Journal articles on the topic 'Shilha language'

Background: Social media can be powerful tools to influence high-risk behaviors. This study aimed to evaluate tobacco-related images on Instagram’s Persian-language pages and their audience attraction rates. Materials and Methods: This cross-sectional study included 1870 Instagram posts with cigar, cigarette, e-cigarette, tobacco, vape, and shisha/waterpipe/hookah hashtags. The number of likes and comments for these posts were recorded, and the image type, the attitude of the audience, and the type of caption were noted as well. Results: In general, 500 images (26.7%) had #cigar/cigarette, while 30 (1.6%), 470 (25.1%), 650 (34.8%), 70 (3.7%), and 150 (8%) images had #e-cigarette, #shisha/#waterpipe/#hookah, # tobacco, #juice, and #vape hashtags, respectively. The most common type of image was product images (52.4%). The audience’s attitude towards the images was mostly positive (93.2%). In addition, the most common caption type was sales (76.5%). There was a significant correlation between the number of likes and comments with image hashtags, audience attitude, and caption type. The highest number of likes and comments belonged to images with shisha/waterpipe/hookah hashtags and a positive audience attitude. The sales caption type had the highest number of likes, while the encouragement caption type had the highest number of comments. Eventually, text image types had the highest number of comments. Conclusion: Given the high promotion of tobacco-related posts on Instagram, policymakers should take the necessary measures to reduce the volume of tobacco advertisements.

Ibn Abbas, one of the companions of the Prophet classified the level of rasikh in understanding al Qur’an verses as four parts: first, it is able to be understood by Arabian generally based on their linguistic; second, there is no reason for them to let it; third, noone knows except scholars; and fourth, only Allah knows it. This is proof of the miracles and the truth of the prophet Muhammad SAW, one of the al Qur’an terms of language which can be accepted by the owner’s only. Besides, Muhammad’s friends who witnessed the al Qur’an descent, they knew and understood it structure and vocabulary of the language, and the context of the verses passage, so the appreciation of the al Qur’an interpretation is always needed by the Indonesian mufassir that is M. Quraish Shihab in tafsir al Misbah.

The purpose of the research is to describe the assonance figurative language in Catatan Harian Catatan Najwa by Najwa Shihab. The data of this research is primary data which consists of quotations of assonance figurative language and the metaphor of that assonance. The source of this data is daily notes of Catatan Najwa by Najwa Shihab. This research is qualitative with descriptive method. Through collecting data, choosing data, and analyzing data, the research can understand the assonance figurative language and the metaphor from the daily notes of Catatan Najwa by Najwa Shihab. Moreover, the researcher interpreted it logically and drawed the conclusion for each discussion.The result shows that there are three things that are related to this research, they are two kinds of assonance figurative language; assonance figurative language of vowel repetition on one speech and one line. For example: Indonesia adalah kata kerja, kita semua yang harus menuntaskannya. Next is assonance figurative language with the repetition of vowel pattern on two lines, such as: Cukup lama dia geming membatuMenyindir kekuasaan yang penuh ragu. Moreover, there are some words that comprise metaphor, such as: Uluran tangan which means giving help, geming membatu which means being silent without saying any words, ibu pertiwi which means Indonesia land, which is suitable with this theory (Suwandi, 2011: 117). Thus, it can be concluded that there are two kinds of assonance figurative language and words that have metaphor meaning in Catatan Najwa daily notes.

Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui persepsi atau pandangan mahasiswa Jurnalistik UIN Bandung pada keterampilan komunikasi lisan presenter Najwa Shihab. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif, metode penelitian pada penelitian ini adalah metode deskriptif yang memaparkan suatu situasi atau peristiwa berdasarkan data dari hasil wawancara. Metode ini digunakan agar mengetahui persepsi atau pandangan mahasiswa pada keterampilan komunikasi lisan presenter Najwa Shihab. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa pandangan mahasiswa terhadap keterampilan komunikasi Najwa Shihab menimbulkan persepsi yang positif. Keterampilan komunikasi Najwa Shihab saat membawakan sebuah acara dan menyampaikan informasi mampu membentuk pemahaman mahasiswa akan isi pesan yang disampaikan. Keterampilan komunikasi yang dimiliki Najwa Shihab sesuai dengan konsep dari Asrori yang meliputi keterampilan dalam menggunakan kata-kata/bahasa/gaya bahasa yang menarik dan sopan, dan mampu menjadi pendengar yang baik bagi narasumber maupun audiens dalam sebuah acara talkshow. Kata Kunci ; Persepsi; Keterampilan Komunikasi; This research aims to find out the perceptions of views of UIN Bandung Journalistic students on the presenter’s oral communication skills, Najwa Shihab. This study uses a qualitative approach, the research method of this study is a descriptive method that describes a situation or event based on data from interviews. This method is used to determine the perceptions or views of students on the presenter's oral communication skills, Najwa Shihab. The results of the study show that students' views on the presenter's communication skills Najwa Shihab rise up the positive perceptions. Najwa Shihab's communication skills when delivering an event and delivering information were able to create students' understanding of the contents of the message delivered. The communication skills possessed by Najwa Shihab are in accordance with the concepts of Asrori which include skills in using interesting and polite words, languages and language styles, as well as are able to become good listeners for the speakers and audiences in a talkshow. Keywords ; Perception; Communication Skills;

The current paper is dedicated to examine Quraish Shihab’s views on Muhkamât and Mutasyahabihat. The method applied in this study is critical analysis by comparing various reference of his works. I am interested in this topic because it is related to the Qur’anic Studies. I found that not all muhkamat verses are disputed, some of them remained clear. In the discussion around the texts of the mutasyabihat, Quraish Shihab did not mention the views of sufi thought such as Ibn Arabi who used the 'irfani’s perspective. In addition, his study of mutasyabihat verses related to God's attributes and deeds can be found deeper in other works, by using an intertextual analysis. It is found that Quraish Shihab did not relate majaz when he discussed it. The majaz style in the Qur'an, among others, is used to expand the function of the language description, to accommodate as many ideas or meanings as possible, by giving a picture or imagination in such a way as to be understood by man, as a being to whom the Qur'an is derived. Since the verses are addressed to humans to understand, the symbols used also in the form of language understood by humans.

The article deals with the lexical means expressing the biological sex semantics in Russian. Nouns, adjectives, verbs, adverbs may carry information on the denotatum of the semantically related noun. According to the National corpus of Russian language a set of such relevant lexemes and the statistical probability of their male and female markedness is established. Also the statistical probability of their male and female markedness in accordance with the modern Russian lexical minimum is determined.

Abstract: The meaning of the Qur'an made on social media can occur in the form of an oral and more dialectical explanation. Quraish Shihab interprets the Qur'an on Najwa Shihab's Youtube Channel by responding to people's understanding of the Qur'an. This study aims to analyze the cultural structure of understanding and meaning depicted on Najwa Shihab's Youtube Channel. This study uses qualitative methods and content analysis as a data analysis tool. Meanwhile, the achievement of cultural analysis in language uses a structuralist anthropological approach introduced by Levi-Strauss. This study concludes that the explanation of meaning is carried out through two mechanisms; delegitimization as a critique of understanding and figurative as a meaning mechanism that is relevant to the understanding of new issues that exist. The delegitimization and figurative mechanisms used represent the actual cultural structure of meaning in Quraish Shihab and the puritanical and modernist-quasi-objective culture of understanding. The culture that is represented in the structure of meaning on social media shows another function of the representation of the Qur'an on Youtube as a medium of "storage" of culture that can be recognized through its explanation mechanism.Abstrak: Pemaknaan terhadap al-Qur’an yang berlangsung di media sosial hadir dalam bentuk penjelasan secara oral dan lebih dialektis. Quraish Shihab menghadirkan penafsiran terhadap al-Qur’an di Channel Youtube Najwa Shihab dengan memberikan respon terhadap pemahaman masyarakat terhadap al-Qur’an yang berkembang. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis struktur budaya pemahaman dan pemaknaan yang tergambar pada Channel Youtube Najwa Shihab. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan content analysis sebagai perangkat analisa data. Sedangkan pencapaian analisa budaya dalam bahasa menggunakan pendekatan antropologi strukturalis yang dikenalkan Levi-Strauss. Penelitian ini menyimpulkan bahwa penjelasan terhadap makna dilakukan melalui dua mekanisme; delegitimasi sebagai kritik atas pemahaman dan figuratif sebagai mekanisme pemaknaan yang relevan dengan pemahaman isu baru yang berkembang. Mekanisme delegitimasi dan figuratif yang digunakan merepresentasikan struktur budaya pemaknaan yang aktual pada diri Quraish Shihab dan budaya pemahaman yang puritan dan modernis-quasi-objektif. Penampakan budaya dalam struktur pemaknaan di media sosial menunjukkan fungsi lain dari representasi al-Qur’an di Youtube sebagai media penyimpanan budaya yang dapat dikenali melalui mekanisme penjelasannya.

City streets and squares have become centre stage for political change, in the wave of protests in Europe and the Middle East. Most protest locations are iconic sites of national resonance. Yet this was not the case in the summer 2011 wave of social protests in Israel. Rothschild Boulevard, which was the heart of the protest movement, is a non-iconic street usually associated with the good life of sushi and espresso bars and constant cycle traffic. This unusual choice contrasted sharply with Egypt’s Tahrir Square, Madrid’s Puerta del Sol and protest sites in Jerusalem – all associated with the politics of the nation. Yet it is exactly the lack of symbolic national resonance, and its down-to-earth association with urban joie de vivre, that enabled the Boulevard to assemble a broad and diverse coalition of protestors, and to transcend the exclusive language of politics in Israel. In a country where the national is identified with the ethnic (Jewish), the pedestrian symbolism of Rothschild allowed protestors to forge a civic language that appealed to Israel’s citizenry and residents, Jews and Arabs, local and migrants.

This research aims to describe the style of language in the closing statement of NajwaShihab on the talk show "Mata Najwa" in Trans 7. This type of research is a qualitative research using a descriptive approach. The data of this research is in the form of NajwaShihab's speech in the closing statement in the talk show "Mata Najwa" which contains language style. The data source for this research is the video recording of Mata Najwa's talk show on Trans 7 March - April 2020 edition. The video was taken on the Narasi Newsroom Youtube Channel. The methods and techniques used at the stage of providing the data are the listening method with tapping techniques and advanced listening techniques, free involvement, conversation and notes. At the stage of data analysis, the method used is the matching method with the technique of sorting the determining elements, while at the stage of presenting the results of data analysis, the method is used the informal method. The language styles found in NajwaShihab's closing statement on the talk show "Mata Najwa" in Trans 7 are hyperbole, personification, metaphor, synecdoche (totem pro parte), association, euphemism, anaphora, epanolepsis, epizeuksis, cynicism, innuendo, sarcasm, paradox, antithesis, and repetition. Repetition is the most dominant language style found in this research (in all data). The repetition in question is in the form of repeating phonemes at the end of the sentence (having a rhyme/rhyme "aa"). Each row in the data has a pair, namely odd and even rows (eg rows 1 and 2, 3 and 4, and so on).

This study aims to identify and describe the form of language errors at the syntactic level in the sentence field in the Youtube commentary of Najwa Shihab Melawan Corona. This type of research is qualitative or can be interpreted as research that emphasizes the quality of data collected using descriptive methods. Sources of data in this study are comments written by YouTube users on the Najwa Shihab Melawan Corona broadcast. The data in this study are writings that represent the opinions of Youtube users regarding related videos. The data collection techniques used in this study were reading and note-taking techniques. The data analysis technique used in this study was data reduction, data presentation, and conclusion drawing. The results of this study found language errors in the sentence field in the form of non-subjected sentences, non-predicated sentences, lucky sentences, duplication of subjects, illogical sentences, ambiguity sentences, conjunction omissions, Excessive use of conjunctions, unparalleled sequences, use of foreign terms and use of unnecessary question words.

This catalogue of Psychidae in China is piled based on a literature research in multiple languages and on the study of Psychidae specimens in National Zoological Museum of China and Natural History Museum in London. Prior our research, less than 20 Psychidae species are listed in China, however we expand the list to 59 species, 35 genera and 7 subfamilies, among them, two species are newly recorded in China.

This paper examines the poetry of the two Palestinian American poets, Naomi Shihab Nye and Hala Alyan within the concept of the “thirdspace” of resistance literature. With this premise in mind, the study uses Edward Soja’s concept of “thirdspace” (1998) to examine the poetry of Naomi Shihab Nye and Hala Alyan as an articulation of “resistance poetry” exemplified in Ghassan Kanafani’s book entitled Resistance Literature in Occupied Palestine 1948-1966 (1966). The poem itself, as a form, is an imagined geography constructed by the poet’s personal and collective memories that build up his/her spaces of resistance poetry. In these artistic cartographies, memories traverse from contested lands and geographies to a “thirdspace” that recreates a timeline of stories and narratives that unfold the poems’ resistance manifesto. To foreshadow these imagined memories, the poem functions as: first, a documented tool of resistance to forgetfulness; second, an artistic device for articulating memory; third, a “thirdspace” where contested geographies of resistance and resilience dissolve to re-visioning history that curates hybridized literary spaces of prose poetry and cartographies of memory.

This study analyzed similar structure between the traditional dance of Baratanatiyam which has deep Indian history and Hatha yoga which is centered on physical training, based on Shiva mythology. For conducting the research, we collected various papers and journals related to Shiva mythology, Indian dance, Hatha yoga, and other scientific articles on Indian traditional dance to enhance understanding of Indian traditional culture. Through this, the background composition and characteristics of Indian dance and Hatha yoga derived by Shiva mythology were identified and the gestures of the shiva god were used to symbolize the meanings contained in the gestures. First, it has a symbolic similarity that coincides with the ultimate goal of reaching the state of liberation. Second, the characteristics of Nritta, Nritya, and Natya of Baritanatiyam have structural similarities that work similarly to the structure of Hatha Yoga. Third, symmetrical and repetitive motions and elaborate and standardized motions act in the same pattern. As a result, this study focuses on the understanding of contact between Indian dance and Hatha yoga, which have been separated into different areas and develops the new language of yoga that has become popular in Korea and embraces it within dance studies to promote diversity in dance studies.

The research seeks to prove the importance of language in understanding the meaning of speech, especially the Qur’anic meanings, and the interest of interpreters in Arabic methods and their derivations and the statement of meanings from the Qur’anic term, by revealing the contribution of Al-Shihab Al-Khafaji in this field in his footnote to Al-Baydawi’s Interpretation, since the features of Interpretation were distinguished after him as a multifaceted and varied science. Stripes, the language in these interpretations is highly tabulated; Al-Shihab Al-Khafaji was not an innovation when he made language one of the essential tools in his entourage and expanded on it. Intending to clarify and clarify the meaning, and accordingly; This research investigates, through a descriptive and analytical approach, the efforts of Al-Shihab Al-Khafaji and his approach to verify the signature of the Qur'anic term in his footnote to Al-Baydawi's Interpretation, which is marked "The Integrity of the Judge and the Sufficiency of the Radi". The research concluded that language is an indispensable tool in its footnotes, a measure of comprehension, and a criterion of analysis. Based on the intended Quranic meaning, not abstract linguistic consideration, he was interested in the significance of the Qur’anic term, defining the linguistic origins of the terminology, its derivations, and knowing the different uses of it, which helps to reveal the Qur’anic connotations, clarify their faces, and follow their goals.

This article discusses the phenomenon of grounding the interpretation of the Qur'an in Indonesia by focusing on M. Quraish Shihab as a modern-contemporary interpreter who successfully interprets the Qur'an in written and oral form. The important location of M. Quraish Shihab in grounding the interpretation of the Qur'an lies in his efforts to interpret the Qur'an with language that is easy to understand but has high quality content. This makes M. Quraish Shihab always an important reference in the interpretation of the Qur'an in Indonesia, both among Al-Qur'an scholars and ordinary people. Tafsir Al-Misbah is evidence of success in grounding the interpretation of the Qur'an in Indonesia, both in the form of commentaries and studies. Kitab Tafsir Al-Misbah is the work of Phenomenal M. Quraish Shihab in simplifying the language of its interpretation, having previously been considered to be rambling on Kitab Tafsir Al-Qur'an 'Al-Karim. Meanwhile, the "Kajian Tafsir Al-Misbah" was born as an effort to maintain the understanding of the Qur'an by experts, so that the public gets enlightened understanding of the Qur'an by people who are truly in their capacity as interpreters of the Qur'an.

This article discusses the phenomenon of grounding the interpretation of the Qur'an in Indonesia by focusing on M. Quraish Shihab as a modern-contemporary interpreter who successfully interprets the Qur'an in written and oral form. The important location of M. Quraish Shihab in grounding the interpretation of the Qur'an lies in his efforts to interpret the Qur'an with language that is easy to understand but has high quality content. This makes M. Quraish Shihab always an important reference in the interpretation of the Qur'an in Indonesia, both among Al-Qur'an scholars and ordinary people. Tafsir Al-Misbah is evidence of success in grounding the interpretation of the Qur'an in Indonesia, both in the form of commentaries and studies. Kitab Tafsir Al-Misbah is the work of Phenomenal M. Quraish Shihab in simplifying the language of its interpretation, having previously been considered to be rambling on Kitab Tafsir Al-Qur'an 'Al-Karim. Meanwhile, the "Kajian Tafsir Al-Misbah" was born as an effort to maintain the understanding of the Qur'an by experts, so that the public gets enlightened understanding of the Qur'an by people who are truly in their capacity as interpreters of the Qur'an.

The study aims to identify how Arab-American authors Naomi Shihab Nye and Diana Abu-Jaber depict Arabs in their novels, Habibi and Crescent. Additionally, the study attempts to compare and contrast between the two writers’ depictions of Arabs in their novels. To achieve the objectives of the study, the theory of Post-colonialism is used; more specifically, Edward Said’s views from his book Orientalism are applied to both novels. The study concludes by showing how both Nye and Abu-Jaber depict Arab characters in an ambivalent way within their works, Habibi and Crescent, respectively, in that they sometimes present Arabs in a positive light and other times in a negative light. The study also concludes with a set of concepts that include lack of identity, hybridity, and multiculturalism that have affected Arab-Americans and influenced their cultural values. These representations are also considered ambivalent.

Aksi unjuk rasa menuntut penolakan terhadap RUU KUHP dan revisi UU KPK berujung rusuh diikuti oleh elemen mahasiswa berbagai perguruan tinggi di Indonesia. Salah satu tokoh publik yang gencar memberikan narasi sejalan dengan mahasiswa adalah Najwa Shihab. Najwa Shihab melalui unggahan-unggahannya menurut warganet justru memprovokasi aksi mahasiswa. Penelitian ini bertujuan meneliti wacana percakapan warga dalam kolom komentar akun facebook Najwa Shihab untuk menggambarkan penilaian publik terhadap netralitas Najwa Shihab sebagai seorang jurnalis. Pendekatan penelitian menggunakan analisis wacana kritis Model Fairclough. Pendekatan itu memungkinkan penggunaan bahasa dalam wacana ditempatkan sebagai praktik sosial; wacana atau penggunaan bahasa dihasilkan dalam sebuah peristiwa diskursif tertentu; dan wacana yang dihasilkan berbentuk sebuah genre tertentu. Data penelitian berupa wacana komentar warganet dalam kolom komentar akun facebook Najwa Shihab. Teknik analisis data menggunakan model interaktif. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan warganet berpersepsi Najwa Shihab memperkeruh suasana. Bagi sebagian publik gerakan mahasiwa tersebut tidak murni dan ada tujuan terselubung. Najwa Shihab membuat narasi yang mengesankan mewakili suara masyarakat Indonesia. Warganet mengingatkan perlu disadari bahwa juga ada masyarakat yang tidak mendukung dan memilih diam. Najwa Shihab dianggap tidak berimbang dalam mengundang narasumber dan kebablasan. Banyaknya warganet yang memojokkan Najwa dianggap sebagai sebuah karma yang tunai. Diharapkan Najwa Shihab dapat melihat kasus sentitif yang terjadi di masyarakat secara lebih bijaksana sehingga tidak terjadi disinformasi.Kata Kunci: Pandangan publik, Najwa Shihab, provokatifDemonstrations demanding rejection of the revision of the Criminal Code Bill and the revision of the KPK Law led to riots followed by elements of students from various universities in Indonesia. One public figure who aggressively provides narratives in line with students is Najwa Shihab. Najwa Shihab through his uploads according to citizens actually provoked student action. This study aims to examine the discourse of citizen conversations in the Najwa Shihab facebook account comment column to illustrate the public's assessment of Najwa Shihab's neutrality as a journalist. The research approach uses the critical discourse analysis of the Fairclough Model. That approach allows the use of language in discourse to be placed as a social practice; discourse or language use is generated in a specific discursive event; and the resulting discourse takes the form of a particular genre. The research data is in the form of discourse on citizen comments in the Najwa Shihab facebook account comment column. Data analysis techniques using an interactive model. The results showed that citizens who perceive Najwa Shihab make the atmosphere worse. For some public, the student movement is impure and has a hidden purpose. Najwa Shihab made an impressive narrative representing the voice of the Indonesian people. Citizens remind to be aware that there are also people who do not support and choose silence. Najwa Shihab is considered to be unbalanced in inviting speakers and too far. The number of citizens who cornered Najwa was considered as karma in cash. It is hoped that Najwa Shihab can see sentitive cases that occur in society more wisely so that disinformation does not occur.Keywords: Public views, Najwa Shihab, provocative

This study is entitled "Analysis of Impoliteness Comments of Netizens on Najwa Shihab YouTube Channel". This study aims to examine the types of impoliteness strategies used by netizens in speaking in the comments column of Najwa Shihab's YouTube channel on the show "Ganjar Pranowo Bicara Gagasan" based on Jonathan Culpeper’s theory. In this study, the research design used is a qualitative descriptive method to analyze the types of impoliteness strategies used by netizens in commenting on the comment section of Najwa Shihab's YouTube channel on the "Ganjar Pranowo Bicara Gagasan" video uploaded in September 2023. Data will be obtained from transcripts of printed materials related to incivility, with Culpeper's theory as the basis of analysis. The results of this study identified four types of impoliteness strategies from 100 comments studied contain impoliteness strategies on the video, the four categories of impoliteness identified include: Bald on Record Impoliteness (25%), Positive Impoliteness (22%) with Insukting Others (3%), Rejecting Similarities with the Listener (1%), Diverting Topics that are Sensitive or do not want to be Discussed (5%), Using Inappropriate Code (1%), Not Interested in Conversation (6%), Look For Differences Opinion (4%), and Using Unclear and Confidential Language (2%), negative impoliteness (26%), and Sarcasm or Mock impoliteness (27%), while Withhold Politeness is not found because it can only be found in oral speech. Based on the analysis, Sarcasm or Mock Impoliteness (27%) is the most dominant type of impoliteness strategy. From these findings, it can be concluded that Indonesian netizens often express meanings that are opposite to the words they actually say, which aims to criticize or make fun of their interlocutors in a subtle way.

The study explores the effect of occupation on the occupied population in both Diana Abu Jaber’s Crescent (2003) and Naomi Shihab Nye’s Habibi (1999). The impact of occupation is usually thought to be (and quite often are) taboos that cannot easily be revealed by the occupied, and if they are revealed, the audience will end up getting two different versions of the stories - one version from the occupier and the other version from the occupied. Abu Jaber and Nye express the taboos that are a result of the occupation of certain Middle Eastern countries, and more specifically, Iraq and Palestine. This paper attempts to show how both writers reflect which cannot be presented and spoken - the taboos of occupation - in their literary works, Crescent and Habibi. They even enhance these taboos by presenting them through different characters. There has been much literature written on both works, but there is still a lack in literature discussing how these authors have presented the taboos of occupation in Iraq and Palestine and how these writers took advantage of presenting these taboos through their narratives. Added to that, most of literature that has been written on current novels is about the political issues that these two countries have suffered from rather than the effect of these political issues on the people living in Iraq and Palestine. Second, most of the literature written has tackled each of the author’s works alone rather than written on the two novels together.

This study explores the common method of interpreting the Quran using a linguistic approach, where a commentator's proficiency in the Arabic language, especially in the morphological aspect related to the material of shighah al-mubalaghah, becomes crucial. The aim of this study is to identify the extent to which the method of shighah al-mubalaghah is applied in interpretation, with a focus on the interpretations of Thabari and Qurthubi. This study adopts a library research and content analysis approach, utilizing qualitative descriptive analysis. The shighah al-mubalaghah method serves as a tool to analyze verses of the Quran found in the commentaries of Thabari and Al Qurthubi. The results indicate that both commentators actively employ the shighah al-mubalaghah method in interpreting Quranic verses. Thus, it can be concluded that shighah al-mubalaghah plays a significant role in guiding interpreters in interpreting Quranic verses in accordance with their contextual meanings. ABSTRAK Kajian ini mengeksplorasi metode umum penafsiran al-Qur’an dengan pendekatan linguistik, di mana kemampuan seorang mufassir dalam Bahasa Arab, terutama pada aspek morfologis yang berkaitan dengan materi shighah al-mubalaghah, menjadi krusial. Tujuan kajian ini adalah untuk mengidentifikasi sejauh mana kaedah shighah al-mubalaghah diterapkan dalam penafsiran, dengan fokus pada penafsiran Thabari dan Qurthubi. Kajian ini bersifat library research dan content analysis dengan menggunakan metode analisis deskriptif kualitatif. Kaedah shighah al-mubalaghah digunakan sebagai alat untuk menganalisis ayat-ayat al-Qur’an yang terdapat dalam kitab tafsir karya Thabari dan Al Qurthubi. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa kedua penafsir tersebut secara aktif menerapkan kaedah shighah al-mubalaghah dalam penafsiran ayat-ayat Al-Qur’an. Dengan demikian, dapat disimpulkan bahwa shighah al-mubalaghah memiliki peran yang signifikan dalam membimbing penafsir dalam menginterpretasikan ayat-ayat Al-Qur’an sesuai dengan konteksnya.

ABSTRACT This study aims to describe the Najwa Shihab's speech style in Mata Najwa talkshow on Trans7. This type of research is qualitative with descriptive methods. The research data is in the form of quotations containing speech style. Data collection is done by searching and downloading audio-visual recordings of Mata Najwa talkshow in the website (www.youtube.com). The method used is the method of referring to tapping techniques. Data analysis is done by identifying data, giving signs and data code, classifying data using identification and classification tables, interpreting data, making conclusions. Based on the results of the study, it can be concluded that there are 173 speech styles consisting of 4 styles of Alliterative, 9 styles of asonance, 1 style of apophasis, 2 styles of apostrophe, 3 styles of asindeton, 3 polisidenton, 1 chiasmus, 7 elliptical, 8 euphemism, 4 tautology, 8 pleonasm, 2 periphasis, 3 prolepsis, 34 erotesis, 1 correction, 2 hyperbolic, 15 metaphor, 1 allegory, 10 personification, 1 allusion, 1 eponymous, 4 synekdoke, 7 meteorological, 3 antonomasia, 1 hypalase, 16 irony, 20 cynicism, 2 sarcasm. The dominant of speech style used is erotesis or rhetorical question, while the dominant of speech style used is cynicism. The use of the speech style aims to help Najwa Shihab in expressing his ideas and emotions so that use of language raises certain connotations and aesthetic values to both the speech partners and viewers of the Mata Najwa talkshow. Kata kunci: Gaya Bahasa Retoris, Kiasan, Najwa Shihab

<b><i>Background:</i></b> The aim of this review was to investigate the published papers about prevalence, patterns, and determinants of tobacco use in Sudan. <b><i>Methods:</i></b> Four scientific databases were searched for relevant articles published between 1900 and 2020. Applying the inclusion criteria, which were original articles published in peer-reviewed journals, conducted on Sudanese in Sudan and about tobacco prevalence, patterns of use, or determinants, in either English or Arabic languages, 20 articles were included in this review. <b><i>Results:</i></b> Two articles (10%) were among the general population, 8 (40%) among schoolchildren and adolescents, 4 (20%) among medical and health professions university students, 3 (15%) studies among non-health professions university students, and 3 studies among special groups (prisoners, diabetic patients and school workers). The reported prevalence ranged from 1% to 47.5%, with significant differences between males and females. All patterns of tobacco use are practiced in Sudan. Peer pressures, having more money, and family tobacco user or friends were associated with tobacco use initiation. <b><i>Conclusion:</i></b> All patterns of tobacco utilization (cigarette smoking, Toombak dipping, and shisha) are practiced in Sudan as well as combined patterns. Tobacco prevalence ranges from 1–25% and 10–47.5% among adolescents and adults, respectively, indicating the need for intervention programs to enhance decreasing this high prevalence.

Currently, there are many discussion broadcast programs discussing exciting and interesting topics both on YouTube and on television. An example of a discussion broadcast program is the Mata Najwa program which is broadcast on television and Youtube. These activities involve participants performing speech acts. Speech acts are individual psychological symptoms in language. A discussion broadcast on YouTube or on television will be watched by the community, and for that participants need to apply the principle of cooperation in communicating. The application of the principle of cooperation in communication will make communication smooth and directed. This study aims to describe the application of the principle of cooperation and its benefits in the discussion between Iqbaal D Ramadhan and Najwa Shihab at the Mata Najwa: One Special Purpose of Independence on August 20, 2020. The research method used is descriptive qualitative with listening technique. The resulting data is in the form of audio which is then transcribed into text. The data analysis stage uses a classification technique into several maxims, after which the data is presented and conclusions are made. The result of this research is to find 9 conversations that apply the cooperative principle and are classified into several maxims, namely the maxim of quantity, maxim of quality, the maxim of relation, and the maxim of manner. And the benefit of applying these maxims in a broadcast is to shorten the time in carrying out conversations and participants try to only say what is true and relevant. This research also discusses things that violate the principle of cooperation, includina g: the existence of implicatures and humor, as well as the influence of cultural and situational factors that can expand the topic of conversation.

Kelem hereditary is one of the customary laws in the matter of the inheritance rights of grandchildren which is the result of the agreement of former community leaders in Kecicang Islam Village, Bungaya Kangin Village, Bebandem District, Karangasem Regency, Bali Province. Kelem comes from the Balinese language which means drowned. In terms of hereditary, kewarisan kelem means a grandson whose father or mother (the heir) died before the grandfather or grandmother (the inheritor) is said to have drowned (blocked) from inheritance rights because it is hindered by the parents’ brothers who are still alive. This is in contrast to the hereditary law system in Indonesia in the form of Islamic Law Compilation article 185 paragraph 1, which explains that, the heir who dies before the inheritors can be replaced by his child. The research method used was field research. This research was a descriptive analytic with juridical normative approach. Data collection methods used include interviews and documentation. After the data was collected, it was analyzed in a descriptive qualitative way with the 'urf and the theory of substitute heirs. The results showed that kelem hereditary is one of the customary laws as the result of the agreement of former community leaders in Kecicang Islam. This contradicts both Sunni and Shi'ah hereditary law systems as well as the hereditary laws in Indonesia.

This research focuses on analyze the occurrence of code-mixing and code-switching in Najwa Shihab's podcast episode entitled "Susahnya jadi Perempuan" (Catatan Najwa). The podcast episode discusses various challenges and experiences faced by women in society. This research aims to identify the types and how code-mixing and code-switching are used in the podcast. To achieve this, the authors used a qualitative descriptive method based on Muysken's theory and Poplack's theory. The data were then categorized based on the types of code-mixing and code-switching, such as Insertion, Alternation, and Congruent Lexicalitation code-mixing as well as Inter-sentential switching, tag switching and Intra-sentential switching. The data obtained from this podcast amounted to 87 data. The results are as follows; there are 62 code mix data consisting of 46 (74%) insertion data, 10 (16%) alternation data, and 6 (10%) congruent lexicalization data. Furthermore, there were 25 code switching data found, which consisted of 9 (36%) inter-sentential switching data, 3 (12%) tag switching data, and 13 (52%) intra-sentential switching data. The authors found that the use of code-mixing and code-switching in this podcast was greatly influenced by the person, such as, the social environment of Najwa and her guest stars. A notable finding from the research is the evident influence of the speakers' social environment on their linguistic choices. Specifically, the interactions between Najwa and her guest stars, coupled with the thematic content of the episode, played a pivotal role in shaping the patterns of code-mixing and code-switching observed. This expanded research offers a deeper understanding of the dynamic interplay of languages in contemporary media formats, emphasizing the significance of sociolinguistic factors in shaping linguistic choices. The study not only contributes to the existing body of knowledge on code-mixing and code-switching but also underscores the importance of analyzing modern mediums to capture the evolving nature of linguistic practices.

Abstrak: Tulisan ini mebahas mengenai asbab an-Nuzul dalam tafsir al-Misbah dalam surat al-Baqarah. Asbab an-Nuzul merupakan peristiwa yang melatarbelakangi turunnya ayat-ayat Alquran. Baik itu berupa pertanyaan, pernyataan atau jawaban dari suatu hukum kejadian yang timbul dari kejadian tersebut. Metode yang diterapkan dalam tulisan ini adalah metode analisis-deskriptif. Tujuan dari tulisan ini akan mengungkap pengertian an-Nuzul asbab, biografi, sekilas tafsir kitab al-Misbah, berapa as-an-Nuzul asbab dalam tafsir al-Misbah, dan penggunaan -Nuzul asbab dalam tafsir al-Misbah. Hasil dari penelitian ini adalah asbab an-Nuzul dalam kitab tafsir al-Misbah terdapat 7 ayat di dalam surat al-Baqarah yang berjumlah 286 ayat. Dalam kitab tafsir al-Misbah M. Quraish Shihab tidak memberikan secara detail mengenai asbab an-Nuzul di kitab tafsirnya. Karena masing-masing ayat dalam Alquran yang turun dan sampai Nabi Muhammad Saw. tidak sepenuhnya ada kausalitas dalam ayat tersebut. Dan M. Quraish Shihab juga menekankan penafsirannya dengan pendekatan bahasa, dan dalam setiap tulisan dan tafsir penulis pasti memiliki batasan atau fokus kajian dalam menafsirkan Alquran agar dapat mencapai sasaran yang diinginkan oleh penulis dengan cara melihat situasi dan kondisi. ketika dia menafsirkan Alquran, kitab tafsir Misbah.Kata Kunci: Asbab an-Nuzul, kitab tafsir al-Misbah dan surah al-Baqarah. Abstract: This paper discusses the asbab an-Nuzul in the interpretation of al-Misbah in surah al-Baqarah. Asbab an-Nuzul is an event or event that lies behind the descending verses of the Alquran. Whether it is in the form of questions, statements or answers from a law of events arising from the incident. The method used in this paper is descriptive-analysis method. The purpose of this paper will reveal the definition of an-Nuzul asbab, biography, a glimpse of the book of interpretation of al-Misbah, how many as-an-Nuzul asbab in the interpretation of al-Misbah, and the use of an-Nuzul asbab in the interpretation of al-Misbah. The result of this research is asbab an-Nuzul in the book of tafsir al-Misbah, there are 7 verses in Surah al-Baqarah, totaling 286 verses. In the commentary book al-Misbah M. Quraish Shihab does not provide details about the asbab an-Nuzul in his commentary book. Because each verse in the Koran that came down and reached the Prophet Muhammad. there is absolutely no causality in the verse. And M. Quraish Shihab also emphasizes his interpretation with a language approach, and in every writing and interpretation the writer must have a limitation or focus of study in interpreting the Koran in order to achieve the goals desired by the author by looking at the situation and conditions. when he interprets the Koran, the Misbah commentary book.Keywords: Asbab an-Nuzul, kitab tafsir al-Misbah dan surah al-Baqarah

BackgroundNonlinear associations in rheumatoid arthritis (RA) prevalence and sociodemographic indices suggest social determinants of health affect RA.1 RA screening tools have lower sensitivity and specificity for Hispanic/Latinx individuals compared with white individuals (77% vs 85% sensitivity and 45% vs 87% specificity).2 Hispanic/Latinx people also present to physicians later and with more severe RA.3 There is little research in this population to explain these differences or how they can be addressed. Because it is known the Hispanic/Latinx population has lower English-language proficiency, we hypothesized this is in part because of the lack of validated Spanish-language educational materials and research tools for RA.ObjectivesTo validate a Spanish-language patient-provider questionnaire (PPQ) for Hispanic/Latinx patients with RA that had previously been validated as concordant for primary care visits in Sweden.4To understand if rheumatologist and patient assessments for Hispanic/Latinx people with RA are concordant when using a Spanish-language digital PPQ.To determine if a Spanish-language rheumatologist-completed PPQ could be a proxy for patient impressions in a prospective clinical study.MethodsA Spanish-language PPQ for RA was created by translating 9 of 13 questions previously validated in the Swedish study,4 and adding a question about treating to target specific to RA. The survey was made available on tablet devices in 4 rheumatology clinics in the U.S. and Puerto Rico. Clinic staff obtained patient consent and gathered demographic information to generate a unique confidential identifier code for each visit, which was inputted into surveys on tablet devices. After the visit ended the patient and rheumatologist were each given the PPQ coded for that visit to complete independently of one another. The PPQs were submitted electronically to a secure database in which the visit code was the only identifier recorded.ResultsAcross 114 clinical visits, 96.75% of possible answers were recorded and were almost invariably positive with scores of 5 (strongly agree; 88%), 4 (agree; 12%), or 3 (neither agree nor disagree; 0.09%). Physicians responded with 4 (agree) more often than patients (18% vs 6% of responses). Responses from both patient and physician were available for (96.64%) of answered questions. Within these paired answers, 80.67% were concordant (same answer from both patient and physician). Physicians answered 4 when patients answered 5 in 76.5% of discordant responses (different ratings from patient and physician). Most physician ratings of 4 came from 1 of the 4 physicians involved and only 12.5% of patients were responsible for 75% of the patient responses of 4.ConclusionHispanic/Latinx patients with RA and their rheumatologist rated their communication, goal setting, and relationships extremely positively, making it difficult to evaluate true concordance and not possible to use rheumatologist-completed PPQs as proxy for patient assessments. Notably, ratings were substantially different from what is typically seen on Likert scales, which normally skew positively but with a normal distribution. This finding may reflect social determinants of health or cultural differences such as a social-desirability bias toward positive statements about physician-patient interactions. Heterogeneity within the participants is also a plausible explanation, considering that a distinct subset of respondents account for almost all responses below the 5 rating. Further research is needed to identify best practices for measuring treatment to target and patient-rheumatologist interactions in the Hispanic/Latinx population with RA.References[1]Safiri S, et al. Ann Rheum Dis. 2019;78(11):1463-71. doi:10.1136/annrheumdis-2019-215920[2]Potter J, et al. J Rheumatol. 2008;35(8):1545-9. PMID: 18597406[3]Riad M, et al. J Clin Rheumatol. 2019. doi:10.1097/RHU.0000000000001085[4]Ahlén GC, et al. Fam Pract. 2007;24(5):498503. doi.org/10.1093/fampra/cmm043AcknowledgementsWe wish to acknowledge the important contributions of our HOPE CAPE RA participants, including the patients and providers and Anne Sydor, PhD for her invaluable advice and help throughout the project.This project was funded by the Bristol Myers Squibb Foundation.Disclosure of InterestsDaniel Hernandez Grant/research support from: This project is supported by the Bristol Myers Squibb Foundation, Julio Bravo Grant/research support from: This project is supported by the Bristol Myers Squibb Foundation, Juan Jose Maya Grant/research support from: This project is supported by the Bristol Myers Squibb Foundation, Oscar Soto-Raíces Grant/research support from: This project is supported by the Bristol Myers Squibb Foundation, Angel Tapia Grant/research support from: This project is supported by the Bristol Myers Squibb Foundation, Guillermo Valenzuela Grant/research support from: This project is supported by the Bristol Myers Squibb Foundation, W. Benjamin Nowell Grant/research support from: This research was supported by the Bristol Myers Squibb Foundation, Shilpa Venkatachalam Grant/research support from: This project is supported by the Bristol Myers Squibb Foundation

This study is focused to the speech of apology found in Japanese novel entitled Houkago ni Shisha wa Modoru by Akiyoshi Rikako and Balinese novel entitled Tresnane Lebur Ajur Satonden Kembang by Djelantik Santha. The aims of this study are to know the functions and factors that affect and also the comparison of apology speech between Japanese and Balinese languages. Theori use in this study is theory of level politeness factors proposed by Mizutani and Mizutani (1991) and apology proposed by Alwi (2005). Method and technique of collecting the data used in this study are observation method and descriptive analysis technique. The result of this study showed that there are twelve speechs of apology that functionate as a sense of regret and six speechs of apology as a permission request found in the Houkago ni Shisha wa Modoru novel. The factors that influence the speech of apology in Japanese are the proximity of relationship and age factors. There are fifteen speechs of apology in Japanese. Meanwhile, in Balinese novel entitled Tresnane Lebur Ajur Satonden Kembang one speech of apology who has a function of exemption from the punishment, seven speechs of apology as the sense of regret, four speechs of apology as permission request and one speech of apology as the humble act. Factors that influence the speech of apology in Balinese language are social status and age factors. In Balinese, there are six kinds of apology speech. The data that has been analyzed show that Japanese and Balinese language have two similaries and three differences.

India follows the catchy, trendy, uncertain, and spontaneous concepts of new media art for the last few decades. New media practice in India has dealt with issues of identity, critiques of violence, narrative, and performance, and other subjects that come under the umbrella of new issues. New media art began to appear in India since the inception of the 21st century, but it showed in the works of artists like Vivan Sundaram, Nalini Malam, Ved Nayar, Rummana Hussain in the 1990s. New media ideologically mixed art with scientific craft, which resulted in an amplified narrative of our country and world that is a union of different creative languages. New media create a futuristic ethos in the art that is developing every second. It is a medium that symbolizes freedom of mediums, as it is spontaneous and enough. In all this, Shilpa Gupta came as a ‘blind star and star blind’.Shilpa Gupta is one of the leading contemporary, influential, and critically acclaimed new media artists of India’s new generation of international artists. A transcultural artist even when influenced with regional specificity. She considers new media art (a web of technology) as a key part of today’s existence, and, ensuing, prefers various forms of cutting-edge technology as the vehicle for her interactions with the viewer. Although Gupta’s works are developed largely through technological means their significance lies in their candid communication, the various issues that shape contemporary life, particularly the lives of young and adults. Her work is often coded with meanings that are not always instantly available but require the efforts of the viewer. Uniquely and humorously, Gupta reminds us of the danger of taking for granted – that it is indeed technology that connects us to the world. She is an artist who deals with her viewers, her audience is 70 percent part of her artwork. She brings reality from a new perspective.

Over the past several decades, Manx Gaelic, the indigenous language of the Isle of Man, a small island in the British Isles, has undergone a profound process of revitalisation and reintegration into the life of the community. At the forefront of this revitalisation process has been a dedicated group of language activists who saved the language following the death of the last native speakers. More recently, however, the Isle of Man government has supported the revitalisation of Manx, mainly through education planning and support for cultural programming. This article examines the Select Committee on the Greater Use of Manx Gaelic, a committee of the island’s parliament, Tynwald, the internal and external contexts that shaped its deliberations and recommendations and the role it played in signalling a change in the attitude of the government towards Manx in the mid-1980s. The Select Committee highlights the important connection between the political (governance) and social (identity) dimensions of islandness in the revitalisation of an Indigenous language in a small island context.

Il saggio indaga le modalità attraverso le quali l’opera d’arte riesce a riconfigurare le esperienze traumatiche incidendo sulle dinamiche con cui esse si iscrivono nei contesti collettivi. I processi creativi di modellizzazione offerti dall’opera d’arte generano un effetto di trasgressione che apre un campo figurale in cui il trauma si fa immagine e si dà a vedere. Tre sono le principali strategie esaminate: quella della rappresentazione, quella della presentazione, quella della testimonianza. Si tratta di tre diverse modalità estetiche di riconfigurazione del trauma che verranno analizzate attraverso le opere di Nelson Rangelosky, Teresa Margolles e Shilpa Gupta, esposte durante la Biennale Arte di Venezia del 2019 curata da Ralph Rugoff.

Britain’s wartime ‘Island Fortress’ propaganda campaign of 1940-1941 projected the language and imagery of a united British people ready to defend their island nation against the threat of a cross-Channel Nazi invasion. Embedded in this patriotic, belligerent, propaganda construct was the insularity and protracted position of ‘Deep England’ that celebrated the rolling hills and British countryside and inspired resistance against advancing Nazi forces. This study shows that the ‘Island Fortress’ propaganda campaign was equally grounded in the language and imagery of Britain’s relationship with the sea, and its long-standing maritime traditions and institutions that commanded its power. However, it does not assume that one or other forces had a particular effect; rather it examines how these factors show a cumulative picture.

This critical report-cum-position statement summarises several workshops and conference panels recently held in three Nordic countries—Denmark, Iceland, and the Faroe Islands—based in developing the concept of island languages. It puts forward the epistemology and ontology of these sessions. The role these gatherings are playing in encouraging a more linguistically mandated direction within island studies and the study of island languages, especially in the Nordic countries and Europe, is summarised.

The visual language and narrative of a traditional embroidery is par excellence . It carries with it folklores which have transcended from generation to generation with its exquisiteness. One such embroidery is of the Lambanis or the Banjaras, also referred to as the Indian Gypsies. Their embroidery connotes a semiotic system for communicating and interpreting various colours, patterns, stitches, surface embellishments and it has within it a hidden language that is made up of a collection of cultural symbols that communicate on various social and psychological levels.Embroidery is a complete language connoting a semiotic system for communicating and interpreting various colours, patterns, stitches, surface embellishments. The Lambanis have inherited a rich folk tradition of embroidery with exquisite patterns and a voluminous stitch vocabulary. The surface additives added to their embroidery incorporate myriad elements like the mirror(shisha), shells(cowries), beads, applique work, rustic coins, and metal buttons. The exceptional and meticulous utilization of these create a story par excellence. The surface additives utilized in the Lambani culture connotes various aspects of their culture and though used as an extra element along with the embroidery their function is beyond ornamentation and carry several meanings.This paper is an attempt by the researcher to understand, interpret and decode the reasons behind incorporating these surface additives in the embroidery to finally create a masterpiece. The paper also extrapolates on the researcher’s travel experiences to various pockets of India where the Lambanis have settled and her inferences of their embroidery in terms of the embellishments, stiches, patterns, and finesse.

European colonists applied terms from their language cultures to various geographical features in territories they explored, occupied and/or settled in. In Canada this resulted in a number of locations being named after mermaids, the French equivalent, sirènes, or the related term sirens. This article provides a survey of these Canadian place names, including discussions of those few whose name origins are known. It also profiles two sites where the manufacture and installation of mermaid statues has resulted in mermaid-themed location naming and related tourism promotion. Discussion of the two examples leads to consideration of the promotional value of mermaid names, associations and visual branding.

Drawing on the author’s sustained research on Jersey over the last forty years, this article surveys Channel Islands' folklore concerning mermaids and related figures. In particular it examines the absence of interactions between Channel Islands’ mermaids and landsmen and the possibility of residual traces of mermaid folklore in local tales and legends. In light of this, the sources of Jersey folktales, legends and superstitions are reviewed, with the likely impact of the nature of these sources on the authenticity of surviving material and any likely loss of folktales before they could be recorded, that might explain this absence. The effects on the Islands’ indigenous languages (Norman-French dialects) of immigration from the United Kingdom and the introduction of English over the course of the 19th century is also considered. A brief review is made of the religious disdain in Jersey towards superstitions, which nevertheless persisted. The rise of vernacular literature from the mid-19th century provided a medium for recording some traditions, that by then were already starting to fade away. The focus here is on Jersey, with reference to examples from Guernsey, in support.

Prayer has important meaning in life, not only about the spiritual, but also about the physical-biological and psychological. Therefore, prayer has a close relationship with the goal of Islamic education that is not just build the physical-biological but also spiritual.This discourse uses qualitative research. The primary data is a book M. Quraish Shihab, Insight Qur'an about Remembrance and Prayer; and Yunan Nasution, Living Handbook Volume 3. While the secondary data, the number of references relevant to this theme.Results of the discussion showed their advantages and disadvantages on both the concept of prayer. The Advantage of M. Quraish Shihab’s concept that is very philosophical concept.The disadvantage is not much to give examples in life. The Advantage of Yunan Nasution’s concept is easily digestible concept. The disadvantage is using many popular language. In the objectives of Islamic education, the purpose of both concepts: (1) For humans have the ability to develop their potential, useful for others and community, (2) Building souls who have a certain al-karimah, (3) Building intelligent being in faith and taqwa.

شهد القرن الثامن الهجري نشاطاً كبيراً في الحركة العلمية والأدبية ؛ وكان من بين من نبغ فيها من العلماء والأدباء : شهاب الدين بن فضل الله العمري ( ت 749هـ ) ، وزين الدين عمر بن الوردي ( ت 749هـ ) ، وصفي الدين الحلي ( ت 750هـ ) ، وجمال الدين محمد بن نباتة المصري ( ت 768هـ) ، وشهاب الدين الحلبي ( ت 725هـ ) الذي نحن بصدد التعريف به ، ودراسة نتاجه الأدبي . ولشهاب الدين الحلبي مكانة متميزة بين علماء تراثنا العربي ؛ لما بذله من جهود كبيرة في مجال خدمة اللغة العربية والوقوف على علومها المختلفة ، فضلاً عمّا خلفه لنا من تراث علمي وأدبي ضخم ومهم ؛ وهو بعد يعدُّ في الذروة من كتّاب الدواوين في العصر المملوكي ؛ لبلاغته ، ودقّة تفكيره ، وروعة أدائه ، وحسن تأتيه في الرسائل ، وقد احتل مكانة متميّزة في تاريخ الأدب العربي ، إذ جمع بين الكتابة والشعر ، كما كان ناقداً ذوّاقة له آراؤه البلاغية وأحكامه النقدية . وقد وجدنا في أدبه مادةً غزيرة للكشف عن طبيعة الحياة التي عاشها شهاب الدين الحلبي ، وسمات عصره الحافلة بالقلق والاضطراب الاجتماعي ؛ لذا وجدنا أنَّ هذا الأديب حرياً أن يدرس أدبه ، ففيه من نفائس الأدب وغرره ما يجعله أهلاً للبحث والدرس . ومن هنا جاءت الدراسة في تمهيدٍ وثلاثة فصول ، وفي التمهيد حاولنا التعريف بشهاب الدين الحلبي من خلال استقراء سيرته ، وفي الفصل الأول تطرّقنا إلى رسائله وخصائص أسلوبه في الكتابة ، وأبرز سماته الفنية ، أما الفصل الثاني فقد تناولنا شعره وما تضمّنه من مضامين وخصائص فنيه ، في حين جاء الفصل الثالث في دراسة جهوده النقديّة في الأدب أدلى بها في مواقف ومناسباتٍ شتّى ؛ فضلاً عن جهوده البلاغية التي ألمع إليها في كتابه ( حسن التوسل إلى صناعة الترسل )The eighth century Islamic realized a large of activity in the movement of scientific and literary , that this century filled with a large group of virtuous of men of letters , were among those who excelled in which scientists and writers : Shahab Al-Din bin Fadlallah age (749 AH ) , Zine Al-Din Omar bin Al-wardi (749 AH ) , Saifi Al-Din Al-Hali (750 AH ) , Jamal Al-Din Mohammed bin Nabata Al-Massrai ( 768 AH ) , and Shahab Al-Din Al-Halabi (725 AH ), which we are going to define him and study his production literary .Shahab Al-din Al-Halabi had privileged position among our Arab scientists heritage for his great efforts in the field of Arabic language service and stand on the sciences different , as well as what is left to us of the heritage of scientific and literary huge and important , which is at the top of the poetical works writers in the Mamluk era , for his eloquence , precision of his thinking , and the his splendor in the Letters. He has occupied a unique place in the history of Arabic literature . As he gathered between writing and poetry . Also, he was a tact critic have rhetorical views and critical decisions .And found in his literary a heavy material to reveal about the nature of life which lived by Shihab al-Din al-Halabi , and characteristics of his age which filled with unrest and social disturbance , so we found that this writer have to study his literary because it's include the precious literature and this made it qualified for research and lesson.And from there the study came in preface and three section s , in the preface we tried to the definition about Shahab Al-din Al-Halabi through induction of his biography .In the first section, we deal with his letters ,his style in writing and his artistic characteristics. The second section we talked about his poetry and what it included from contents and artistic characteristics. The third section, we talked about study of his critical efforts which expressed about them in different attitudes and occasions

In spoken and written language, the use of deixis in society is often not fully understood by the person who is the speaker's speech partner because deixis is closely related to the context in which the speaker and speech partner communicate. Only the speaker and conversation partner understand the context and function of the deixis. The importance of understanding the use of deixis is to make speakers and speech partners understand what is meant and the messages conveyed and avoid misunderstandings. This research aims to examine the form of deixis used by Host Najwa Shihab and three candidate president of Republic Indonesia (Anies Baswedan, Ganjar Pranowo, Prabowo Subianto) in the Mata Najwa 3 Bacapres Talk Ideas on Najwa Shihab's Youtube Channel. This research method is a qualitative descriptive method. This research aims to analyze various kinds of deixis and functions occured in the speech utterances in the Mata Najwa three Bacapres Talk Ideas program which is live on the Najwa Shihab Youtube Channel. The data from this research are the speech utterances of the Host and three Presidential Candidates (Bacapres) (Anies Baswedan, Ganjar Pranowo, Prabowo Subianto) talking about Ideas as Presidential candidates of Republic Inodonesia 2024. The results of this research were demonstrative deixis, deixis of possessive/pronoun, deixis of circumstances of place and circumstances of time. The most frequently used deixis is possesive / pronoun deixis and the function deixis in the clause based on systemic functional linguistic realized as deictic in ideational function to specify nominal group and in textual function as reference.

Introduction I am a transmigrant who has moved back and forth between the West and the Rest. I was born and raised in a Muslim family in a predominantly Muslim country, Bangladesh, but I spent several years of my childhood in Pakistan. After my marriage, I lived in the United States for a year and a half, the Middle East for 5 years, Australia for three years, back to the Middle East for another 5 years, then, finally, in Australia for the last 12 years. I speak Bengali (my mother tongue), Urdu (which I learnt in Pakistan), a bit of Arabic (learnt in the Middle East); but English has always been my medium of instruction. So where is home? Is it my place of origin, the Muslim umma, or my land of settlement? Or is it my ‘root’ or my ‘route’ (Blunt and Dowling)? Blunt and Dowling (199) observe that the lives of transmigrants are often interpreted in terms of their ‘roots’ and ‘routes’, which are two frameworks for thinking about home, homeland and diaspora. Whereas ‘roots’ might imply an original homeland from which people have scattered, and to which they might seek to return, ‘routes’ focuses on mobile, multiple and transcultural geographies of home. However, both ‘roots’ and ‘routes’ are attached to emotion and identity, and both invoke a sense of place, belonging or alienation that is intrinsically tied to a sense of self (Blunt and Dowling 196-219). In this paper, I equate home with my root (place of birth) and route (transnational homing) within the context of the ‘diaspora and belonging’. First I define the diaspora and possible criteria of belonging. Next I describe my transnational homing within the framework of diaspora and belonging. Finally, I consider how Australia can be a ‘home’ for me and other Muslim Australians. The Diaspora and Belonging Blunt and Dowling (199) define diaspora as “scattering of people over space and transnational connections between people and the places”. Cohen emphasised the ethno-cultural aspects of the diaspora setting; that is, how migrants identify and position themselves in other nations in terms of their (different) ethnic and cultural orientation. Hall argues that the diasporic subjects form a cultural identity through transformation and difference. Speaking of the Hindu diaspora in the UK and Caribbean, Vertovec (21-23) contends that the migrants’ contact with their original ‘home’ or diaspora depends on four factors: migration processes and factors of settlement, cultural composition, structural and political power, and community development. With regard to the first factor, migration processes and factors of settlement, Vertovec explains that if the migrants are political or economic refugees, or on a temporary visa, they are likely to live in a ‘myth of return’. In the cultural composition context, Vertovec argues that religion, language, region of origin, caste, and degree of cultural homogenisation are factors in which migrants are bound to their homeland. Concerning the social structure and political power issue, Vertovec suggests that the extent and nature of racial and ethnic pluralism or social stigma, class composition, degree of institutionalised racism, involvement in party politics (or active citizenship) determine migrants’ connection to their new or old home. Finally, community development, including membership in organisations (political, union, religious, cultural, leisure), leadership qualities, and ethnic convergence or conflict (trends towards intra-communal or inter-ethnic/inter-religious co-operation) would also affect the migrants’ sense of belonging. Using these scholarly ideas as triggers, I will examine my home and belonging over the last few decades. My Home In an initial stage of my transmigrant history, my home was my root (place of birth, Dhaka, Bangladesh). Subsequently, my routes (settlement in different countries) reshaped my homes. In all respects, the ethno-cultural factors have played a big part in my definition of ‘home’. But on some occasions my ethnic identification has been overridden by my religious identification and vice versa. By ethnic identity, I mean my language (mother tongue) and my connection to my people (Bangladeshi). By my religious identity, I mean my Muslim religion, and my spiritual connection to the umma, a Muslim nation transcending all boundaries. Umma refers to the Muslim identity and unity within a larger Muslim group across national boundaries. The only thing the members of the umma have in common is their Islamic belief (Spencer and Wollman 169-170). In my childhood my father, a banker, was relocated to Karachi, Pakistan (then West Pakistan). Although I lived in Pakistan for much of my childhood, I have never considered it to be my home, even though it is predominantly a Muslim country. In this case, my home was my root (Bangladesh) where my grandparents and extended family lived. Every year I used to visit my grandparents who resided in a small town in Bangladesh (then East Pakistan). Thus my connection with my home was sustained through my extended family, ethnic traditions, language (Bengali/Bangla), and the occasional visits to the landscape of Bangladesh. Smith (9-11) notes that people build their connection or identity to their homeland through their historic land, common historical memories, myths, symbols and traditions. Though Pakistan and Bangladesh had common histories, their traditions of language, dress and ethnic culture were very different. For example, the celebration of the Bengali New Year (Pohela Baishakh), folk dance, folk music and folk tales, drama, poetry, lyrics of poets Rabindranath Tagore (Rabindra Sangeet) and Nazrul Islam (Nazrul Geeti) are distinct in the cultural heritage of Bangladesh. Special musical instruments such as the banshi (a bamboo flute), dhol (drums), ektara (a single-stringed instrument) and dotara (a four-stringed instrument) are unique to Bangladeshi culture. The Bangladeshi cuisine (rice and freshwater fish) is also different from Pakistan where people mainly eat flat round bread (roti) and meat (gosh). However, my bonding factor to Bangladesh was my relatives, particularly my grandparents as they made me feel one of ‘us’. Their affection for me was irreplaceable. The train journey from Dhaka (capital city) to their town, Noakhali, was captivating. The hustle and bustle at the train station and the lush green paddy fields along the train journey reminded me that this was my ‘home’. Though I spoke the official language (Urdu) in Pakistan and had a few Pakistani friends in Karachi, they could never replace my feelings for my friends, extended relatives and cousins who lived in Bangladesh. I could not relate to the landscape or dry weather of Pakistan. More importantly, some Pakistani women (our neighbours) were critical of my mother’s traditional dress (saree), and described it as revealing because it showed a bit of her back. They took pride in their traditional dress (shalwar, kameez, dopatta), which they considered to be more covered and ‘Islamic’. So, because of our traditional dress (saree) and perhaps other differences, we were regarded as the ‘Other’. In 1970 my father was relocated back to Dhaka, Bangladesh, and I was glad to go home. It should be noted that both Pakistan and Bangladesh were separated from India in 1947 – first as one nation; then, in 1971, Bangladesh became independent from Pakistan. The conflict between Bangladesh (then East Pakistan) and Pakistan (then West Pakistan) originated for economic and political reasons. At this time I was a high school student and witnessed acts of genocide committed by the Pakistani regime against the Bangladeshis (March-December 1971). My memories of these acts are vivid and still very painful. After my marriage, I moved from Bangladesh to the United States. In this instance, my new route (Austin, Texas, USA), as it happened, did not become my home. Here the ethno-cultural and Islamic cultural factors took precedence. I spoke the English language, made some American friends, and studied history at the University of Texas. I appreciated the warm friendship extended to me in the US, but experienced a degree of culture shock. I did not appreciate the pub life, alcohol consumption, and what I perceived to be the lack of family bonds (children moving out at the age of 18, families only meeting occasionally on birthdays and Christmas). Furthermore, I could not relate to de facto relationships and acceptance of sex before marriage. However, to me ‘home’ meant a family orientation and living in close contact with family. Besides the cultural divide, my husband and I were living in the US on student visas and, as Vertovec (21-23) noted, temporary visa status can deter people from their sense of belonging to the host country. In retrospect I can see that we lived in the ‘myth of return’. However, our next move for a better life was not to our root (Bangladesh), but another route to the Muslim world of Dhahran in Saudi Arabia. My husband moved to Dhahran not because it was a Muslim world but because it gave him better economic opportunities. However, I thought this new destination would become my home – the home that was coined by Anderson as the imagined nation, or my Muslim umma. Anderson argues that the imagined communities are “to be distinguished, not by their falsity/genuineness, but by the style in which they are imagined” (6; Wood 61). Hall (122) asserts: identity is actually formed through unconscious processes over time, rather than being innate in consciousness at birth. There is always something ‘imaginary’ or fantasized about its unity. It always remains incomplete, is always ‘in process’, always ‘being formed’. As discussed above, when I had returned home to Bangladesh from Pakistan – both Muslim countries – my primary connection to my home country was my ethnic identity, language and traditions. My ethnic identity overshadowed the religious identity. But when I moved to Saudi Arabia, where my ethnic identity differed from that of the mainstream Arabs and Bedouin/nomadic Arabs, my connection to this new land was through my Islamic cultural and religious identity. Admittedly, this connection to the umma was more psychological than physical, but I was now in close proximity to Mecca, and to my home of Dhaka, Bangladesh. Mecca is an important city in Saudi Arabia for Muslims because it is the holy city of Islam, the home to the Ka’aba (the religious centre of Islam), and the birthplace of Prophet Muhammad [Peace Be Upon Him]. It is also the destination of the Hajj, one of the five pillars of Islamic faith. Therefore, Mecca is home to significant events in Islamic history, as well as being an important present day centre for the Islamic faith. We lived in Dhahran, Saudi Arabia for 5 years. Though it was a 2.5 hours flight away, I treasured Mecca’s proximity and regarded Dhahran as my second and spiritual home. Saudi Arabia had a restricted lifestyle for women, but I liked it because it was a Muslim country that gave me the opportunity to perform umrah Hajj (pilgrimage). However, Saudi Arabia did not allow citizenship to expatriates. Saudi Arabia’s government was keen to protect the status quo and did not want to compromise its cultural values or standard of living by allowing foreigners to become a permanent part of society. In exceptional circumstances only, the King granted citizenship to a foreigner for outstanding service to the state over a number of years. Children of foreigners born in Saudi Arabia did not have rights of local citizenship; they automatically assumed the nationality of their parents. If it was available, Saudi citizenship would assure expatriates a secure and permanent living in Saudi Arabia; as it was, there was a fear among the non-Saudis that they would have to leave the country once their job contract expired. Under the circumstances, though my spiritual connection to Mecca was strong, my husband was convinced that Saudi Arabia did not provide any job security. So, in 1987 when Australia offered migration to highly skilled people, my husband decided to migrate to Australia for a better and more secure economic life. I agreed to his decision, but quite reluctantly because we were again moving to a non-Muslim part of the world, which would be culturally different and far away from my original homeland (Bangladesh). In Australia, we lived first in Brisbane, then Adelaide, and after three years we took our Australian citizenship. At that stage I loved the Barossa Valley and Victor Harbour in South Australia, and the Gold Coast and Sunshine Coast in Queensland, but did not feel at home in Australia. We bought a house in Adelaide and I was a full time home-maker but was always apprehensive that my children (two boys) would lose their culture in this non-Muslim world. In 1990 we once again moved back to the Muslim world, this time to Muscat, Sultanate of Oman. My connection to this route was again spiritual. I valued the fact that we would live in a Muslim country and our children would be brought up in a Muslim environment. But my husband’s move was purely financial as he got a lucrative job offer in Muscat. We had another son in Oman. We enjoyed the luxurious lifestyle provided by my husband’s workplace and the service provided by the housemaid. I loved the beaches and freedom to drive my car, and I appreciated the friendly Omani people. I also enjoyed our frequent trips (4 hours flight) to my root, Dhaka, Bangladesh. So our children were raised within our ethnic and Islamic culture, remained close to my root (family in Dhaka), though they attended a British school in Muscat. But by the time I started considering Oman to be my second home, we had to leave once again for a place that could provide us with a more secure future. Oman was like Saudi Arabia; it employed expatriates only on a contract basis, and did not give them citizenship (not even fellow Muslims). So after 5 years it was time to move back to Australia. It was with great reluctance that I moved with my husband to Brisbane in 1995 because once again we were to face a different cultural context. As mentioned earlier, we lived in Brisbane in the late 1980s; I liked the weather, the landscape, but did not consider it home for cultural reasons. Our boys started attending expensive private schools and we bought a house in a prestigious Western suburb in Brisbane. Soon after arriving I started my tertiary education at the University of Queensland, and finished an MA in Historical Studies in Indian History in 1998. Still Australia was not my home. I kept thinking that we would return to my previous routes or the ‘imagined’ homeland somewhere in the Middle East, in close proximity to my root (Bangladesh), where we could remain economically secure in a Muslim country. But gradually I began to feel that Australia was becoming my ‘home’. I had gradually become involved in professional and community activities (with university colleagues, the Bangladeshi community and Muslim women’s organisations), and in retrospect I could see that this was an early stage of my ‘self-actualisation’ (Maslow). Through my involvement with diverse people, I felt emotionally connected with the concerns, hopes and dreams of my Muslim-Australian friends. Subsequently, I also felt connected with my mainstream Australian friends whose emotions and fears (9/11 incident, Bali bombing and 7/7 tragedy) were similar to mine. In late 1998 I started my PhD studies on the immigration history of Australia, with a particular focus on the historical settlement of Muslims in Australia. This entailed retrieving archival files and interviewing people, mostly Muslims and some mainstream Australians, and enquiring into relevant migration issues. I also became more active in community issues, and was not constrained by my circumstances. By circumstances, I mean that even though I belonged to a patriarchally structured Muslim family, where my husband was the main breadwinner, main decision-maker, my independence and research activities (entailing frequent interstate trips for data collection, and public speaking) were not frowned upon or forbidden (Khan 14-15); fortunately, my husband appreciated my passion for research and gave me his trust and support. This, along with the Muslim community’s support (interviews), and the wider community’s recognition (for example, the publication of my letters in Australian newspapers, interviews on radio and television) enabled me to develop my self-esteem and built up my bicultural identity as a Muslim in a predominantly Christian country and as a Bangladeshi-Australian. In 2005, for the sake of a better job opportunity, my husband moved to the UK, but this time I asserted that I would not move again. I felt that here in Australia (now in Perth) I had a job, an identity and a home. This time my husband was able to secure a good job back in Australia and was only away for a year. I no longer dream of finding a home in the Middle East. Through my bicultural identity here in Australia I feel connected to the wider community and to the Muslim umma. However, my attachment to the umma has become ambivalent. I feel proud of my Australian-Muslim identity but I am concerned about the jihadi ideology of militant Muslims. By jihadi ideology, I mean the extremist ideology of the al-Qaeda terrorist group (Farrar 2007). The Muslim umma now incorporates both moderate and radical Muslims. The radical Muslims (though only a tiny minority of 1.4 billion Muslims worldwide) pose a threat to their moderate counterparts as well as to non-Muslims. In the UK, some second- and third-generation Muslims identify themselves with the umma rather than their parents’ homelands or their country of birth (Husain). It should not be a matter of concern if these young Muslims adopt a ‘pure’ Muslim identity, providing at the same time they are loyal to their country of residence. But when they resort to terrorism with their ‘pure’ Muslim identity (e.g., the 7/7 London bombers) they defame my religion Islam, and undermine my spiritual connection to the umma. As a 1st generation immigrant, the defining criteria of my ‘homeliness’ in Australia are my ethno-cultural and religious identity (which includes my family), my active citizenship, and my community development/contribution through my research work – all of which allow me a sense of efficacy in my life. My ethnic and religious identities generally co-exist equally, but when I see some Muslims kill my fellow Australians (such as the Bali bombings in 2002 and 2005) my Australian identity takes precedence. I feel for the victims and condemn the perpetrators. On the other hand, when I see politics play a role over the human rights issues (e.g., the Tampa incident), my religious identity begs me to comment on it (see Kabir, Muslims in Australia 295-305). Problematising ‘Home’ for Muslim Australians In the European context, Grillo (863) and Werbner (904), and in the Australian context, Kabir (Muslims in Australia) and Poynting and Mason, have identified the diversity within Islam (national, ethnic, religious etc). Werbner (904) notes that in spite of the “wishful talk of the emergence of a ‘British Islam’, even today there are Pakistani, Bangladeshi and Arab mosques, as well as Turkish and Shia’a mosques”; thus British Muslims retain their separate identities. Similarly, in Australia, the existence of separate mosques for the Bangladeshi, Pakistani, Arab and Shia’a peoples indicates that Australian Muslims have also kept their ethnic identities discrete (Saeed 64-77). However, in times of crisis, such as the Salman Rushdie affair in 1989, and the 1990-1991 Gulf crises, both British and Australian Muslims were quick to unite and express their Islamic identity by way of resistance (Kabir, Muslims in Australia 160-162; Poynting and Mason 68-70). In both British and Australian contexts, I argue that a peaceful rally or resistance is indicative of active citizenship of Muslims as it reveals their sense of belonging (also Werbner 905). So when a transmigrant Muslim wants to make a peaceful demonstration, the Western world should be encouraged, not threatened – as long as the transmigrant’s allegiances lie also with the host country. In the European context, Grillo (868) writes: when I asked Mehmet if he was planning to stay in Germany he answered without hesitation: ‘Yes, of course’. And then, after a little break, he added ‘as long as we can live here as Muslims’. In this context, I support Mehmet’s desire to live as a Muslim in a non-Muslim world as long as this is peaceful. Paradoxically, living a Muslim life through ijtihad can be either socially progressive or destructive. The Canadian Muslim feminist Irshad Manji relies on ijtihad, but so does Osama bin Laden! Manji emphasises that ijtihad can be, on the one hand, the adaptation of Islam using independent reasoning, hybridity and the contesting of ‘traditional’ family values (c.f. Doogue and Kirkwood 275-276, 314); and, on the other, ijtihad can take the form of conservative, patriarchal and militant Islamic values. The al-Qaeda terrorist Osama bin Laden espouses the jihadi ideology of Sayyid Qutb (1906-1966), an Egyptian who early in his career might have been described as a Muslim modernist who believed that Islam and Western secular ideals could be reconciled. But he discarded that idea after going to the US in 1948-50; there he was treated as ‘different’ and that treatment turned him against the West. He came back to Egypt and embraced a much more rigid and militaristic form of Islam (Esposito 136). Other scholars, such as Cesari, have identified a third orientation – a ‘secularised Islam’, which stresses general beliefs in the values of Islam and an Islamic identity, without too much concern for practices. Grillo (871) observed Islam in the West emphasised diversity. He stressed that, “some [Muslims were] more quietest, some more secular, some more clamorous, some more negotiatory”, while some were exclusively characterised by Islamic identity, such as wearing the burqa (elaborate veils), hijabs (headscarves), beards by men and total abstinence from drinking alcohol. So Mehmet, cited above, could be living a Muslim life within the spectrum of these possibilities, ranging from an integrating mode to a strict, militant Muslim manner. In the UK context, Zubaida (96) contends that marginalised, culturally-impoverished youth are the people for whom radical, militant Islamism may have an appeal, though it must be noted that the 7/7 bombers belonged to affluent families (O’Sullivan 14; Husain). In Australia, Muslim Australians are facing three challenges. First, the Muslim unemployment rate: it was three times higher than the national total in 1996 and 2001 (Kabir, Muslims in Australia 266-278; Kabir, “What Does It Mean” 63). Second, some spiritual leaders have used extreme rhetoric to appeal to marginalised youth; in January 2007, the Australian-born imam of Lebanese background, Sheikh Feiz Mohammad, was alleged to have employed a DVD format to urge children to kill the enemies of Islam and to have praised martyrs with a violent interpretation of jihad (Chulov 2). Third, the proposed citizenship test has the potential to make new migrants’ – particularly Muslims’ – settlement in Australia stressful (Kabir, “What Does It Mean” 62-79); in May 2007, fuelled by perceptions that some migrants – especially Muslims – were not integrating quickly enough, the Howard government introduced a citizenship test bill that proposes to test applicants on their English language skills and knowledge of Australian history and ‘values’. I contend that being able to demonstrate knowledge of history and having English language skills is no guarantee that a migrant will be a good citizen. Through my transmigrant history, I have learnt that developing a bond with a new place takes time, acceptance and a gradual change of identity, which are less likely to happen when facing assimilationist constraints. I spoke English and studied history in the United States, but I did not consider it my home. I did not speak the Arabic language, and did not study Middle Eastern history while I was in the Middle East, but I felt connected to it for cultural and religious reasons. Through my knowledge of history and English language proficiency I did not make Australia my home when I first migrated to Australia. Australia became my home when I started interacting with other Australians, which was made possible by having the time at my disposal and by fortunate circumstances, which included a fairly high level of efficacy and affluence. If I had been rejected because of my lack of knowledge of ‘Australian values’, or had encountered discrimination in the job market, I would have been much less willing to embrace my host country and call it home. I believe a stringent citizenship test is more likely to alienate would-be citizens than to induce their adoption of values and loyalty to their new home. Conclusion Blunt (5) observes that current studies of home often investigate mobile geographies of dwelling and how it shapes one’s identity and belonging. Such geographies of home negotiate from the domestic to the global context, thus mobilising the home beyond a fixed, bounded and confining location. Similarly, in this paper I have discussed how my mobile geography, from the domestic (root) to global (route), has shaped my identity. Though I received a degree of culture shock in the United States, loved the Middle East, and was at first quite resistant to the idea of making Australia my second home, the confidence I acquired in residing in these ‘several homes’ were cumulative and eventually enabled me to regard Australia as my ‘home’. I loved the Middle East, but I did not pursue an active involvement with the Arab community because I was a busy mother. Also I lacked the communication skill (fluency in Arabic) with the local residents who lived outside the expatriates’ campus. I am no longer a cultural freak. I am no longer the same Bangladeshi woman who saw her ethnic and Islamic culture as superior to all other cultures. I have learnt to appreciate Australian values, such as tolerance, ‘a fair go’ and multiculturalism (see Kabir, “What Does It Mean” 62-79). My bicultural identity is my strength. With my ethnic and religious identity, I can relate to the concerns of the Muslim community and other Australian ethnic and religious minorities. And with my Australian identity I have developed ‘a voice’ to pursue active citizenship. Thus my biculturalism has enabled me to retain and merge my former home with my present and permanent home of Australia. References Anderson, Benedict. Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. London, New York: Verso, 1983. Australian Bureau of Statistics: Census of Housing and Population, 1996 and 2001. Blunt, Alison. Domicile and Diaspora: Anglo-Indian Women and the Spatial Politics of Home. 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Citation reference for this article MLA Style Kabir, Nahid. "Why I Call Australia ‘Home’?: A Transmigrant’s Perspective." M/C Journal 10.4 (2007). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0708/15-kabir.php>. APA Style Kabir, N. (Aug. 2007) "Why I Call Australia ‘Home’?: A Transmigrant’s Perspective," M/C Journal, 10(4). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0708/15-kabir.php>.