6% of links from 2018 had rotted, as compared to 43% of links from 2008 and 72% of links from 1998” (Zittrain et al. 4). Taken together, these data indicate that link rot worsens over time, creating a serious obstacle for the study of Web-based phenomena. Link rot is particularly worrisome for researchers who study online misinformation (including digital conspiracy theories), because the associated links are often more vulnerable to removal due to content moderation or threats of legal action. How should scholars understand the function of link rot within digital conspiracy theories? If our academic focus is on how conspiracy theories circulate, these broken links might seem at best a roadblock to scholarly inquiry or at worst as totally insignificant or irrelevant. After all, users cannot access the material in question; they reach a dead end. Yet recent work by rhetoric scholar Jenny Rice suggests these dead ends might have enduring persuasive power. In her book Awful Archives: Conspiracy Rhetoric and Acts of Evidence, Rice argues that evidence is an “act rather than a thing” and that as a result, we ought to recalibrate what we consider an archive (12, original emphasis). For Rice, archives are more than simple aggregates of documents; instead, they are “ordinary and extraordinary experiences in public life that leave lasting, palpable residues, which then become our sources—our resources—for public discourse” (16-17). These “lasting, palpable residues” are deeply embodied, Rice maintains, for the evidence we gather is “always real in its reference, which is to a felt experience of proximities” (118). For conspiracy theorists in particular, an archive might evoke a profound sense of what Rice memorably describes as “Something intense, something real. Something off. Something fucked up. Something anomalous” (12, original emphasis). This is no less true when an archive fails to function as designed. Hence, for the remainder of this essay, I pivot to analysing how link rot functions within digital conspiracy theories about the 2018 school shooting in Parkland, Florida. As we will see, the shooting galvanised meaningful gun control activism via the March for Our Lives movement, but the event also quickly became fodder for proliferating conspiracy content. From Crisis to Crisis Actors: The Parkland Shooting and Its Aftermath On the afternoon of 14 February 2018, Nikolas Cruz entered his former high school, Marjory Stoneman Douglas, and murdered 17 people, including 14 students (Albright). While a horrific event, the Parkland shooting unfortunately marked merely the latest in a long line of similar tragedies in the United States, which has been punctuated by school shootings for decades. But the Parkland shooting stands out among the gruesome lineage of similar tragedies due to the profound resolve of its student-survivors, who agitated for gun policy reform through the March for Our Lives movement. In the weeks following the shooting, a group of Parkland students partnered with Everytown for Gun Safety, a non-profit organisation advocating for gun control, to coordinate a youth-led demonstration against gun violence. Held in the U.S. capitol of Washington, D.C. on 24 March 2018, the March for Our Lives protest was the largest demonstration against gun violence in American history (March for Our Lives). The protest drew around 200,000 participants to Washington; hundreds of thousands of protestors attended an estimated 800 smaller rallies held across the United States (CBS News). Furthermore, likeminded protestors across Europe, Asia, Africa, and Australia held allied events to show support for these American students’ cause (Russo). The broader March for Our Lives organisation developed out of the political demonstrations on 24 March 2018; four years later, March for Our Lives continues to be a major force in debates about gun violence in the United States. Although the Parkland shooting inspired meaningful gun control activism, it also quickly provoked a deluge of online conspiracy theories about the tragedy and the people involved, including the student-activists who survived the shooting and spearheaded March for Our Lives. This conspiracy content arrived at breakneck pace: according to an analysis by the Washington Post, the first conspiracy posts appeared on the platform 8chan a mere 47 minutes after the first news reports aired about the shooting (Timberg and Harwell). Later that day, Parkland conspiracy theories migrated from fringe haunts like 8chan to InfoWars, a mainstay of the conspiracy media circuit, where host/founder Alex Jones insinuated that the shooting could be a “false flag” event orchestrated by the Democratic Party (Media Matters Staff). Over the ensuing hours, days, weeks, and months, Parkland conspiracies continued to circulate, receiving mainstream news coverage when conversative activists and politicians publicly espoused conspiracy claims about the shooting (Arkin and Popken). Ultimately, the conspiracist backlash was so persistent and virulent throughout 2018 that PolitiFact, a fact-checking site run by the Poynter Institute, declared the Parkland conspiracy theories their 2018 “Lie of the Year” (Drobnic Holan and Sherman). As with many conspiracy theories, the Parkland conspiracies remixed novel information with longstanding conspiracist tropes. Predominantly, these theories alleged that the Parkland student-activists who founded March for Our Lives were being controlled by outside forces to do their bidding. Although conspiracy theorists diverged in who they named as the shadowy puppet master pulling the strings—was it the Democratic Party? George Soros? Someone else?—all agreed that a secretive agenda was afoot. The most extreme version of this theory held that David Hogg, X González, and other prominent March for Our Lives activists were “crisis actors”. This account envisions Hogg et al. as paid performers playing the part of angry and traumatised students for media coverage about a school shooting that either did not occur as reported or did not occur at all (Yglesias). While unnerving and callous, these crisis actor allegations are not new ideas; rather, they draw from a long history of loosely antisemitic “New World Order” conspiracy theories that see an ulterior motive behind significant historical events (Barkun 39-65). Parkland conspiracy theorists circulated a wide variety of media artifacts—anti-March for Our Lives memes, obscure blog posts, and manipulated video footage of the Parkland students, among other content—to propagate their crisis actor claims. But whether due to platform moderation, threat of legal action, or simply public pressure, much of this conspiracy material is now inaccessible, leaving behind only broken links to conspiracy content that once was. By closely examining these broken links through a rhetorical lens, we can trace the “lasting, palpable residues” (Rice 16) link rot leaves in its wake. “All part of the purge”: Parkland Link Rot on r/conspiracy In this final section, I use the tools of rhetorical analysis to demonstrate how link rot can function as a form of evidence for conspiracy theorists. Rhetorical analysis, when applied to digital infrastructure, requires that we expand our notion of rhetoric beyond intentional human persuasion. As James J. Brown, Jr. argues, digital infrastructure is rhetorical because it determines “what’s possible in a given space”, which may or may not involve human beings (99). Human intentionality still matters in many contexts, of course, but seeing digital infrastructure as a “possibility space” opens up productive new avenues for rhetorical inquiry (Brown, Jr. 72-99). This rhetorical perspective aligns with the method of “affordance analysis” derived from Science and Technology Studies and related fields, which investigates how technologies facilitate certain outcomes for users (Curinga). Much like an affordance analysis, my goal is to illustrate how broken links produce certain rhetorical effects, not to make broader empirical claims about the extent of link rot within Parkland conspiracy theories. The r/conspiracy page on Reddit, the popular social news platform, serves as an ideal site for conducting a rhetorical analysis of broken links. The r/conspiracy subreddit is a preeminent hub for digital conspiracy content, with nearly 1.7 million members as of March 2022 and thousands of active users viewing the site at any given time (r/conspiracy). Beyond its popularity, Reddit’s platform design makes link rot a common feature on r/conspiracy. As a forum-based social media platform, Reddit consists entirely of subreddits dedicated to various topics. In each subreddit, users generate and contribute to threads with relevant content, which often entails posting links to materials hosted elsewhere on the Internet. Importantly, Reddit allows each subreddit to set its own specific community rules for content moderation (so long as these rules themselves abide by Reddit’s general Content Policy), and unlike other profile-based social media platforms, Reddit allows anonymity through the use of pseudonyms. For all of these reasons, one finds a high frequency of link rot on r/conspiracy, as posts linking to external conspiracy media stay up even when the linked content itself disappears from the Web. Consider the following screenshot of an r/conspiracy Parkland post from 23 February 2018, a mere nine days after the Parkland shooting, which demonstrates what conspiracist link rot looks like on Reddit (fig. 1). Titling their thread “A compilation of anomalies from the Parkland shooting that the media won't address. The media wants to control the narrative. Feel free to use this if you find it helpful”, this unknown Redditor frames their post as an intervention against media suppression of suspicious details (“A compilation of anomalies”). Yet the archive this poster hoped to share with likeminded users has all but disintegrated—the poster’s account has been deleted (whether by will or force), and the promised “compilation of anomalies” no longer exists. Instead, the link under the headline sends users to a blank screen with the generic message “If you are looking for an image, it was probably deleted” (fig. 2). Fittingly, the links that the sole commenter assembled to support the original poster are also rife with link rot. Of the five links in the comment, only the first one works as intended; the other four videos have been removed from Google and YouTube, with corresponding error messages informing users that the linked content is inaccessible. Fig. 1: Parkland Link Rot on r/conspiracy. (As a precaution, I have blacked out the commenter’s username.) Fig. 2: Error message received when clicking on the primary link in Figure 1. Returning to Jenny Rice’s theory of “evidentiary acts” (173), how might the broken links in Figure 1 be persuasive despite their inability to transport users to the archive in question? For conspiracy theorists who believe they possess “stigmatized knowledge” (Barkun 26) about the Parkland shooting, link rot paradoxically serves as powerful validation of their beliefs. The unknown user who posted this thread alleges a media blackout of sorts, one in which “the media wants to control the narrative”. This claim, if true, would be difficult to verify. Interested users would have to scour media coverage of Parkland to assess whether the media have ignored the “compilation of anomalies” the poster insists they have uncovered and then evaluate the significance of those oddities. But link rot here produces a powerful evidentiary shortcut: the alleged “compilation of anomalies” cannot be accessed, seemingly confirming the poster’s claims to have secretive information about the Parkland shooting that the media wish to suppress. Indeed, what better proof of media censorship than seeing links to professed evidence deteriorate before your very eyes? In a strange way, then, it is through objective archival failure that broken links function as potent subjective evidence for Parkland conspiracy theories. Comments about Parkland link rot elsewhere on r/conspiracy further showcase how broken links can validate conspiracy theorists’ marginalised belief systems. For example, in a thread titled “Searching for video of Parkland shooting on bitchute”, a Redditor observes, “Once someone gives the link watch it go poof”, implying that links to conspiracy content disappear due to censorship by an unnamed force (“Searching for video”). That nearly everything else on this particular thread suffers from link rot—the original poster, the content of their post, and most of the other comments have since been deleted—seems only to confirm the commentor’s ominous prediction. In another thread about a since-deleted YouTube video supposedly “exposing” Parkland students as crisis actors, a user notes, “You can tell there’s an agenda with how quickly this video was removed by YouTube” (“Video Exposing”). Finally, in a thread dedicated to an alleged “Social Media Purge”, Redditors share strategies for combating link rot, such as downloading conspiracy materials and backing them up on external hard drives. The original poster warns their fellow users that even r/conspiracy is not safe from censorship, for removal of content about Parkland and other conspiracies is “all part of the purge” (“the coming Social Media Purge”). In sum, these comments suggest that link rot on r/conspiracy persuades users that their ideas and their communities are under threat, further entrenching their conspiratorial worldviews. I have argued in this article that link rot has a counterintuitive rhetorical effect: in generating untold numbers of broken links, link rot supplies conspiracy theorists with persuasive evidence for the validity of their beliefs. These and other dead ends on the Internet are significant yet understudied components of digital conspiracy theories that merit greater scholarly attention. Needless to say, I can only gesture here to the sheer scale of dead ends within online conspiracy communities on Reddit and elsewhere. Future research ought to trace other permutations of these dead ends, unearthing how they persuade users from beyond the Internet’s grave. References “A compilation of anomalies from the Parkland shooting that the media won't address. The media wants to control the narrative. Feel free to use this if you find it helpful.” Reddit. <https://www.reddit.com/r/conspiracy/comments/7ztc9l/a_compilation_of_anomalies_from_the_parkland/>. Albright, Aaron. “The 17 Lives Lost at Douglas High.” Miami Herald 21 Feb. 2018.<https://www.miamiherald.com/news/local/community/broward/article201139254.html>. Arkin, Daniel, and Ben Popken. “How the Internet’s Conspiracy Theorists Turned Parkland Students into ‘Crisis Actors’.” NBC News 21 Feb. 2018. <https://www.nbcnews.com/news/us-news/how-internet-s-conspiracy-theorists-turned-parkland-students-crisis-actors-n849921>. Barkun, Michael. A Culture of Conspiracy: Apocalyptic Visions in Contemporary America. 2nd ed. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2013. Brown, Jr., James J. Ethical Programs: Hospitality and the Rhetorics of Software. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2015. CBS News. “How Many People Attended March for Our Lives? Crowd in D.C. Estimated at 200,000.” CBS News 25 Mar. 2018. <https://www.cbsnews.com/news/march-for-our-lives-crowd-size-estimated-200000-people-attended-d-c-march/>. Chun, Wendy Hui Kyong. “The Enduring Ephemeral, or the Future Is a Memory.” Critical Inquiry 35.1 (2008): 148-71. <https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/595632>. Curinga, Matthew X. “Critical Analysis of Interactive Media with Software Affordances.” First Monday 19.9 (2014). <https://journals.uic.edu/ojs/index.php/fm/article/view/4757/4116>. Drobnic Holan, Angie, and Amy Sherman. “PolitiFact’s Lie of the Year: Online Smear Machine Tries to Take Down Parkland Students.” PolitiFact 11 Dec. 2018. <http://www.politifact.com/article/2018/dec/11/politifacts-lie-year-parkland-student-conspiracies/>. Kumar, D. Vinay, et al. “URLs Link Rot: Implications for Electronic Publishing.” World Digital Libraries 8.1 (2015): 59-66. March for Our Lives. “Mission and Story.” <https://marchforourlives.com/mission-story/>. Marwick, Alice, and Becca Lewis. Media Manipulation and Misinformation Online. Data & Society Research Institute, 2017. <https://datasociety.net/library/media-manipulation-and-disinfo-online/>. Media Matters Staff. “Alex Jones on Florida High School Shooting: It May Be a False Flag, and Democrats Are Suspects.” Media Matters for America 14 Feb. 2018. <https://www.mediamatters.org/alex-jones/alex-jones-florida-high-school-shooting-it-may-be-false-flag-and-democrats-are-suspects>. Muirhead, Russell, and Nancy L. Rosenblum. A Lot of People Are Saying: The New Conspiracism and the Assault on Democracy. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2019. “I Posted A 4Chan Link a few days ago, that got deleted here, that mentions the coming Social Media Purge by a YouTube insider. Now we are seeing it happen.” Reddit. <https://www.reddit.com/r/conspiracy/comments/7zqria/i_posted_a_4chan_link_a_few_days_ago_that_got/>. Phillips, Whitney, and Ryan M. Milner. You Are Here: A Field Guide for Navigating Polarized Speech, Conspiracy Theories, and Our Polluted Media Landscape. Cambridge: MIT Press, 2021. r/conspiracy. Reddit. <https://www.reddit.com/r/conspiracy/>. Rhodes, Sarah. “Breaking Down Link Rot: The Chesapeake Project Legal Information Archive's Examination of URL Stability.” Law Library Journal 102. 4 (2010): 581-97. Rice, Jenny. Awful Archives: Conspiracy Theory, Rhetoric, and Acts of Evidence. Columbus: Ohio State UP, 2020. Russo, Carla Herreria. “The Rest of the World Showed Up to March for Our Lives.” Huffington Post 25 Mar. 2018. <https://www.huffpost.com/entry/world-protests-march-for-our-lives_n_5ab717f2e4b008c9e5f7eeca>. “Searching for video of Parkland shooting on bitchute.” Reddit. <https://www.reddit.com/r/conspiracy/comments/ddl1s8/searching_for_video_of_parkland_shooting_on/>. Timberg, Craig, and Drew Harwell. “We Studied Thousands of Anonymous Posts about the Parkland Attack – and Found a Conspiracy in the Making.” Washington Post 27 Feb. 2018. <https://www.washingtonpost.com/business/economy/we-studied-thousands-of-anonymous-posts-about-the-parkland-attack---and-found-a-conspiracy-in-the-making/2018/02/27/04a856be-1b20-11e8-b2d9-08e748f892c0_story.html>. “Video exposing David Hogg and Emma Gonzalez as crisis actors and other strange anomalies involving the parkland shooting.” Reddit. <https://www.reddit.com/r/conspiracy/comments/ae3xxp/video_exposing_david_hogg_and_emma_gonzalez_as/>. Wardle, Claire, and Hossein Derakhshan. Information Disorder: Toward and Interdisciplinary Framework for Research and Policymaking. Council of Europe, 2017. <https://rm.coe.int/information-disorder-toward-an-interdisciplinary-framework-for-researc/168076277c>. Yglesias, Matthew. “The Parkland Conspiracy Theories, Explained.” Vox 22 Feb. 2018. <https://www.vox.com/policy-and-politics/2018/2/22/17036018/parkland-conspiracy-theories>. Zittrain, Jonathan, et al. “The Paper of Record Meets an Ephemeral Web: An Examination of Linkrot and Content Drift within The New York Times.” Social Science Research Network 27 Apr. 2021. <https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3833133>.

Image 1: “Oklahoma State Highway Re-imagined.” CC BY-SA 4.0 2015 by author, using Wikimedia image by Ks0stm (CC BY-SA 3 2013). Introduction This article is divided in three major parts. First a scenario, second its context, and third, an analysis. The text draws on ethnographic research on security practices in the United States among police and parts of the intelligence community from 2006 through to the beginning of 2014. Real names are used when the material is drawn from archival sources, while individuals who were interviewed during fieldwork are referred to by their position rank or title. For matters of fact not otherwise referenced, see the sources compiled on “The Complete 911 Timeline” at History Commons. First, a scenario. Oklahoma, 2001 It is 1 April 2001, in far western Oklahoma, warm beneath the late afternoon sun. Highway Patrol Trooper C.L. Parkins is about 80 kilometres from the border of Texas, watching trucks and cars speed along Interstate 40. The speed limit is around 110 kilometres per hour, and just then, his radar clocks a blue Toyota Corolla going 135 kph. The driver is not wearing a seatbelt. Trooper Parkins swung in behind the vehicle, and after a while signalled that the car should pull over. The driver was dark-haired and short; in Parkins’s memory, he spoke English without any problem. He asked the man to come sit in the patrol car while he did a series of routine checks—to see if the vehicle was stolen, if there were warrants out for his arrest, if his license was valid. Parkins said, “I visited with him a little bit but I just barely remember even having him in my car. You stop so many people that if […] you don't arrest them or anything […] you don't remember too much after a couple months” (Clay and Ellis). Nawaf Al Hazmi had a valid California driver’s license, with an address in San Diego, and the car’s registration had been legally transferred to him by his former roommate. Parkins’s inquiries to the National Crime Information Center returned no warnings, nor did anything seem odd in their interaction. So the officer wrote Al Hazmi two tickets totalling $138, one for speeding and one for failure to use a seat belt, and told him to be on his way. Al Hazmi, for his part, was crossing the country to a new apartment in a Virginia suburb of Washington, DC, and upon arrival he mailed the payment for his tickets to the county court clerk in Oklahoma. Over the next five months, he lived several places on the East Coast: going to the gym, making routine purchases, and taking a few trips that included Las Vegas and Florida. He had a couple more encounters with local law enforcement and these too were unremarkable. On 1 May 2001 he was mugged, and promptly notified the police, who documented the incident with his name and local address (Federal Bureau of Investigation, 139). At the end of June, having moved to New Jersey, he was involved in a minor traffic accident on the George Washington Bridge, and officers again recorded his real name and details of the incident. In July, Khalid Al Mihdhar, the previous owner of the car, returned from abroad, and joined Al Hazmi in New Jersey. The two were boyhood friends, and they went together to a library several times to look up travel information, and then, with Al Hazmi’s younger brother Selem, to book their final flight. On 11 September, the three boarded American Airlines flight 77 as part of the Al Qaeda team that flew the mid-sized jet into the west façade of the Pentagon. They died along with the piloting hijacker, all the passengers, and 125 people on the ground. Theirs was one of four airplanes hijacked that day, one of which was crashed by passengers, the others into significant sites of American power, by men who had been living for varying lengths of time all but unnoticed in the United States. No one thought that Trooper Parkins, or the other officers with whom the 9/11 hijackers crossed paths, should have acted differently. The Commissioner of the Oklahoma Department of Public Safety himself commented that the trooper “did the right thing” at that April traffic stop. And yet, interviewed by a local newspaper in January of 2002, Parkins mused to the reporter “it's difficult sometimes to think back and go: 'What if you had known something else?'" (Clay and Ellis). Missed Opportunities Image 2: “Hijackers Timeline (Redacted).” CC BY-SA 4.0 2015 by author, using the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI)’s “Working Draft Chronology of Events for Hijackers and Associates”. In fact, several of the men who would become the 9/11 hijackers were stopped for minor traffic violations. Mohamed Atta, usually pointed to as the ringleader, was given a citation in Florida that spring of 2001 for driving without a license. When he missed his court date, a bench warrant was issued (Wall Street Journal). Perhaps the warrant was not flagged properly, however, since nothing happened when he was pulled over again, for speeding. In the government inquiries that followed attack, and in the press, these brushes with the law were “missed opportunities” to thwart the 9/11 plot (Kean and Hamilton, Report 353). Among a certain set of career law enforcement personnel, particularly those active in management and police associations, these missed opportunities were fraught with a sense of personal failure. Yet, in short order, they were to become a source of professional revelation. The scenarios—Trooper Parkins and Al Hazmi, other encounters in other states, the general fact that there had been chance meetings between police officers and the hijackers—were re-imagined in the aftermath of 9/11. Those moments were returned to and reversed, so that multiple potentialities could be seen, beyond or in addition to what had taken place. The deputy director of an intelligence fusion centre told me in an interview, “it is always a local cop who saw something” and he replayed how the incidents of contact had unfolded with the men. These scenarios offered a way to recapture the past. In the uncertainty of every encounter, whether a traffic stop or questioning someone taking photos of a landmark (and potential terrorist target), was also potential. Through a process of re-imagining, police encounters with the public became part of the government’s “national intelligence” strategy. Previously a division had been marked between foreign and domestic intelligence. While the phrase “national intelligence” had long been used, notably in National Intelligence Estimates, after 9/11 it became more significant. The overall director of the US intelligence community became the Director National Intelligence, for instance, and the cohesive term marked the way that increasingly diverse institutional components, types of data and forms of action were evolving to address the collection of data and intelligence production (McConnell). In a series of working groups mobilised by members of major police professional organisations, and funded by the US Department of Justice, career officers and representatives from federal agencies produced detailed recommendations and plans for involving police in the new Information Sharing Environment. Among the plans drawn up during this period was what would eventually come to be the Nationwide Suspicious Activity Reporting Initiative, built principally around the idea of encounters such as the one between Parkins and Al Hazmi. Map 1: Map of pilot sites in the Nationwide Suspicious Activity Reporting Evaluation Environment in 2010 (courtesy of the author; no longer available online). Map 2: Map of participating sites in the Nationwide Suspicious Activity Reporting Initiative, as of 2014. In an interview, a fusion centre director who participated in this planning as well as its implementation, told me that his thought had been, “if we train state and local cops to understand pre-terrorism indicators, if we train them to be more curious, and to question more what they see,” this could feed into “a system where they could actually get that information to somebody where it matters.” In devising the reporting initiative, the working groups counter-actualised the scenarios of those encounters, and the kinds of larger plots to which they were understood to belong, in order to extract a set of concepts: categories of suspicious “activities” or “patterns of behaviour” corresponding to the phases of a terrorism event in the process of becoming (Deleuze, Negotiations). This conceptualisation of terrorism was standardised, so that it could be taught, and applied, in discerning and documenting the incidents comprising an event’s phases. In police officer training, the various suspicious behaviours were called “terrorism precursor activities” and were divided between criminal and non-criminal. “Functional Standards,” developed by the Los Angeles Police Department and then tested by the Department of Homeland Security (DHS), served to code the observed behaviours for sharing (via compatible communication protocols) up the federal hierarchy and also horizontally between states and regions. In the popular parlance of videos made for the public by local police departments and DHS, which would come to populate the internet within a few years, these categories were “signs of terrorism,” more specifically: surveillance, eliciting information, testing security, and so on. Image 3: “The Seven Signs of Terrorism (sometimes eight).” CC BY-SA 4.0 2015 by author, using materials in the public domain. If the problem of 9/11 had been that the men who would become hijackers had gone unnoticed, the basic idea of the Suspicious Activity Reporting Initiative was to create a mechanism through which the eyes and ears of everyone could contribute to their detection. In this vein, “If You See Something, Say Something™” was a campaign that originated with the New York City Metropolitan Transportation Authority, and was then licensed for use to DHS. The tips and leads such campaigns generated, together with the reports from officers on suspicious incidents that might have to do with terrorism, were coordinated in the Information Sharing Environment. Drawing on reports thus generated, the Federal Government would, in theory, communicate timely information on security threats to law enforcement so that they would be better able to discern the incidents to be reported. The cycle aimed to catch events in emergence, in a distinctively anticipatory strategy of counterterrorism (Stalcup). Re-imagination A curious fact emerges from this history, and it is key to understanding how this initiative developed. That is, there was nothing suspicious in the encounters. The soon-to-be terrorists’ licenses were up-to-date, the cars were legal, they were not nervous. Even Mohamed Atta’s warrant would have resulted in nothing more than a fine. It is not self-evident, given these facts, how a governmental technology came to be designed from these scenarios. How––if nothing seemed of immediate concern, if there had been nothing suspicious to discern––did an intelligence strategy come to be assembled around such encounters? Evidently, strident demands were made after the events of 9/11 to know, “what went wrong?” Policies were crafted and implemented according to the answers given: it was too easy to obtain identification, or to enter and stay in the country, or to buy airplane tickets and fly. But the trooper’s question, the reader will recall, was somewhat different. He had said, “It’s difficult sometimes to think back and go: ‘What if you had known something else?’” To ask “what if you had known something else?” is also to ask what else might have been. Janet Roitman shows that identifying a crisis tends to implicate precisely the question of what went wrong. Crisis, and its critique, take up history as a series of right and wrong turns, bad choices made between existing dichotomies (90): liberty-security, security-privacy, ordinary-suspicious. It is to say, what were the possibilities and how could we have selected the correct one? Such questions seek to retrospectively uncover latencies—systemic or structural, human error or a moral lapse (71)—but they ask of those latencies what false understanding of the enemy, of threat, of priorities, allowed a terrible thing to happen. “What if…?” instead turns to the virtuality hidden in history, through which missed opportunities can be re-imagined. Image 4: “The Cholmondeley Sisters and Their Swaddled Babies.” Anonymous, c. 1600-1610 (British School, 17th century); Deleuze and Parnet (150). CC BY-SA 4.0 2015 by author, using materials in the public domain. Gilles Deleuze, speaking with Claire Parnet, says, “memory is not an actual image which forms after the object has been perceived, but a virtual image coexisting with the actual perception of the object” (150). Re-imagined scenarios take up the potential of memory, so that as the trooper’s traffic stop was revisited, it also became a way of imagining what else might have been. As Immanuel Kant, among others, points out, “the productive power of imagination is […] not exactly creative, for it is not capable of producing a sense representation that was never given to our faculty of sense; one can always furnish evidence of the material of its ideas” (61). The “memory” of these encounters provided the material for re-imagining them, and thereby re-virtualising history. This was different than other governmental responses, such as examining past events in order to assess the probable risk of their repetition, or drawing on past events to imagine future scenarios, for use in exercises that identify vulnerabilities and remedy deficiencies (Anderson). Re-imagining scenarios of police-hijacker encounters through the question of “what if?” evoked what Erin Manning calls “a certain array of recognizable elastic points” (39), through which options for other movements were invented. The Suspicious Activity Reporting Initiative’s architects instrumentalised such moments as they designed new governmental entities and programs to anticipate terrorism. For each element of the encounter, an aspect of the initiative was developed: training, functional standards, a way to (hypothetically) get real-time information about threats. Suspicion was identified as a key affect, one which, if cultivated, could offer a way to effectively deal not with binary right or wrong possibilities, but with the potential which lies nestled in uncertainty. The “signs of terrorism” (that is, categories of “terrorism precursor activities”) served to maximise receptivity to encounters. Indeed, it can apparently create an oversensitivity, manifested, for example, in police surveillance of innocent people exercising their right to assemble (Madigan), or the confiscation of photographers’s equipment (Simon). “What went wrong?” and “what if?” were different interrogations of the same pre-9/11 incidents. The questions are of course intimately related. Moments where something went wrong are when one is likely to ask, what else might have been known? Moreover, what else might have been? The answers to each question informed and shaped the other, as re-imagined scenarios became the means of extracting categories of suspicious activities and patterns of behaviour that comprise the phases of an event in becoming. Conclusion The 9/11 Commission, after two years of investigation into the causes of the disastrous day, reported that “the most important failure was one of imagination” (Kean and Hamilton, Summary). The iconic images of 9/11––such as airplanes being flown into symbols of American power––already existed, in guises ranging from fictive thrillers to the infamous FBI field memo sent to headquarters on Arab men learning to fly, but not land. In 1974 there had already been an actual (failed) attempt to steal a plane and kill the president by crashing it into the White House (Kean and Hamilton, Report Ch11 n21). The threats had been imagined, as Pat O’Malley and Philip Bougen put it, but not how to govern them, and because the ways to address those threats had been not imagined, they were discounted as matters for intervention (29). O’Malley and Bougen argue that one effect of 9/11, and the general rise of incalculable insecurities, was to make it necessary for the “merely imaginable” to become governable. Images of threats from the mundane to the extreme had to be conjured, and then imagination applied again, to devise ways to render them amenable to calculation, minimisation or elimination. In the words of the 9/11 Commission, the Government must bureaucratise imagination. There is a sense in which this led to more of the same. Re-imagining the early encounters reinforced expectations for officers to do what they already do, that is, to be on the lookout for suspicious behaviours. Yet, the images of threat brought forth, in their mixing of memory and an elastic “almost,” generated their own momentum and distinctive demands. Existing capacities, such as suspicion, were re-shaped and elaborated into specific forms of security governance. The question of “what if?” and the scenarios of police-hijacker encounter were particularly potent equipment for this re-imagining of history and its re-virtualisation. References Anderson, Ben. “Preemption, Precaution, Preparedness: Anticipatory Action and Future Geographies.” Progress in Human Geography 34.6 (2010): 777-98. Clay, Nolan, and Randy Ellis. “Terrorist Ticketed Last Year on I-40.” NewsOK, 20 Jan. 2002. 25 Nov. 2014 ‹http://newsok.com/article/2779124›. Deleuze, Gilles. Negotiations. New York: Columbia UP, 1995. Deleuze, Gilles, and Claire Parnet. Dialogues II. New York: Columbia UP 2007 [1977]. Federal Bureau of Investigation. “Hijackers Timeline (Redacted) Part 01 of 02.” Working Draft Chronology of Events for Hijackers and Associates. 2003. 18 Apr. 2014 ‹https://vault.fbi.gov/9-11%20Commission%20Report/9-11-chronology-part-01-of-02›. Kant, Immanuel. Anthropology from a Pragmatic Point of View. Trans. Robert B. Louden. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2006. Kean, Thomas H., and Lee Hamilton. Executive Summary of the 9/11 Commission Report: Final Report of the National Commission on Terrorist Attacks upon the United States. 25 Oct. 2015 ‹http://www.9-11commission.gov/report/911Report_Exec.htm›. Kean, Thomas H., and Lee Hamilton. The 9/11 Commission Report: Final Report of the National Commission on Terrorist Attacks upon the United States. New York: W.W. Norton, 2004. McConnell, Mike. “Overhauling Intelligence.” Foreign Affairs, July/Aug. 2007. Madigan, Nick. “Spying Uncovered.” Baltimore Sun 18 Jul. 2008. 25 Oct. 2015 ‹http://www.baltimoresun.com/news/maryland/bal-te.md.spy18jul18-story.html›. Manning, Erin. Relationscapes: Movement, Art, Philosophy. Cambridge, MA: MIT P, 2009. O’Malley, P., and P. Bougen. “Imaginable Insecurities: Imagination, Routinisation and the Government of Uncertainty post 9/11.” Imaginary Penalities. Ed. Pat Carlen. Cullompton, UK: Willan, 2008.Roitman, Janet. Anti-Crisis. Durham, NC: Duke UP, 2013. Simon, Stephanie. “Suspicious Encounters: Ordinary Preemption and the Securitization of Photography.” Security Dialogue 43.2 (2012): 157-73. Stalcup, Meg. “Policing Uncertainty: On Suspicious Activity Reporting.” Modes of Uncertainty: Anthropological Cases. Eds. Limor Saminian-Darash and Paul Rabinow. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 2015. 69-87. Wall Street Journal. “A Careful Sequence of Mundane Dealings Sows a Day of Bloody Terror for Hijackers.” 16 Oct. 2001.

I. First Brexit, then Trump: Has the past year or so ushered in a “wave” (Weisberg), a “barrage” (Desmond-Harris) or a “deluge” (Sidahmed) of that notoriously noxious affect, hate? It certainly feels that way to those of us identified with progressive social and political causes—those of us troubled, not just by Trump’s recent electoral victory, but by the far-right forces to which that victory has given voice. And yet the questions still hanging over efforts to quantify emotional or affective states leaves the claim that there has been a clear spike in hate moot (Ngai 26; Massumi 136-7; Ahmed, Promise 3-8). So let’s try asking a different question. Has this same period seen a rise, across liberal media platforms, in the rhetorical work of “hate-attribution”? Here, at least, an answer seems in readier reach. For no one given to scrolling distractedly through liberal Anglophone media outlets, from The New York Times, to The Guardian, to Slate, will be unfamiliar with a species of journalism that, in reporting the appalling activities associated with what has become known as the “alt-right” (Main; Wallace-Wells; Gourarie), articulates those activities in the rubric of a calculable uptick in hate itself.Before the U.S. Presidential election, this fledgling journalistic genre was already testing its wings, its first shudderings felt everywhere from Univision anchor Jorge Ramos’s widely publicized documentary, Hate Rising (2016), which explores the rise of white supremacist movements across the South-West U.S, to an edition of Slate’s Trumpcast entitled “The Alt-Right and a Deluge of Hate,” which broached the torment-by-Twitter of left-wing journalist David French. In the wake of the election, and the appalling acts of harassment and intimidation it seemed to authorize, the genre gained further momentum—leading to the New Yorker’s “Hate Is on the Rise After Trump’s Election,” to The Guardian’s “Trump’s Election led to Barrage of Hate,” and to Vox’s “The Wave of Post-Election Hate Reportedly Sweeping the Nation, Explained.” And it still has traction today, judging not just by James King’s recent year-in-review column, “The Year in Hate: From Donald Trump to the Rise of the Alt-Right,” but by Salon’s “A Short History of Hate” which tracks the alt-right’s meteoric 2016 rise to prominence, and the New York Times’ recently launched hate-speech aggregator, “This Week in Hate.”As should already be clear from these brisk, thumbnail accounts of the texts in question, the phenomena alluded to by the titular term “hate” are not instances of hate per se, but rather instances of “hate-speech.” The word “hate,” in other words, is being deployed here not literally, to refer to an emotional state, but metonymically, as a shorthand for “hate-speech”—a by-now widely conventionalized and legally codified parlance originating with the U.N. Declaration to describe “violent or violence-inciting speech or acts that “aim or intend to inflict injury, or incite prejudice or hatred, against persons of groups” because of their ethnic, religious, sexual or social affiliation. And there is no doubt that, beyond the headlines, these articles do incredibly important work, drawing connections between, and drawing attention to, a host of harmful activities associated with the so-called “alt-right”—from a pair of mangled, pretzel-shaped swastikas graffiti-ed in a children’s playground, to acts of harassment, intimidation and violence against women, African-Americans, Latinos, Muslims, Jews, and LGBTQ people, to Trump’s own racist, xenophobic and misogynistic tweets. Yet the fact that an emotion-term like hate is being mobilized across these texts as a metonym for the “alt-right” is no oratorical curio. Rather, it perpetuates a pervasive way of thinking about the relationship between the alt-right (a political phenomenon) and hate (an emotional phenomenon) that should give pause to those of us committed to mining that vein of cultural symptomatology now consigned, across the social sciences and critical humanities, to affect theory. Specifically, these headlines inscribe, in miniature, a kind of micro-assessment, a micro-geography and micro-theory of hate. First, they suggest that, even prior to its incarnation in specific, and dangerous, forms of speech or action, hate is in and of itself anathema, a phenomenon so unquestioningly dangerous that a putative “rise” or “spike” in its net presence provides ample pretext for a news headline. Second, they propose that hate may be localized to a particular social or political group—a group subsisting, unsurprisingly, on that peculiarly contested frontier between the ideological alt-right and the American Midwest. And third, they imply that hate is so indubitably the single most significant source of the xenophobic, racist and sexist activities they go on to describe that it may be casually used as these activities’ lexical proxy. What is crystallizing here, I suggest, is what scholars of rhetoric dub a rhetorical “constellation” (Campbell and Jamieson 332)—a constellation from which hate emerges as, a) inherently problematic, b) localizable to the “alt-right,” and, c) the primary engine of the various activities and expressions we associate with them. This constellation of conventions for thinking about hate and its relationship to the activities of right-wing extremist movement has coalesced into a “genre” we might dub the genre of “hate-attribution.” Yet while it’s far from clear that the genre is an effective one in a political landscape that’s fast becoming a political battleground, it hasn’t appeared by chance. Treating “hate,” then, less as a descriptive “grid of analysis” (Sedgwick 152), than as a rhetorical projectile, this essay opens by interrogating the “hate-attribution” genre’s logic and querying its efficacy. Having done so, it approaches the concept of “alternatives” by asking: how might calling time on the genre help us think differently about both hate itself and about the forces catalyzing, and catalyzed by, Trump’s presidential campaign? II.The rhetorical power of the genre of hate-attribution, of course, isn’t too difficult to pin down. An emotion so thoroughly discredited that its assignment is now in and of itself a term of abuse (see, for example, the O.E.D’s freshly-expanded definition of the noun “hater”), hate is an emotion the Judeo-Christian tradition deems not just responsible for but practically akin to murder (John 3:1). In part as a result of this tradition, hate has proven thoroughly resistant to efforts to elevate it from the status of an expression of a subject’s pestiferous inner life to the status of a polemical response to an object in the world. Indeed, while a great deal of the critical energy amassing under the rubric of “affect theory” has recently been put into recuperating the strategic or diagnostic value of emotions long scorned as irrelevant to oppositional struggle—from irritation and envy, to depression, anger and shame (Ngai; Cvetkovich; Gould; Love)—hate has notably not been among them. In fact, those rare scholarly accounts of affect that do address “hate,” notably Ahmed’s excellent work on right-wing extremist groups in the United Kingdom, display an understandable reluctance to rehabilitate it for progressive thought (Cultural Politics). It should come as no surprise, then, that the genre of “hate-attribution” has a rare rhetorical power. In identifying “hate” as the source of a particular position, gesture or speech-act, we effectively drain said position, gesture or speech-act of political agency or representational power—reducing it from an at-least-potentially polemical action in or response to the world, to the histrionic expression of a reprehensible personhood. Yet because hate’s near-taboo status holds across the ideological and political spectrum, what is less clear is why the genre of hate-attribution has achieved such cachet in the liberal media in particular. The answer, I would argue, lies in the fact that the work of hate-attribution dovetails all too neatly with liberal political theory’s longstanding tendency to laminate its social and civic ideals to affective ideals like “love,” “sympathy,” “compassion,” and, when in a less demonstrative humor, “tolerance”. As Martha Nussbaum’s Political Emotions has recently shown, this tradition has an impressive philosophical pedigree, running from Aristotle’s philia (16), John Locke’s “toleration” and David Hume’s “sympathy” (69-75), to the twentieth century’s Universal Declaration of Human Rights, with its promotion of “tolerance and friendship among all nations, racial or religious groups.” And while the labour of what Lauren Berlant calls “liberal sentimentality” (“Poor Eliza”, 636) has never quite died away, it does seem to have found new strength with the emergence of the “intimate public sphere” (Berlant, Queen)—from its recent popular apotheosis in the Clinton campaign’s notorious “Love Trumps Hate” (a slogan in which “love,” unfortunately, came to look a lot like resigned technocratic quietism in the face of ongoing economic and environmental crisis [Zizek]), to its revival as a philosophical project among progressive scholars, many of them under the sway of the so-called “affective turn” (Nussbaum; Hardt; Sandoval; hooks). No surprise, then, that liberalism’s struggle to yoke itself to “love” should have as its eerie double a struggle to locate among its ideological and political enemies an increasingly reified “hate”. And while the examples of this project we’ve touched on so far have hailed from popular media, this set of protocols for thinking about hate and its relationship to the activities of right-wing extremist movements is not unique to media circles. It’s there in political discourse, as in ex-DNC chair Debbie Wasserman Schultz’s announcement, on MSNBC, that “Americans will unite against [Trump’s] hatred.” And it’s there, too, in academic media studies, from FLOW journal’s November 2016 call for papers inviting respondents to comment, among other things, on “the violence and hatred epitomized by Trump and his supporters,” to the SCMS conference’s invitation to members to participate in a pop-up panel entitled “Responding to Hate, Disenfranchisement and the Loss of the Commons.” Yet while the labor of hate-attribution to which many progressive forces have become attached carries an indisputable rhetorical force, it also has some profound rhetorical flaws. The very same stigma, after all, that makes “hate” such a powerful explanatory grenade to throw also makes it an incredibly tough one to land. As Ahmed’s analysis of the online rhetoric of white supremacist organizations should remind us (Cultural Politics), most groups structured around inciting and promoting violence against women and minorities identify, perversely, not as hate groups, but as movements propelled by the love of race and nation. And while left-wing pundits pronounce “hate” the signature emotion of a racist, misogynist Trump-voting right, supporters of Trump ascribe it, just as routinely, to the so-called “liberal elite,” a group whose mythical avatars—from the so-called “Social Justice Warrior” or “SJW,” to the supercilious Washington politico—are said to brand “ordinary [white, male] Americans” indiscriminately as racist, misogynistic, homophobic buffoons. Thus, for example, The Washington Post’s uncanny, far-right journalistic alter-ego, The Washington Times, dubs the SPLC a “liberal hate group”; the Wikipedia mirror-site, Conservapedia, recasts liberal objections to gun violence as “liberal hate speech” driven by an “irrational aversion to weapons”; while one blood-curdling sub-genre of reportage on Steve Bannon’s crypto-fascist soapbox, Breitbart News, is devoted to denouncing what it calls “ ‘anti-White Racism.’” It’s easy enough, of course, to defend the hate-attribution genre’s liberal incarnations while dismissing its right-wing variants as cynical, opportunistic shams, as Ahmed does (Cultural Politics)—thereby re-establishing the wellspring of hate where we are most comfortable locating it: among our political others. Yet to do so seems, in some sense, to perpetuate a familiar volley of hate-attribution. And to the extent that, as many media scholars have shown (Philips; Reed; Tett; Turow), our digital, networked political landscape is in danger of being reduced to a silo-ed discursive battleground, the ritual exchange of terminological grenades that everyone seems eager to propel across ideological lines, but that no one, understandably, seems willing to pick up, seems counter-productive to say the least.Even beyond the genre’s ultimate ineffectiveness, what should strike anyone used to reflecting on affect is how little justice it does to the ubiquity and intricacy of “hate” as an affective phenomenon. Hate is not and cannot be the exclusive property or preserve of one side of the political spectrum. One doesn’t have to stretch one’s critical faculties too far to see the extent to which the genre of hate-attribution participates in the emotional ballistics it condemns or seeks to redress. While trafficking in a relatively simple hate-paradigm (as a subjective emotional state that may be isolated to a particular person or group), the genre itself incarnates a more complex, socially dynamic model of hate in which the emotion operates through logics of projection perhaps best outlined by Freud. In the “hate-attribution” genre, that is, hate—like those equally abjected categories “sentimentality,” “worldliness” or “knowingness” broached by Sedgwick in her bravura analyses of “scapegoating attribution” (150-158)—finds its clearest expression in and through the labor of its own adscription. And it should come as no surprise that an emotion so widely devalued, where it is not openly prohibited, might also find expression in less overt form.Yet to say as much is by no means to discredit the genre. As legal scholar Jeremy Waldron has recently pointed out, there’s no particular reason why “the passions and emotions that lie behind a particular speech act” (34)—even up to and including hate—should devalue the speech acts they rouse. On the contrary, to pin the despicable and damaging activities of the so-called “alt right” on “hate” is, if anything, to do an injustice to a rich and complex emotion that can be as generative as it can be destructive. As Freud suggests in “Group Psychology and the Analysis of the Ego,” for example, hate may be the very seed of love, since the forms of “social feeling” (121) celebrated under the liberal rubric of “tolerance,” “love,” and “compassion,” are grounded in “the reversal of what was first a hostile feeling into a positively-toned tie in the nature of an identification” (121; italics mine). Indeed, Freud projects this same argument across a larger, historical canvas in Civilization and its Discontents, which contends that it is in our very struggle to combat our “aggressive instincts” that human communities have developed “methods intended to incite people into identifications and aim-inhibited relationships of love” (31). For Freud, that is, the practice of love is a function of ongoing efforts to see hate harnessed, commuted and transformed. III.What might it mean, then, to call time on this round of hate-attribution? What sort of “alternatives” might emerge when we abandon the assumption that political engagement entails a “struggle over who has the right to declare themselves as acting out of love” (Ahmed, Cultural Politics 131), and thus, by that same token, a struggle over the exact location and source of hate? One boon, I suggest, is the license it gives those of us on the progressive left to simply own our own hate. There’s little doubt that reframing the dangerous and destructive forms of speech fomented by Trump’s campaign, not as eruptions of hate, or even as “hate-speech,” but as speech we hate would be more consistent with what once seemed affect theory’s first commandment: to take our own affective temperature before launching headlong into critical analysis. After all, when Lauren Berlant (“Trump”) takes a stab at economist Paul Krugman’s cautions against “the Danger of Political Emotions” with the timely reminder that “all the messages are emotional,” the “messages” she’s pointing to aren’t just those of our political others, they’re ours; and the “emotions” she’s pointing to aren’t just the evacuated, insouciant versions of love championed by the Clinton campaign, they’re of the messier, or as Ngai might put it, “uglier” (2) variety—from shame, depression and anger, to, yes, I want to insist, hate.By way of jump-starting this program of hate-avowal, then, let me just say it: this essay was animated, in part, by a certain kind of hate. The social critic in me hates the breathtaking simplification of the complex social, economic and emotional forces animating Trump voters that seem to actuate some liberal commentary; the psychologist in me hates the self-mystification palpable in the left’s insistence on projecting and thus disowning its own (often very well justified) aggressions; and the human being in me, hating the kind of toxic speech to which Trump’s campaign has given rise, wishes to be able to openly declare that hatred. Among its other effects, hate is characterized by hypervigilance for lapses or failings in an object it deems problematic, a hypervigilance that—sometimes—animates analysis (Zeki and Romoya). In this sense, “hate” seems entitled to a comfortable place in the ranks of what Nick Salvato has recently dubbed criticism’s creative “obstructions”—phenomena that, while “routinely identified as detriments” to critical inquiry, may also “form the basis for … critical thinking” (1).Yet while one boon associated with this disclosure might be a welcome intellectual honesty, a more significant boon, I’d argue, is what getting this disclosure out of the way might leave room for. Opting out of the game of hurling “hate” back and forth across a super-charged political arena, that is, we might devote our column inches and Facebook posts to the less sensational but more productive task of systematically challenging the specious claims, and documenting the damaging effects, of a species of utterance (Butler; Matsuda; Waldron) we’ve grown used to simply descrying as pure, distilled “hate”. And we also might do something else. Relieved of the confident conviction that we can track “Trumpism” to a spontaneous outbreak of a single, localizable emotion, we might be able to offer a fuller account of the economic, social, political and affective forces that energize it. Certainly, hate plays a part here—although the process by which, as Isabelle Stengers puts it, affect “make[s] present, vivid and mattering … a worldly world” (371) demands that we scrutinize that hate as a syndrome, rather than simply moralize it as a sin, addressing its mainsprings in a moment marked by the nerve-fraying and life-fraying effects of what has become known across the social sciences and critical humanities as conditions of social and economic “precarity” (Muehlebach; Neil and Rossiter; Stewart).But perhaps hate’s not the only emotion tucked away under the hood. Here’s something affect theory knows today: affect moves not, as more traditional theorists of political emotion have it, “unambiguously and predictably from one’s cognitive processing,” but in ways that are messy, muddled and indirect (Gould 24). That form of speech is speech we hate. But it may not be “hate speech.” That crime is a crime we hate. But it may not be a “hate-crime.” One of the critical tactics we might crib from Berlant’s work in Cruel Optimism is that of decoding and decrypting, in even the most hateful acts, an instance of what Berlant, herself optimistically, calls “optimism.” For Berlant, after all, optimism is very often cruel, attaching itself, as it seems to have done in 2016, to scenes, objects and people that, while ultimately destined to “imped[e] the aim that brought [it to them] initially,” nevertheless came to seem, to a good portion of the electorate, the only available exponent of that classic good-life genre, “the change that’s gonna come” (“Trump” 1-2) at a moment when the Democratic party’s primary campaign promise was more of the free-market same. 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Content warning: although it was kept to a minimum, this text displays instances of (anti-Semitic) hate speech. During the 2016 U.S. election and its aftermath, multiple journalistic accounts reported on “alt-right trolls” emanating from anonymous online spaces like the imageboard 4chan (e.g. Abramson; Ellis). Having gained infamy for its nihilist trolling subcultures (Phillips, This Is Why) and the loose hacktivist movement Anonymous (Coleman), 4chan now drew headlines because of the alt-right’s “genuinely new” concoction of white supremacy, ironic Internet humour, and a lack of clear leadership (Hawley 50). The alt-right “anons”, as imageboard users call themselves, were said to primarily manifest on the “Politically Incorrect” subforum of 4chan: /pol/. Gradually, a sentiment arose in the titles of several news articles that the pro-Trump “alt-right trolls” had successfully won the metapolitical battle intertwined with the elections (Phillips, Oxygen 5). For instance, articles titled that “trolls” were “The Only True Winners of this Election” (Dewey) or even “Plotting a GOP Takeover” (Stuart).The headlines were as enticing as questionable. As trolling-expert Whitney Phillips headlined herself, the alt-right did not attain political gravity solely through its own efforts but rather was “Conjured Out of Pearl Clutching and Media Attention” (“The Alt-Right”), with news outlets being provoked to criticise, debunk, or sensationalise its trolling activities (Faris et al. 131; Phillips, “Oxygen” 5-6). Even with the right intentions, attempts at denouncement through using vague, structuralist notions–from “alt-right” and “trolls” to “the basket of deplorables” (Robertson) – arguably only strengthened the coherence of those it was meant to disavow (Phillips, Oxygen; Phillips et al.; Marantz). Phillips et al. therefore lamented such generalisations, arguing attributing Trump’s win to vague notions of “4chan”, “alt-right”, or “trolls” actually bestowed an “atemporal, almost godlike power” to what was actually an “ever-reactive anonymous online collective”. Therefore, they called to refrain from making claims about opaque spaces like 4chan without first “plotting the landscape” and “safeguarding the actual record”. Indeed, “when it comes to 4chan and Anonymous”, Phillips et al. warned, “nobody steps in the same river twice”.This text answers the call to map anonymous online groups by engaging with the complexity of testing the muddy waters of the ever-changing and dissimulative 4chan-current. It first argues how anti-structuralist research outlooks can answer to many of the pitfalls arising from this complex task. Afterwards, it traces the word trump as it was used on 4chan/pol/ to problematise some of the above-mentioned media narratives. How did anons consider Trump, and how did the /pol/-current change during the build-up of the 2016 U.S. elections and afterwards?On Researching Masked and Dissimulative ExtremistsWhile potentially playing into the self-imagination of malicious actors (Phillips et al.), the frequent appearance of overblown narratives on 4chan is unsurprising considering the peculiar affordances of imageboards. Imageboards are anonymous – no user account is required to post – and ephemeral – posts are deleted after a certain amount of activity, sometimes after days, sometimes after minutes (Bernstein et al.; Hagen). These affordances complicate studying collectives on imageboards, with the primary reasons being that 1) they prevent insights into user demographics, 2) they afford particularly dissimulative, playful discourse that can rarely be taken at face value (Auerbach; de Zeeuw and Tuters), and 3) the sheer volume of auto-deleted activity means one has to stay up-to-date with a rapid waterfall of subcultural ephemera. Additionally, the person stepping into the muddy waters of the chan-river also changes their gaze over time. For instance, Phillips bravely narrates how she once saw parts of the 4chan-stream as “fun” to only later realise the blatantly racist elements present from the start (“It Wasn’t Just”).To help render legible the changing currents of imageboard activity without relying on vague understandings of the “alt-right”, “trolls”, or “Anonymous”, anti-structuralist research outlooks form a possible answer. Around 1900, sociologists like Gabriel Tarde already argued to refrain from departing from structuralist notions of society and instead let social compositions arise through iterative tracing of minute imitations (11). As described in Bruno Latour’s Reassembling the Social, actor-network theory (ANT) revitalises the Tardean outlook by similarly criticising the notion of the “social” and “society” as distinct, sui-generis entities. Instead, ANT advocates tracing “flat” networks of agency made up of both human and non-human actors (165-72). By tracing actors and describing the emerging network of heterogeneous mediators and intermediaries (105), one can slowly but surely get a sense of collective life. ANT thus takes a page from ethnomethodology, which advocates a similar mapping of how participants of a group produce themselves as such (Garfinkel).For multiple reasons, anti-structuralist approaches like ANT can be useful in tracing elusive anonymous online groups and their changing compositions. First, instead of grasping collectives on imageboards from the outset through structuralist notions, as networked individuals, or as “amorphous and formless entities” (see e.g. Coleman 113-5), it only derives its composition after following where its actors lead. This can result in an empirical and literally objective mapping of their collectivity while refraining from mystifications and non-existent connections–so often present in popular narratives about “trolls” and the “alt-right”. At the same time, it allows prominent self-imaginations and mythologizations – or, in ANT-parlance, “localisations of the global” (Latour 173-190) – rise to the surface whenever they form important actors, which, as we will see, tends to happen on 4chan.Second, ANT offers a useful lens with which to consider how non-human actors can uphold a sense of collectivity within anonymous imageboards. This can include digital objects as part of the infrastructure–e.g. the automatically assigned post numbers having mythical value on 4chan (Beran, It Came From 69)–but also cultural objects like words or memes. Considering 4chan’s anonymity, this focus on objects instead of individuals is partly a necessity: one cannot know the exact amount and flow of users. Still, as this text seeks to show, non-human actors like words or memes can form suitable actors to map the changing collectivity of anonymous imageboard users in the absence of demographic insights.There are a few pitfalls worth noting when conducting ANT-informed research into extremist spaces like 4chan/pol/. The aforementioned ironic and dissimulative rhetoric of anonymous forum culture (de Zeeuw and Tuters) means tracing is complicated by implicit (yet omnipresent) intertextual references undecipherable to the untrained eye. Even worse, when misread or exaggerated, such tracing efforts can play into trolling tactics. This can in turn risk what Phillips calls “giving oxygen” to bigoted narratives by amplifying their presence (“Oxygen”). Since ANT does not prescribe what sort of description is needed (Latour 149), this exposure can be limited and/or critically engaged with by the researcher. Still, it is inevitable that research on extremist collectives adds at least some garbage to already polluted information ecologies (Phillips and Milner 2020), even when “just” letting the actors speak (Venturini). Indeed, this text will unfortunately also show hate speech terms below.These complications of irony and amplification can be somewhat mitigated by mixing ethnographic involvement with computational methods. Together, they can render implicit references explicit while also mapping broad patterns in imitation and preventing singular (misleading) actors from over-dominating the description. When done well, such descriptions do not only have to amplify but can also marginalise and trivialise. An accurate mapping can thereby counter sensationalist media narratives, as long as that is where the actors lead. It because of this potentiality that anti-structuralist tracing of extremist, dissimulative online groups should not be discarded outright.Stopping Momentarily to Test the WatersTo put the above into practice, what follows is a brief case study on the term trump on 4chan/pol/. Instead of following users, here the actor trump is taken an entry point for tracing various assemblages: not only referring to Donald J. Trump as an individual and his actions, but also to how /pol/-anons imagine themselves in relation to Trump. In this way, the actor trump is a fluid one: each of its iterations contains different boundaries and variants of its environment (de Laet and Mol 252). By following these environments, can we make sense of how the delirious 2016 U.S. election cycle played out on /pol/, a space described as the “skeleton key to the rise of Trump” (Beran, 4chan)?To trace trump, I use the 4plebs.com archive, containing almost all posts made on /pol/ between late-2013 and early 2018 (the time of research). I subsequently use two text mining methods to trace various connections between trump and other actors and use this to highlight specific posts. As Latour et al. note, computational methods allow “navigations” (593) of different data points to ensure diverse empirical perspectives, preventing both structuralist “zoomed-out” views and local contexts from over-dominating. Instead of moving between micro and macro views, such a navigation should therefore be understood as a “circulation” around the data, deploying various perspectives that each assemble the actors in a different way. In following this, the case study aims to demonstrate how, instead of a lengthy ethnographic account, a brief navigation using both quali- and quantitative perspectives can quickly demystify some aspects of seemingly nebulous online groups.Tracing trump: From Meme-Wizard to Anti-Semitic TargetTo get a sense of the centrality of Trump on /pol/, I start with post frequencies of trump assembled in two ways. The first (Figure 1) shows how, soon after the announcement of Trump’s presidential bid on 16 June 2015, around 100,000 comments mention the word (2% of the total amount of posts). The frequencies spike to a staggering 8% of all comments during the build-up to Trump’s win of the Republican nomination in early 2016 and presidential election in November 2016. Figure 1: The absolute and relative amount of posts on 4chan/pol/ containing the word trump (prefixes and suffixes allowed).To follow the traces between trump and the more general discourse surrounding it, I compiled a more general “trump-dense threads” dataset. These are threads containing thirty or more posts, with at least 15% of posts mentioning trump. As Figure 2 shows, at the two peaks, 8% of any thread on /pol/ was trump-dense, accounting for approximately 15,000 monthly threads. While Trump’s presence is unsurprising, these two views show just how incredibly central the former businessman was to /pol/ at the time of the 2016 U.S. election. Figure 2: The absolute and relative amount of threads on 4chan/pol/ that are “trump-dense”, meaning they have thirty comments or more, out of which at least 15% contain the word trump (prefixes and suffixes allowed).Instead of picking a certain moment from these aggregate overviews and moving to the “micro” (Latour et al.), I “circulate” further with Figure 3, showing another perspective on the trump­-dense thread dataset. It shows a scatter plot of trump-dense threads grouped per week and plotted according to how similar their vocabulary is. First, all the words per week are weighted with tf-idf, a common information retrieval algorithm that scores units on the basis if they appear a lot in one of the datasets but not in others (Spärck-Jones). The document sets are then plotted according to the similarity of their weighted vocabulary (cosine similarity). The five highest-scoring terms for the five clusters (identified with K-means) are listed in the bottom-right corner. For legibility, the scatterplot is compressed by the MDS algorithm. To get a better sense of specific vocabulary per week, terms that appeared in all weeks are filtered out (like trump or hillary). Read counterclockwise, the nodes roughly increase in time, thus showing a clear temporal change of discourse, with the first clusters being more similar in vocabulary than the last, and the weeks before and after the primary election (orange cluster) showing a clear gap. Figure 3: A scatterplot showing cosine distances between tf-idf weighted vocabularies of trump-dense threads per week. Compressed with MDS and coloured by five K-means clusters on the underlying tf-idf matrix (excluding terms that appeared in all weeks). Legend shows the top five tf-idf terms within these clusters. ★ denotes the median week in the cluster.With this map, we can trace other words appearing around trump as significant actors in the weekly documents. For instance, Trump-supportive words like stump (referring to “Can’t Stump the Trump”) and maga (“Make America Great Again”) are highly ranked in the first two clusters. In later weeks, less clearly pro-Trump terms appear: drumpf reminds of the unattractive root of the Trump family name, while impeached and mueller show the Russia probe in 2017 and 2018 were significant in the trump-dense threads of that time. This change might thus hint at growing scepticism towards Trump after his win, but it is not shown how these terms are used. Fortunately, the scatterplot offers a rudder with which to navigate to further perspectives.In keeping with Latour’s advice to keep “aggregate structures” and “local contexts” flat (165-72), I contrast the above scatterplot with a perspective on the data that keeps sentence structures intact instead of showing abstracted keyword sets. Figure 4 uses all posts mentioning trump in the median weeks of the first and last clusters in the scatterplot (indicated with ★) and visualises word trees (Wattenberg and Viégas) of most frequent words following “trump is a”. As such, they render explicit ontological associations about Trump; what is Trump, according to /pol/-anons? The first word tree shows posts from 2-8 November 2015, when fifteen Republican competitors were still in the race. As we have seen in Figure 1, Trump was in this month still “only” mentioned in around 50,000 posts (2% of the total). This word tree suggests his eventual nomination was at this point seen as an unlikely and even undesirable scenario, showing derogatory associations like retard and failure, as well as more conspiratorial words like shill, fraud, hillary plant, and hillary clinton puppet. Notably, the most prominent association, meme, and others like joke and fucking comic relief, imply Trump was not taken too seriously (see also Figure 5). Figure 4: Word trees of words following “trump is a” in the median weeks of the first and last clusters of the scatterplot. Made with Jason Davies’s Word Tree application. Figure 5: Anons who did not take Trump seriously. Screencapture taken from archive.4plebs.org (see post 1 and post 2 in context).The first word tree contrast dramatically with the one from the last median week from 18 to 24 December 2017. Here, most associations are anti-Semitic or otherwise related to Judaism, with trump most prominently related to the hate speech term kike. This prompts several questions: did /pol/ become increasingly anti-Semitic? Did already active users radicalise, or were more anti-Semites drawn to /pol/? Or was this nefarious current always there, with Trump merely drawing anti-Semitic attention after he won the election? Although the navigation did not depart from a particular critical framework, by “just following the actors” (Venturini), it already stumbled upon important questions related to popular narratives on 4chan and the alt-right. While it is tempting to stop here and explain the change as “radicalisation”, the navigation should continue to add more empirical perspectives. When doing so, the more plausible explanation is that the unlikely success of Trump briefly attracted (relatively) more diverse and playful visitors to /pol/, obscuring the presence and steady growth of overt extremists in the process.To unpack this, I first focus on the claim that a (relatively) diverse set of users flocked to /pol/ because of the Trump campaign. /pol/’s overall posting activity rose sharply during the 2016 election, which can point to already active users becoming more active, but is likely mostly caused by new users flocking to /pol/. Indeed, this can be traced in actor language. For instance, many anons professed to be “reporting in” from other 4chan boards during crucial moments in the campaing. One of the longest threads in the trump-dense threads dataset (4,504 posts) simply announces “Cruz drops out”. In the comments below, multiple anons state they arrived from other boards to join the Trump-infused activity. For instance, Figure 6 shows an anon replying “/v/ REPORTING IN”, to which sixty other users reacted by similarly affirming themselves as representatives from other boards (e.g. “/mu/ here. Ready to MAGA”). While but another particular view, this implies Trump’s surprising nomination stimulated a crowd-like gathering of different anons jumping into the vortex of trump-related activity on /pol/. Figure 6: Replies by outside-anons “reporting in” the sticky thread announcing Ted Cruz's drop out, 4 May 2016. Screenshots taken from 4plebs.org (see post 1 and post 2 in context).Other actor-language further expresses Trump’s campaign “drew in” new and unadjusted (or: less extreme) users. Notably, many anons claimed the 2016 election led to an “invasion of Reddit users”. Figure 7 shows one such expression: an annotated timeline of /pol/’s posting activity graph (made by 4plebs), posted to /pol/ on 26 February 2016 and subsequently reposted 34 times. It interprets 2016 as a period where “Trump shit goes into overdrive, meme shit floods /pol/, /pol/ is now reddit”. Whether these claims hold any truth is difficult to establish, but the image forms an interesting case of how the entirety “/pol/” is imagined and locally articulated. Such simplistic narratives relate to what Latour calls “panoramas”: totalising notions of some imagined “whole” (188-90) that, while not to be “confused with the collective”, form crucial data since they express how actors understand their own composition (190). Especially in the volatile conditions of anonymous and ephemeral imageboards, repeated panoramic narratives can help in constructing a sense of cohesion–and thereby also form interesting actors to trace. Indeed, following the panoramic statement “/pol/ is now reddit”, other gatekeeping-efforts are not hard to find. For instance, phrases urging other anons to go “back to reddit” (occurring in 19,069 posts in the total dataset) or “back to The_Donald” (a popular pro-Trump subreddit, 1,940 posts) are also particularly popular in the dataset. Figure 7: An image circulated on /pol/ lamenting that "/pol/ is now reddit" by annotating 4plebs’s posting metrics. Screenshot taken from archive.4plebs.org (see posts).Did trump-related activity on /pol/ indeed become more “meme-y” or “Reddit-like” during the election cycle, as the above panorama articulates? The activity in the trump-dense threads seems to suggest so. Figure 8 again uses the tf-idf terms from these threads, but here with the columns denoting the weeks and the rows the top scoring tf-idf terms of their respective week. To highlight relevant actors, all terms are greyed out (see the unedited sheet here), except for several keywords that indicate particularly playful or memetic vernacular: the aforementioned stump, emperor, referring to Trump’s nickname as “God Emperor”; energy, referring to “high energy”, a common catchphrase amongst Trump supporters; magic, referring to “meme magic”, the faux-ironic belief that posting memes affects real-life events; and pepe, the infamous cartoon frog. In both the tf-idf ranking and the absolute frequencies, these keywords flourish in 2016, but disappear soon after the presidential election passes. The later weeks in 2017 and 2018 rarely contain similarly playful and memetic terms, and if they do, suggest mocking discourse regarding Trump (e.g. drumpf). This perspective thus pictures the environment around trump in the run-up to the election as a particularly memetic yet short-lived carnival. At least from this perspective, “meme shit” thus indeed seemed to have “flooded /pol/”, but only for a short while. Figure 8: tf-idf matrix of trump-dense threads, columns denoting weeks and rows denoting the top hundred most relevant terms per week. Download the full tf-idf matrix with all terms here.Despite this carnivalesque activity, further perspectives suggest it did not go at the expense of extremist activity on /pol/. Figure 9 shows the absolute and relative counts of the word "jew" and its derogatory synonym "kike". Each of these increases from 2015 onwards. As such, it seems to align with claims that Trump’s success and /pol/ becoming increasingly extremist were causally related (Thompson). However, apart from possibly confusing correlation with causation, the relative presence remains fairly stable, even slightly decreasing during the frenzy of the Trump campaign. Since we also saw Trump himself become a target for anti-Semitic activity, these trendlines rather imply /pol/’s extremist current grew proportionally to the overall increase in activity, and increased alongside but not but necessarily as a partisan contingent as a result of Trump’s campaign. Figure 9: The absolute and relative frequency of the terms "jew" and "kike" on 4chan/pol/.ConclusionCombined, the above navigation implies two main changes in 4chan/pol/’s trump-related current. First, the climaxes of the 2016 Republican primaries and presidential elections seem to have invoked crowd-like influxes of (relatively) heterogeneous users joining the Trump-delirium, marked by particularly memetic activity. Second, /pol/ additionally seemed to have formed a welcoming hotbed for anti-Semites and other extremists, as the absolute amount of (anti-Semitic) hate speech increased. However, while already-present and new users might have been energised by Trump, they were not necessarily loyal to him, as professed by the fact that Trump himself eventually became a target. Together with the fact that anti-Semitic hate speech stayed relatively consistent, instead of being “countercultural” (Nagle) or exclusively pro-Trump, /pol/ thus seems to have been composed of quite a stable anti-Semitic and Trump-critical contingent, increasing proportionally to /pol/’s general growth.Methodologically, this text sought to demonstrate how a brief navigation of trump on 4chan/pol/ can provide provisional yet valuable insights regarding continuously changing current of online anonymous collectives. As the cliché goes, however, this brief exploration has left more many questions, or rather, it did not “deploy the content with all its connections” (Latour 147). For instance, I have not touched on how many of the trump-dense threads are distinctly separated and pro-Trump “general threads” (Jokubauskaitė and Peeters). 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