Books on the topic 'Sexually explicit content'

Pornography and Public Health explores the scientific evidence that helps answer the question: “Is sexually explicit media causing epidemic harm to human health?” It situates this question in the context of historical concerns that sex and sexuality have the power to radicalize people and legal cases that have defined obscenity in the United States. It reveals how pornography came to be considered a public health crisis in multiple US states despite a lack of support and involvement of any governmental public health agency. It also reviews peer-reviewed scientific findings that address whether pornography contributes to epidemics of sexual assault, intimate partner violence, human trafficking, child sexual exploitation, the dissolution of intimate relationships, eating disorders and body dissatisfaction, and compulsive use. Further, it discusses working conditions for pornography performers and outlines possible methods for improving them. It suggests that public health frameworks and tools can be applied meaningfully to analyses of pornography’s impact on health. This title is written for emerging public health advocates.

It’s a familiar narrative in both real life and fiction, from news reports to television storylines: a young person is bullied online, or targeted by an online predator, or exposed to sexually explicit content. The consequences are bleak; the young person is shunned, suicidal, psychologically ruined. In this book, Jacqueline Ryan Vickery argues that there are other urgent concerns about young people’s online experiences besides porn, predators, and peers. We need to turn our attention to inequitable opportunities for participation in a digital culture. Technical and material obstacles prevent low-income and other marginalized young people from the positive, community-building, and creative experiences that are possible online. Vickery explains that cautionary tales about online risk have shaped the way we think about technology and youth. She analyzes the discourses of risk in popular culture, journalism, and policy, and finds that harm-driven expectations, based on a privileged perception of risk, enact control over technology. Opportunity-driven expectations, on the other hand, based on evidence and lived experience, produce discourses that acknowledge the practices and agency of young people rather than seeing them as passive victims. Vickery first addresses how the discourses of risk regulate and control technology, then turns to the online practices of youth at a low-income, minority-majority Texas high school. She considers the participation gap and the need for schools to teach digital literacies, privacy, and different online learning ecologies. Finally, she shows that opportunity-driven expectations can guide young people’s online experiences in ways that balance protection and agency.

Chapter 7 analyzes the real sex films Ken Park and Irréversible in the context of different sexual/social aesthetics in sexually explicit films by drawing on “old” and “new” forms of narrative theory as a “bridging synthesis” of disciplinary approaches. The different generations of narrative theory alluded to in this chapter concern Will Wright’s old critical realist analysis of the Western genre and Tanya Krzywinska’s new, postmodernist “narrative formula” approach. This chapter opens with narrative comparison of one European and one US real sex film to point to their similar narrative reversals and contradictions in the context of the “normal chaos of love,” with a major focus on Ken Park’s narrative. Wright’s and Krzywinska’s theoretically and generationally different versions of narrative theory are thus drawn together in terms of current risk sociological history and distinguished from each other epistemologically for further consideration in later chapters.

Abstract: This chapter surveys prior scholarly work on country music’s ostensibly conservative relationship to sexuality. It tracks how sexuality becomes linked to other identity markers in songs by artists such as Gretchen Wilson and k.d. lang, as country functions as not only a distinctly classed but also racialized, gendered, and regionalized genre traditionally associated with white working-class Southerners. It probes whether earlier and recent modes of white masculinity and femininity, might or might not be constituted in relationship to queerness and/or blackness. This overview also suggests new ways to expand the critical terrain by taking up case studies: (1) Tanya Tucker, the now-faded star of the 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s, who gained early notoriety for her sexualized performance style and material; and (2) the recent bro-country sensation (Florida Georgia Line), whose young male artists recycle explicitly (hetero) sexual content through pseudo-hip hop rhythms and rapping.

Sexual assault is a worldwide public health concern, as it occurs to people of all genders at alarming rates and results in serious physical and mental health sequelae. The reactions survivors receive from formal and informal supports can significantly influence their recovery. Given the prevalence of sexual assault, all providers need to be prepared to handle disclosures of sexual assault from clients. The aim of this book is to provide guidance on how to interact with survivors of sexual assault, which the authors define as sexual contact or penetration without the explicit consent of the victim. While the book is primarily geared toward mental health professionals, the content is also relevant for professionals who work in medical settings, educational settings, law enforcement, and victim services. The authors also highlight that there are particular populations (e.g., racial and sexual minorities) and settings (e.g., military, higher education) that require particular considerations when discussing sexual violence. Overall, professionals have an instrumental role in facilitating survivor recovery, and this book provides best practices for providing services in an affirming manner. The book begins with a review of literature focused on sexual assault and survivor disclosure. Then, recommendations are provided for conducting assessments and psychotherapy with survivors of sexual assault. Case examples are presented to help illustrate specific recommendations for working with survivors of sexual assault. Finally, particular recommendations for various specific populations are provided.

Chapter 6 investigates what happens when arguers disagree over how to apply a text in a new context, the stasis of assimilation. Following the rhetorical tradition, the chapter distinguishes assimilation from letter versus spirit: the latter involves a negation of the text’s apparent meaning, while the former affirms this apparent meaning as a springboard for additional inferences. After discussing the circumstances that motivate arguers to assimilate texts, the chapter builds on Aristotle’s modes of inferential reasoning to explain the ways non-explicit meanings can be elicited from a text. Drawing on modern theories of argument and cognition, the chapter considers assimilation’s special features. The chapter’s extended analysis examines the historical debate over Abraham Lincoln’s sexuality, based on letters he sent to his close friend Joshua Speed. It closes with a meditation on the power of assimilation to indefinitely extend texts to new contexts and its corollary weakness of inferring unwritten meanings.

This chapter considers the idea that personal information is impossible to control and how this assumption operates in discussions about sexting. It argues that current models of privacy and information flows online do not adequately account for consent and instead stresses the need for better policies and a more robust conversation about social norms of privacy online. Building on feminist theories of sexual consent and challenging the view that all information should be free, the chapter proposes a framework for privacy that requires explicit consent for the circulation of any private information. It explains how thinking about consent in the circulation of media leads to a range of alternative responses to privacy violations. It also maintains that privacy should be seen as context-dependent, not technology-or format-dependent.

This chapter explores how Third Reich romance melodramas attempted to form spectator desires to the benefit of Nazi imperialist aims. Nazi romance films positioned Third Reich culture as a liberation from nineteenth-century sexual morality while encouraging female participation in the public sphere in preparation for a war economy. The sexual content of Nazi films was furthermore calculated to exceed that of Hollywood in an attempt to make Nazi rule appear more attractive to German, occupied, and neutral audiences. And contrary to the assumptions that the Nazis attempted to desexualize the cinema, historical evidence shows that the erotic attractions of female performers were explicitly used in order to suppress political critique. Yet the “woman question” continually threatened to interfere with the propaganda minister's instrumentalization of the female body, and Nazi cinema's deployment of the erotic sometimes backfired.

In recent decades the analysis of figurines has been theorized within the broader context of archaeology and material culture, and they have lately become the subject of discussions concerning embodiment, sexuality, performance, personhood, practice, and process. Instead of being separated from other areas of excavation, figurine studies are now more likely to be embedded in interdisciplinary research and to be the subject of scientific research. This review chapter begins with a discussion of figurines as material things in themselves, rather than reflections or resemblances of other externalities. More than other kinds of material culture, we want to know what figurines meant for their makers, because they evoke something so distinctly human. I then outline particular case studies at the forefront in the archaeological context, detailing how novel, explicitly interdisciplinary research is making new types of knowledge possible. I conclude with a series of interlinked studies from the site of Çatalhöyük.

There has been a significant increase in the focus on sex offending in recent years. This has occurred in both the academic and the public spheres. In attempting to understand sexual offending, this collection recognizes two different discourses that currently operate in relation to sex crime. At the public level there is an explicit focus on regulation and control. At the same time there has been a less public but equally fervent discourse centered on the importance of the assessment and treatment of sexual offenders. The Handbook moves from theoretical explanations to a dissection of who the offenders are, who the victims are, and how offenders are treated and managed; it then proceeds onward, using a sociological lens to examine the social and cultural contexts in which crimes and sexual activities take place. The authors have been encouraged not to give a complete literature review of the topic in hand but rather to tease out the key debates, challenges, and controversies that are pertinent today. These essays can of course be read as standalone pieces for a comprehensive and detailed walk through that topic, but for those wanting a complete introductory journey through the sub-discipline, the 30 essays will provide immense detail and an enriching experience of the state of the discipline in the 21st century.

In Dreadful Desires Charlie Yi Zhang examines how the Chinese state deploys affective notions of love to regulate the population and secure China’s place in the global economy. Zhang shows how the state frames love as a set of desires that encompass heteronormative intimacy, familial and communal attachment, upward mobility, and private property ownership. These desires—as circulated in performance in the nationalistic ceremony, same-sex romantic fan fiction, the wildly popular reality television dating show If You Are the One, and the cult of patriarchal personality around Xi Jinping—are explicitly based in oppressive systems of gender, class, and sexuality. Zhang contends that such desires connect love to economic survival and gender normativity in ways that underwrite Chinese neoliberalism at the expense of individual flourishing. By outlining how state-framed forms of love create desires that cannot be fulfilled, Zhang places China at the forefront of using affective attachments to nation, leader, and family in the global shifts toward exploitation and authoritarianism.

Esta obra se debruça sobre diálogos entre políticas públicas e direito, trazendo artigos científicos de diversos autores brasileiros acerca da participação e da sua efetividade na sociedade contemporânea. O livro apresenta um olhar interdisciplinar, sendo composto por capítulos escritos por pesquisadores não só da área jurídica, como também de Psicologia, Biologia, Odontologia e Pedagogia. A divisão dos capítulos parte de temas mais relacionados à participação política por diferentes vias, passando pelas demandas por efetivação dos direitos humanos, sem retrocesso social. Em seguida, transita por violações específicas no âmbito dos direitos a educação, igualdade racial e de gênero, moradia, dignidade física, psíquica e sexual, segurança pública e saúde. O primeiro capítulo discute em que medida foi eficaz a participação popular na tramitação da reforma política na Câmara dos Deputados do Brasil. Descreve as vias de participação popular nesse âmbito e discute seus efeitos na tramitação da referida reforma, a partir dos procedimentos metodológicos de revisão bibliográfica, análise de documentos, estudo de caso e process tracing com elite interviewing, em abordagem qualitativa. Os resultados indicam que, embora tenha havido aumento da participação popular institucional no período sob enfoque, o parlamento aplicou não decisões em relação à reforma política intencionada pelas entidades da sociedade civil que organizaram as provocações ao Poder Legislativo. Em seguida, o segundo capítulo tem como principal objetivo a análise acerca do Portal e-Democracia e o seu papel para uma maior democracia participativa de, principalmente, inclusão das minorias sociais. Estuda a relação entre a democracia brasileira e a participação popular, investiga o porquê do Portal e-Democracia ser tão necessário para a defesa dos direitos das minorias sociais, bem como explica a importância da participação popular legislativa das minorias sociais. Esta pesquisa parte de fontes bibliográficas primárias e secundárias, com revisão bibliográfica e análise do próprio portal em estudo. O estudo conclui que é essencial a criação de políticas públicas para a participação política das minorias sociais, sendo uma delas o mencionado portal eletrônico, porém esta medida isolada não resolve a presente questão, sendo necessárias políticas públicas de fácil acesso a todos e todas. O terceiro capítulo aborda as relações que conectam o princípio da vedação ao retrocesso social com as manifestações que apoiam o movimento de retorno da ditadura militar no Brasil no século XXI. Para tanto, no primeiro momento, os autores elucidam os conceitos de vedação ao retrocesso social, bem como o significado do chamado efeito cliquet, o qual corrobora com os ditames fixados do respectivo princípio, haja vista que, no alpinismo, significa que quando atingida uma determinada altura, não se pode mais voltar. Contextualizam, ademais, as heranças e as consequências da ditadura militar no Brasil, além de analisarem as manifestações que têm ocorrido na atualidade em prol de um retrocesso ao período ditatorial. O trabalho comprova que a volta da ditadura militar seria uma afronta ao princípio da vedação ao retrocesso social, uma vez que extinguiria e revogaria direitos fundamentais já consolidados no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro e regressaria a um período autoritário, que não se coaduna com o Estado Democrático de Direito. Conectando-se à discussão acerca de retrocessos e inefetividade de direitos, o quarto capítulo mergulha no debate democrático acerca da expansão da educação superior brasileira e das políticas de acesso que promoveram um significativo acréscimo de ingressantes nos cursos de graduação no Brasil. O trabalho atende a pesquisa bibliográfica e fundamenta-se na revisão de literatura com o suporte teórico de autores e legislações da área afim, refletindo sobre o processo de evolução e inclusão mediante a implementação de programas e ações afirmativas para a educação superior que corroboraram para dirimir o caráter elitista impregnado no perfil deste nível de ensino. Embora distante de reparar as injustiças sociais no Brasil, tais políticas geraram um número maior de ingressantes das camadas menos favorecidas da sociedade e, com isso, a representatividade dos grupos denominados de minorias aumentou, ainda que de modo tímido, mas refletindo na redução do déficit de acesso ao ensino superior. Ainda sobre desigualdades na educação no país, no quinto capítulo as autoras investigam como a discussão sobre o mito da democracia racial no Brasil impulsionou práticas racistas ao longo do tempo e como, a partir de um viés multiculturalista, se assentam as políticas afirmativas, com destaque para a política de cotas para ingresso de negros e pardos nas Universidades, implementadas a partir de 2012. Apontam, para tanto, que a construção deste mito não se coaduna com questões mais modernas e de relevo econômico e social que pautaram a promoção de políticas afirmativas no Brasil. Nesta senda, as políticas sociais afirmativas de cotas são medidas tomadas pelo Estado, de cunho temporário ou especial, com o objetivo de assegurar igualdade de oportunidades e que foram negadas historicamente para a população afro. Para embasar este artigo, foi utilizada a metodologia de revisão bibliográfica e a análise documental das políticas afirmativas de cotas. O capítulo seguinte aventa que as relações sociais são produtos da vida em sociedade e caracterizam-se, essencialmente, pela interação que há entre seus componentes considerando territórios, culturas, identidade e ideias. Contudo, é da natureza dessa dinâmica social que alguns grupos sociais se sobressaiam sobre os demais e imponham seus interesses pessoais acima dos interesses públicos, prejudicando, assim, a concretização de interesses gerais. Dessa maneira, com o intuito de explicar como essas relações de poder e de domínio influenciam na concretização de políticas públicas, o trabalho se propôs a analisar qual o protagonismo que os agentes sociais têm nessa fase. Como exemplo prático dessa discussão acadêmica, analisa-se como a elite governante brasileira busca conciliar seus interesses com a efetivação de políticas públicas habitacionais. Em outro aspecto de violação de direitos através de deficiências de políticas públicas, o sétimo capítulo analisa a evolução da taxa de homicídios no Brasil, verificando grande heterogeneidade entre os estados. Isso constitui uma deficiência estrutural grave, que compromete as bases do desenvolvimento no país. Assim, o propõe-se o entendimento da correlação das taxas de homicídios no Brasil em um período de 10 anos, verificando que os estados do Rio Grande do Norte, Goiás, Maranhão e Piauí se correlacionaram positivamente, apresentando um aumento na taxa de homicídios, enquanto Espírito Santo e Paraíba obtiveram redução. Diante dos resultados, destaca-se a atenção às políticas de segurança pública e conclui-se que é possível identificar padrões estruturais das distintas dinâmicas de homicídios contribuindo para e informações relevantes que possam subsidiar a implantação e efetividade das políticas públicas no país. Na seara das violências, o oitavo capítulo destaca aquelas cometidas contra mulheres no ambiente doméstico no bairro de Narandiba, em Salvador-BA. O artigo tem como objetivo geral analisar a possibilidade ou não de ampliação no atendimento às mulheres que sofrem violência doméstica através da unidade do Centro Judiciário de Solução Consensual de Conflitos (CEJUSC), órgão vinculado ao Tribunal de Justiça da Bahia, localizado no bairro de Narandiba, em Salvador. Como primeiro objetivo específico, examina se o acolhimento dessas vítimas estaria em conformidade com o regulamento e a missão que fundamenta o trabalho do CEJUSC. Como segundo objetivo específico, reflete sobre a demanda de mulheres, vítimas de agressão doméstica, que passam pela unidade de Narandiba em busca de um apoio ou uma orientação jurídica. Em termos metodológicos, o artigo é qualitativo e analisa o tema proposto utilizando a revisão bibliográfica, a análise de documentos e a observação da autora durante o período de janeiro a outubro de 2019. As violências domésticas atingem, não raro, a dignidade sexual de crianças e adolescentes. Assim, a conexão para o nono capítulo apresenta as etapas da perícia psicológica nos casos de suspeita de abuso sexual, tendo como enfoque os instrumentos e testes psicológicos mais utilizados nestas avaliações. Os objetivos específicos englobam conceituar avaliação psicológica e abuso sexual, bem como trazer técnicas da Psicologia que melhor respaldem o psicólogo nesse processo de avaliação. O método deste estudo foi realizado por meio de pesquisa bibliográfica. A avaliação psicológica pericial difere de outros tipos de avaliação psicológica em função de sua meta final onde atua subsidiando decisões legais quando estas dependem de um entendimento de funcionamento psicológico do(s) envolvidos(s) nos casos de suspeita de abuso sexual de crianças e adolescentes. Abuso sexual é qualquer contato ou interação entre uma criança ou adolescente e alguém em estágio psicossexual mais avançado do desenvolvimento, na qual a criança ou adolescente estiver sendo usado para estimulação sexual do perpetrador. As avaliações psicológicas têm sido requisitadas em todas as fases de encaminhamento dos casos, da notificação ao processo judicial. Desde a fase inicial ou investigativa, a criança pode passar por inúmeras intervenções (entrevistas, aplicação de testes psicológicos, etc), inclusive de psicólogos que não atuam diretamente com a justiça, mas que acabam colaborando no processo quanto à veracidade da situação de abuso. Não obstante possam ser vítimas de diversas violações de direitos, por vezes crianças e adolescentes entram em conflito com a lei. Nesse contexto, o décimo capítulo investiga a contribuição da aplicabilidade da entrevista terapêutica no processo de avaliação psicológica de adolescentes em conflito com a lei, descrevendo as características de adolescentes, explicando a função da Psicologia e elucidando entrevista terapêutica como ferramenta diferencial na avaliação psicológica desses adolescentes. Como metodologia foi realizada uma revisão bibliográfica, com base em livros e artigos científicos, com tratamento particular de publicações da área de Psicologia e da legislação específica sobre os direitos do adolescente. Como resultados, os adolescentes em conflitos com a lei apresentam características que se fundamentam em aspectos históricos, sociais e culturais e a entrevista terapêutica mostrou-se como importante na contribuição da avaliação psicológica desses adolescentes, uma vez que se dispõe como uma técnica de analise aberta, capaz de se ajustar a diferentes situações clínicas, com possibilidades de descobrir as subjetividades, conhecer comportamentos, indicar encaminhamentos ou fazer intervenções. Diante de uma realidade vivencial complexa e aprisionadora, a avalição psicológica é uma prática relacional, que visa com alteridade contribuir para incluir socialmente os adolescentes. É certo que a mudança comportamental dos adolescentes infratores requer apoio familiar e um trabalho multidisciplinar, que não comporta apenas o papel do Psicólogo, mas, o envolvimento do Estado e da sociedade como um todo em ações conjuntas, para efetivamente produzir transformações. Conclui-se que o estudo produziu uma discussão importante, por dispor conhecimentos para área da Psicologia, profissionais que atuam e para a sociedade, que podem melhor conhecer os espaços de intervenção, meios de atuação e a importância da psicologia neste contexto. Nessa linha de discussão que abarca questões relacionadas à saúde, o capítulo seguinte analisa a judicialização do direito à saúde. Esse direito, conforme o artigo 196 da Constituição Federal, pertence a todos e é dever do Estado fornecê-lo por meio de políticas públicas. Entretanto, a possibilidade de exercício por todos do referido direito fica limitada aos recursos disponíveis e por ações judiciais no âmbito do Sistema Único de Saúde (SUS). O objetivo geral, portanto, é analisar se a judicialização da saúde é a solução mais adequada para se obter uma vaga de leito de UTI no SUS. Assim, o trabalho descreve como o SUS regula a distribuição de leitos e reflete sobre o fenômeno da judicialização e o seu potencial ou não de efetivar esse direito com isonomia. Para a sustentação metodológica, o estudo utilizou de uma pesquisa qualitativa, com método fundamentado em análise de documentos e revisão bibliográfica a respeito do tema. Os resultados mostram que, embora o SUS estabeleça a quantidade de leitos de UTIs, alguns hospitais carecem de mais ofertas de leitos. Desta forma, é relevante ter um políticas públicas que efetivem o direito à saúde, em cumprimento às previsões legais. Nesse contexto de inefetividade do direito à saúde, o capítulo seguinte descreve o perfil das demandas judiciais referentes a medicamentos no município de Cuiabá – Mato Grosso, realizado na Defensoria Pública, em 2013, utilizando indicadores de Pepe. Foram analisadas 135 ações judiciais relativas às solicitações de medicamentos e 166 medicamentos requeridos nas mesmas. Em quatro dimensões (sócio demográficas do autor da ação judicial; processuais das ações judiciais; médico sanitárias das ações judiciais; político-administrativas das ações judiciais). As informações obtidas e delineadas no capítulo expõem o cenário da saúde frente a judicialização de medicamentos e as características dos indivíduos que abriram demandas contra o Estado ou o Município. Em preocupação com a saúde e a segurança alimentar dos brasileiros, o décimo terceiro capítulo discute o cabimento de arguição de descumprimento de preceito fundamental (ADPF) contra a nova política brasileira de agrotóxicos. A evolução clássica da política brasileira de agrotóxicos foi marcada pela ótica da proteção. Todavia, novos desafios, hoje, contrariam a política até então vigente e faz surgir um movimento, cada vez mais forte, pela flexibilização de normas. Nesse cenário, percebe-se o surgimento de uma nova política sobre tema, mas desta vez, tendo o agronegócio como protagonista. Desse modo, os efeitos desta nova política já são tangíveis, o que nos leva a discutir a constitucionalidade de tais ações. Posto isso, este trabalho tem como objetivo promover um debate acerca da existência de uma nova política brasileira sobre agrotóxicos em suas principais questões. Para realizar este trabalho, foram utilizados os tipos de pesquisa bibliográfica e documental, através da abordagem qualitativa. Conclui-se que a nova política de agrotóxicos é inconstitucional e, por consequência, atacável por meio da ADPF. Avançando na busca de efetivação de direitos humanos através de políticas públicas, o último capítulo investiga a necessidade de ressignificação das bases da teoria da execução para efetivar ações civis públicas em que se discutem tais políticas. Para tanto, utiliza-se de procedimento monográfico e bibliográfico. O estudo expõe as razões que levaram à judicialização da política, bem como traça diretrizes gerais sobre o atual panorama da execução. Aborda, ainda, a crise de efetividade da execução, que insiste em se valer de multas pelo descumprimento – que vêm sendo inefetivas para o cumprimento. Após essa discussão, o trabalho traz instrumentos jurídicos hábeis a colaborar com a concretização dos direitos. Espera-se que esta seleção de artigos científicos contribua, como obra coletiva, para avanços no conhecimento sobre políticas públicas como efetivadoras de direitos humanos, bem como sobre as múltiplas formas de participação popular na luta por tais direitos na sociedade contemporânea.

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.