Journal articles on the topic 'Sex role – Political aspects – United States'
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1
AGGARWAL, VINOD K., and ANDREW W. REDDIE. "New Economic Statecraft: Industrial Policy in an Era of Strategic Competition." Issues & Studies 56, no. 02 (June 2020): 2040006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1013251120400068.
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The 2018 U.S. National Defense Strategy notes that the United States faces “an increasingly complex global security environment, characterized by overt challenges to the free and open international order and the re-emergence of long-term, strategic competition between nations.” In the ensuing months, much has been made of the security-related aspects of this return to great power competition — including Donald Trump’s role in the decline of the existing arms control architecture, responses to Russia’s annexation of Ukraine, and China’s use of subconventional — or “gray zone” — military operations in the South China Sea. What this analysis tends to miss, however, are the economic dimensions of strategic competition. To address the question of how insights from international political economy and security studies can be usefully combined to examine strategic competition, we examine how economic statecraft increasingly takes the form of economic policy beyond sanctions regimes. We argue that economic statecraft has become an increasingly central aspect of geostrategic consideration and consider how economic statecraft is being transformed in the current era.
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Taxel, Joel. "Multicultural Literature and the Politics of Reaction." Teachers College Record: The Voice of Scholarship in Education 98, no. 3 (March 1997): 417–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016146819709800302.
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The social climate of the United States of today is dramatically different from that which gave birth to multicultural children's literature. Conservatism's rise to political ascendancy has sharpened the contentious “culture wars” that surround virtually all aspects of American culture. One important dimension of today's conservative movement is a backlash against the multicultural movement. Conservative defenders of the traditional literary canon, for example, see multicultural literature as a threat to the very fabric of Western civilization. Within children's literature circles, charges abound that advocates of multicultural literature are ignoring traditional literary values and are focusing instead on ill-defined notions of “political correctness.” This article explores this complex issue and the challenges it poses to those concerned with the creation, production, distribution, and consumption of children's literature. The discussion addresses questions that speak to the very nature and function of children's literature: its status as art, as entertainment, as a source of role models and ideology for children's “impressionable” minds. Also discussed is the relation between the politically charged question of whether books about African Americans are to be written only by African Americans, books about Native Americans by Native Americans, and so forth, and the freedom of writers to write without restriction.
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Murodjon, Berdimuradov. "THE ROLE OF AGRICULTURAL ECONOMY IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF CENTRAL ASIAN COUNTRIES IN THE 21ST CENTURY." European International Journal of Multidisciplinary Research and Management Studies 02, no. 10 (October 1, 2022): 185–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.55640/eijmrms-02-10-35.
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With the collapse of the Soviet Union in the 1991s Central Asian nations and Japan established diplomatic relations and partnerships began to increase steadily as manifested by the level of official contacts. In 1997 the “Silk Road” Diplomacy concept was formulated for Japan’s policy toward Central Asia. At the beginning of the 21st century, we see the activation of new actors including India, Korea, and Japan in Central Asia, which were mainly welcomed in the region. Tokyo recognized the growing strategic importance of Central Asia in the context of international security and sought to play a more active role as an Asian nation in Eurasia. During two decades Central Asian nations and Japan began to increase steadily. Japan is one of the largest assistants to Central Asia in structural reforms and Japanese investments in the different aspects of the region's economy and transport communication add up to several billion. There are several areas of special interest to Japan in its relations with Central Asia, including cooperation in education, economic development of the region, political reforms, as well as energy resources. Japan’s effort in creating the “Central Asia plus Japan” dialog is part of its multilateral diplomacy. At the same time, there are some challenges and problems in Central Asia–Japan relations. However, there are potentialities for future bilateral and multilateral relations. Japan like Korea, India, and other countries has a strong positive image in Central Asia, which could be regarded as an additional factor for fostering partnerships between Central and East Asia as well as interregional relations with the vast Asian continent and beyond. This article explores the interests of the Central Asian states as members of the SCO, and their compatibility with the SCO goals. This study shows that the SCO is compatible with the Central Asian states' security and economic interests, regional cooperation, and the need for balanced relations with the great powers— China, Russia, and the United States.
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SONG, XINNING. "European ‘models’ and their implications to China: internal and external perspectives." Review of International Studies 36, no. 3 (July 2010): 755–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210510000835.
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AbstractEuropean Studies in China developed very rapidly in the last twenty years. The reasons for that are not only because of the smooth evolution of EU-China relations and wider and deeper economic interdependence between two economic giants, but also the relevance of the European models to China's domestic political and social development, as well as China's external relations. The article reviews the evolution of the European Studies in China and finds out that more and more research on European affairs relates to China's internal and external development. Two major aspects of the learning process are exploited further. Firstly, European models for China's domestic political and social development, including European party politics and Democratic Socialism, European social policy and social security systems, and European regional policies. Secondly, European models for China's foreign policy and external relations, including European neighbourhood policy, European concept of effective multilateralism, Europe as an example of peaceful rise, and functionalism as the way to East Asian regional integration. The EU or Europe has higher profile in China than any other Asia Pacific country. From the domestic political and social development and China's preference in international affairs we can see the silhouette of the European models. Chinese would like to learn more from Europe than the United States. It also shows clearly that the role of the EU as a social power.
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Idris, Idris, and Taufik Rachmat Nugraha. "Does the International Community Have Efforts to Protect the Marine Environment from Seabed Mining?" Sriwijaya Law Review 5, no. 2 (July 31, 2021): 273. http://dx.doi.org/10.28946/slrev.vol5.iss2.1017.pp273-286.
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Through the United Nations, the international community is seriously paying attention to the use of seabed areas as regulated by the Law of the Sea Convention 1982, which states that the area and its resources are the common heritage of humankind. The 1994 Agreement has implemented chapter XI. The resources are relating to the state's interests in terms of energy exploration and environmental impact aspects. An increasing need for global electronic products by many countries in which of the components are rare minerals. Various minerals such as manganese, polymetallic nodules, and polymetallic sulphur are lying down in the seabed. However, seabed also had an essential role in keeping the marine ecosystem balanced. On the one hand, the human's need for those minerals also cannot be denied. Draft of regulations by the International Seabed Authority to manage deep-sea mining are still insufficient to prevent irrevocable damage to the marine ecosystem and loss of essentials species for the next. On the other hand, the spirit of Sustainable Development Goals 14 concerns life underwater. This paper examines deep-sea mining science from a legal perspective to protect and preserve seabed for the future generation using normative approach describing norms and principles in the Law of the Sea Convention 1982. As a result, the commercialisation of deep-sea mining violates the principle of the convention. Thus, it needs to encourage ISA to enhance the minimum requirements for all contracting parties in the future.
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Koshkin, P. "Information and political aspects of the Covid-19 pandemic in the United States." Pathways to Peace and Security, no. 2 (2020): 120–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2307-1494-2020-2-120-132.
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The COVID-19 pandemic became the main catalyst of the so-called infodemic in the sphere of public information and communications. The article is an attempt to systematize and conceptualize informational and political aspects of the COVID-19 pandemic in the United States. First, the author explains how the Trump administration responded to the COVID-19 outbreak in the United States both domestically and internationally and how it presented its anti-coronavirus policy to the public. Second, the article analyzes the role of journalists, experts and politicians in instigating or curbing the COVID-19-driven ― infodemic‖ in the United States as coronavirus paved the way for global spread.
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Beer, Caroline, and Victor D. Cruz-Aceves. "Extending Rights to Marginalized Minorities: Same-Sex Relationship Recognition in Mexico and the United States." State Politics & Policy Quarterly 18, no. 1 (January 17, 2018): 3–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532440017751421.
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What explains the extension of greater rights to traditionally marginalized minorities? This article compares the extension of legal equality to lebian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) people in Mexico and the United States with a focus on the legal recognition of same-sex relationships. A national-level comparison of gay rights in Mexico and the United States presents a theoretical puzzle: most theories predict that the United States would have more egalitarian policies than Mexico, but in fact, Mexico has provided greater legal equality for LGBT people for a longer time than the United States. A subnational analysis of equal relationship rights in the United States and Mexico provides evidence to support social movement and partisan theories of minority rights. We find that religion plays a different role in Mexico than in the United States. The different findings at the national and subnational levels suggest the importance of subnational comparative analysis in heterogeneous federal systems.
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Figueredo, Darío Salinas. "The United States and Latin America: Beyond Free Trade." Critical Sociology 38, no. 2 (September 9, 2011): 195–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920511419905.
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Trade policies have long been configured into the history of Latin America. In virtually all such policies, US interests can be readily discerned. Recent experiences in a neoliberal context have witnessed a rearrangement of interests, forces, and scenarios at the global level. The weakening of the role of the state in allocating resources and in defining national agendas has been notable. Wherever proposals for democratization have appeared and have sought to distance themselves from hegemonic policies, the issues of free trade and commerce begin to reveal important aspects of interrelationship between development, regional integration, cooperation, and security.
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Pierceson, Jason. "Same-sex Marriage in Canada and the United States: The Role of Political and Legal Culture." American Review of Canadian Studies 44, no. 3 (July 3, 2014): 321–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02722011.2014.939421.
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Davis, M. Elaine. "Archaeology education and the political landscape of American schools." Antiquity 74, no. 283 (March 2000): 194–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00066369.
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Education, a primary mode for transmitting society's knowledge, values and beliefs, is a highly political endeavour. To understand fully the place of archaeology within the framework of public education in the United States, some background in the broader political landscape and sanctioned curricula in American schools is necessary. This article examines some key aspects of these issues, including governmental control of education, the ‘history of history’ in schools, and the appropriation of the past. It also looks at the status of archaeology education in the United States and considers an appropriate role for pre-college archaeology.
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Meier, Mike. "Criteria Relating to Eligibility for ‘Asylum’ and ‘Withholding of Deportation’ in the United States." Leiden Journal of International Law 2, no. 1 (May 1989): 49–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156500001072.
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This article deals with recent developments in the United States' refugee legislation and policies. After an examination of the relevant procedural aspects, the author discusses several concepts and criteria that play an important role in the decision whether an alien will be granted asylum in the United States. Despite recent jurisprudence, the related concepts of ‘wellfounded fear’ and ‘clear probability’ of persecution remain vague and illdefined. Thus, according to the author, it is doubtful whether the present standards of United States refugee law contribute to the protection of truly politically persecuted. Besides, the concept of ‘safe haven’ should not replace the concept of ‘firm resettlement’.
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OTHMAN, Suha Adel. "NOBUSUKE KISHI AND HIS ROLE IN JAPANESE POLITICS (1957- 1960)." Rimak International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 4, no. 1 (January 1, 2022): 41–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.15.4.
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The study touched on an important topic in Japan, which is (Prime Minister of Japan Nobusuke Kishi from 1957-1960) and he also had an "important political role because of his great importance to Japan, where in this year (1957) he became the Prime Minister of Japan and had a great role in his proximity It was also characterized by a policy of establishing good relations with European countries for joint cooperation in order to establish friendly relations and establish security agreements, especially with the United States of America. Nobusuke Kishi was the great statesman, especially in the field of economy, and he was loved by the United States of America because of its strong and reassuring relations with him. The study was divided into an introduction, a conclusion, and three sections. The first topic dealt with Nobusuke Kishi, his life and political role until 1957. While the second topic spoke to Nobusuke Kishi's internal policy in Japan, as well as regarding the third topic, it shed light on it, dealing with Nobusuke Kishi's foreign policy. Finally, it should be noted that Nobusuke Kishi's political role still needs more studies and research, especially since this modest effort touched on one aspect of the political aspect. We hope that later studies will address the economic, social and cultural aspects that had an important impact on Japan's policy and in In conclusion. Key words: Nobusuke Kishi, Japan, Political, United States of America, Foreign Policy.
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Hershberg, James G. "The United States, Brazil, and the Cuban Missile Crisis, 1962 (Part 2)." Journal of Cold War Studies 6, no. 3 (July 2004): 5–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/1520397041447364.
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Though virtually ignored in the historiography, Brazil played an intriguing role in the politics and diplomacy of the Cuban missile crisis and in U.S. Cuban relations during the Kennedy administration. In the years after Fidel Castro took power, successive Brazilian governments tried secretly to mediate between Washington and Havana as their mutual confrontation intensified. Newly available U.S., Brazilian, Cuban, and other sources reveal that this role climaxed during the missile crisis, as John F. Kennedy clandestinely sought to employ Brazil to transmit a message to Castro. In turn, Brazil, which was also promoting a Latin American denuclearization scheme at the United Nations as a possible means of resolving the crisis, sought to broker a formula for U.S. Cuban reconciliation that would heighten the prestige of its own “independent”policy in the Cold War. Ultimately, these efforts failed, but they shed light on previously hidden aspects of both the missile crisis and the triangular U.S. Cuban-Brazilian relationship. This is the concluding part of a two-part article.
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Travkina, Natalya. "The Ambivalent Role of the Ukrainian Factor in US Domestic Policy." Russia and America in the 21st Century, no. 4 (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760021659-1.
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The financial and economic turmoil of the XXI century has led to the fact that in the United States, domestic policy has gradually become dominant over foreign policy. In this regard, it would not be an exaggeration to say that foreign policy in a number of its key aspects has become a logical and integral continuation of the domestic political course of various American administrations, including the administration of J. Biden. In the conditions of the growing socio-economic crisis, which took the form of the "Biden recession", the democratic administration, which proved unable to cope with the growing wave of internal problems, firmly took the course of using the Ukrainian crisis to divert the attention of the broad strata of American society from the increasingly escalating domestic political problems, hoping at the same time, if not to maintain control over the US Congress, then at least minimize their losses in the upcoming midterm elections in November 2022. At the same time, the use of the "Ukrainian card" potentially gives the administration of J. Biden at the end of this year to use instruments of direct control over the political system of the United States, which are at the disposal of the head of the executive branch of government and the Supreme commander of the United States.
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Field, Kenneth. "Thematic Mapping: This Is My Truth Tell Me Yours." Abstracts of the ICA 1 (July 15, 2019): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/ica-abs-1-80-2019.
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<p><strong>Abstract.</strong> How many maps can you make using a single thematic dataset? One? Ten? A hundred? More…? It turns out there’s not really an answer and yet the answer you may have provided will be determined by many different influences. You may be a trained cartographer and, so your immediate reaction will have likely been ‘quite a few’ but without fixating on a specific number. You may be new to map-making and simply don’t know, even, if it’s a trick question. Is there a finite number? You may use a particular software product and are guided by the number of options available to you out-of-thebox. Or, perhaps you have a very clear map in mind for a given dataset.</p><p> So let’s expand the question a bit. How many maps can you make of the results of the 2016 United States Presidential election contested by Donald J. Trump and Hillary R. Clinton? Does that make the choice any clearer? Well that’s the task of this presentation. And the answer, while not being infinite, is that there are likely as many choices you can make in selecting a map type and then designing it as you can imagine. And that’s the job of a cartographer whose specialist expertise is to assess a dataset and then deliberate over how to map it to convey some aspect of its character to an audience. And all of those decisions are mediated by various contexts. Who is the map for? (general audience or partisan readership?) What type of medium will be used (digital or print? for a cellphone or a newspaper?). How big should the map be? Will it be constrained in any way by that? And do you want a map that shows incredible detail or an overview? Or is it designed to relay the results empirically or, perhaps be used simply to grab attention? More questions!</p><p> President Trump used the map in Figure 1 to report on his own victory. During one of his first press conferences, Reuters quotes Trump as saying “Here, you can take that, that’s the final map of the numbers. It’s pretty good, right? The red is obviously us.”</p><p> Yet Trump’s map was roundly criticized (mostly by non-Republicans) as being a fake map. It presented a somewhat biased view of the results with huge swathes of red being used to promote the idea that victory was garnered from far and wide. More red gives the impression. Yet the map focuses very much on the geography of the United States which has a hugely dispersed population with large areas very sparsely populated and many highly populated places being seen relatively smaller on the map. Red naturally dominates this particular view yet it speaks to Trump’s truth and is exactly the map to use to deliver his view. Had Clinton won, there would have been a very different looking map built from the same data yet persuading us of how blue victory was. Trump’s victory was marginal. Clinton won the popular vote but that’s irrelevant because that’s not how the result of the American democratic voting system is counted.</p><p> Quoting former British Prime Minister Harold Wilson: “a week is a long time in politics”. The same might be said about electoral cartography. For many, elections provide a fascinating sideshow in seeing how the results are handled cartographically. In framing the presentation, I’ll use recent United Kingdom elections to briefly review shifts in cartographic style and the emergence of a fascinating consensus in terms of map type, style and functionality. I’ll also explore some of the maps from the 2016 Presidential election that we saw across the media. The geographies of two massively different countries account for some differences in approach but consumer preference also creates different demands in the map reader. Approaches range from the purely functional to beautifully imaginative and innovative artistic representations. I finish by sharing my own attempts to map recent political events, both artistically and to challenge and extend the palette of political thematic cartography.</p><p> I’ll then present some original work that uses the 2016 Presidential election data to provide a way of looking at thematic mapping. The benefit of using a single dataset is that it gives an immediate visual comparison across the many different maps. It gives a baseline for understanding how the maps differ and provides an accessible catalogue of design choices for people to use as a guide to mapping in different, interesting and compelling ways. Throughout, I’ll explore many of the small decisions that a cartographer might consider in their choices because each map type brings with it a range of benefits, drawbacks and aspects to consider, and these all play a major role in what your map will end up looking like and how it will be read and interpreted.</p><p> I provide a catalogue of options showcasing the 2016 Presidential election results (Figure 2). Election data provide an extremely rich source of opportunities to underpin the maps to be made and a great way to demonstrate how cartography plays a critical role in the different truths that can be told. Very few, if any, maps are ‘right or wrong’ but they all tell shades of a different truth and speak to different agendas.</p><p> This aspect is critical to understanding how to match your maps to your story. With that in mind, of course, some maps will speak more to a Republican agenda, some more to a Democrat agenda and some would be seen as more neutral. That’s inevitable as there are as many ways to make a persuasive, partisan map as there are an objective map. And what of a map’s objectivity anyway? Maps are rarely made outside of a system that involves human input and while we might like to think that our maps are objective, our very involvement brings subjectivity to the party. Learning how to control subjective tendencies, manage our personal influences and make clear judgements can help you not only tell a better story through your map, but also limit the potential for your map to be seen as politically charged or partisan. Unless, of course, that is what you set out to do in the first place.</p><p> Maps, then, are tangible objects that add stature to debates, poll results, and the reporting of results which give them a sense of realism where perhaps one should not be presumed to yet exist. They report some aspect. That’s as much as they can ever do. And they can be portrayed in different ways so the map reader has to be aware of the possible biases or uncertainties inherent in any map, not just political ones.</p><p> Maps also give newspapers, web and broadcast media (as well as political commentators) a way to flex their technological and design muscles in a game of carto-one-up-manship. We often see some fascinating and innovative cartography used in reporting election results. People’s fascination with the picture of the results is experienced through the cartographies used and, often, the more dramatic the image, the more attention it gets. Maps are a battleground in their own right and used as a way to lure viewers to their coverage, to support their version of the truth as opposed to a competitor’s truth, as much as they are simply a vehicle to report the results. What is truth anyway though? As far as electoral cartography goes, there are many different shades of the truth.</p>
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Dunn, Kris, and Judd R. Thornton. "Vote intent and beliefs about democracy in the United States." Party Politics 24, no. 4 (September 15, 2016): 455–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068816668677.
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Democracy is an abstract and murky concept. This is particularly apparent in the wide variety of beliefs about democracy held by publics around the globe. Within democracies, political parties often define and name themselves with reference to a particular understanding of democracy. This article focuses on this partisan division in understanding democracy. We suggest that parties will attract those who share similar beliefs about democracy. Specifically, we look at whether differences in beliefs about democracy predict party support in the United States. Examining the responses of US participants to the fifth wave of the World Values Survey, we find that differences on a number of “essential” aspects of democracy among individuals predict vote intent (and party identification). Those more likely to understand democracy as a form of government that promotes civil liberties and the redistribution of wealth to protect the vulnerable are more likely to vote Democrat. Those who report stronger associations between democracy and both religious interpretation of laws and severe punishment of criminals are more likely to vote Republican. This research reinforces the idea that policy differences between the two main parties in the United States may derive from different understandings of the role of government in society.
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DeKeseredy, Walter S., Amanda Hall-Sanchez, and James Nolan. "College Campus Sexual Assault: The Contribution of Peers’ Proabuse Informational Support and Attachments to Abusive Peers." Violence Against Women 24, no. 8 (September 19, 2017): 922–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077801217724920.
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Since the mid-1980s, researchers across the United States have uncovered high rates of sexual assault among female college students. However, to advance a better understanding of this gendered type of victimization, and to both prevent and control this problem, the research community needs to identify its major correlates. One that is consistently uncovered in North American campus survey work is negative peer support, especially that provided by male peers. Yet, some earlier studies have found that mixed-sex negative peer support, too, contributes to campus sexual assault. Using recent data from the Campus Quality of Life Survey conducted at a large residential school in the South Atlantic region of the United States, the main objectives of this article are to examine the role of mixed-sex negative peer support in campus sexual assault and to identify the groups of women most at risk of having friends who offer such support.
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van der Toorn, Jojanneke, John T. Jost, Dominic J. Packer, Sharareh Noorbaloochi, and Jay J. Van Bavel. "In Defense of Tradition: Religiosity, Conservatism, and Opposition to Same-Sex Marriage in North America." Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 43, no. 10 (July 22, 2017): 1455–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0146167217718523.
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Arguments opposing same-sex marriage are often made on religious grounds. In five studies conducted in the United States and Canada (combined N = 1,673), we observed that religious opposition to same-sex marriage was explained, at least in part, by conservative ideology and linked to sexual prejudice. In Studies 1 and 2, we discovered that the relationship between religiosity and opposition to same-sex marriage was mediated by explicit sexual prejudice. In Study 3, we saw that the mediating effect of sexual prejudice was linked to political conservatism. Finally, in Studies 4a and 4b we examined the ideological underpinnings of religious opposition to same-sex marriage in more detail by taking into account two distinct aspects of conservative ideology. Results revealed that resistance to change was more important than opposition to equality in explaining religious opposition to same-sex marriage.
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Hershberg, James G. "The United States, Brazil, and the Cuban Missile Crisis, 1962 (Part 1)." Journal of Cold War Studies 6, no. 2 (April 2004): 3–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152039704773254740.
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Though virtually ignored in the historiography, Brazil played an intriguing role in the politics and diplomacy of the Cuban missile crisis and in U.S. Cuban relations during the Kennedy administration. In the years after Fidel Castro took power, successive Brazilian governments tried secretly to mediate between the United States and Cuba as the two countries' mutual confrontation intensified. Newly available U.S., Brazilian, Cuban, and other sources reveal that this role climaxed during the missile crisis, as John F. Kennedy clandestinely sought to employ Brazil to transmit a message to Castro. In turn, Brazil, which was also promoting a Latin American denuclearization scheme at the United Nations as a possible method to resolve the crisis, sought to broker a formula for U.S. Cuban reconciliation that would heighten the prestige of its own “independent” policy in the Cold War. Ultimately, these efforts failed, but they shed light on previously hidden aspects of both the missile crisis and the triangular U.S. Cuban—Brazilian relationship. Thefirst part of this two—part article sets the scene for an in—depth look at the Cuban missile crisis, which will be covered in Part 2 of the article in the next issue of the journal.
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Lawrence, Philip K. "Strategy, Hegemony and Ideology: The Role of Intellectuals." Political Studies 44, no. 1 (March 1996): 44–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1996.tb00756.x.
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This article argues that in the United States international relations scholars and political scientists have been significantly involved in the articulation of critical areas of state policy, especially in the arena of national security. The political significance of this is not merely a matter of individuals influencing policy; it concerns the construction of modes of discourse which legitimize aspects of state policy. In the problematic domain of nuclear strategic theory this has been pivotal in providing élites with a language which neutralized the political threat created by policies of nuclear apocalypse. Thus the power of intellectuals must be seen as more than a question of institutional location. It resides partly in the creation of discourse which constitutes the symbolic reality of political argumentation.
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Reire, Gunda. "Small States in the United Nations Security Council: Legal and Conceptual Aspects versus Practical Perspective." SOCRATES. Rīgas Stradiņa universitātes Juridiskās fakultātes elektroniskais juridisko zinātnisko rakstu žurnāls / SOCRATES. Rīga Stradiņš University Faculty of Law Electronic Scientific Journal of Law 3, no. 21 (2021): 90–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.25143/socr.21.2021.3.090-104.
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The article focuses on the prospects for work conducted by small states in the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) and examines two aspects which frame the work of small states in the UNSC – the legal aspect (institutional and procedural) and the conceptual aspect (the concept of small states), comparing them with the work and achievements of small states in praxis. The aim of the article is to provide qualitative and comparative analysis of small states’ work in the UNSC, to outline legal and political interpretation of their activities and to compare legal and conceptual framework with the practical perspective. The research is designed to be relevant for Latvia in the context of its candidature for a non-permanent seat of the UNSC at the elections in 2025, and it analyses cases of Lithuania’s and Estonia’s membership. The author of the article argues that despite the minimal role provided for the small states in the UNSC by international law and the theoretical concept, cases of Lithuania and Estonia show that the practical perspective proves a much higher capability, influence and ability of small states to profile themselves actively within the global agenda while at the same time remaining in the aforementioned legal and conceptual boundaries. This can happen under circumstances where there are minor systemic challengers, lack of triggers for security of small states, and overlapping of the international security agenda and their field of expertise. Keywords: United Nations, Security Council, small states, the Baltic States.
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Machaj, Łukasz. "Między sankcjonowaniem kryminalizacji aktów homoseksualnych a konstytucjonalizacją małżeństw osób tej samej płci — przyczynek do rozważań o roli Sądu Najwyższego w Stanach Zjednoczonych." Studenckie Prace Prawnicze, Administratywistyczne i Ekonomiczne 28 (September 26, 2019): 377–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1733-5779.28.27.
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Sąd Najwyższy Stanów Zjednoczonych odgrywa fundamentalną rolę w amerykańskim porządku ustrojowym, a formułowane przezeń rozstrzygnięcia wywierają ogromny wpływ na prawne, polityczne, społeczne i ekonomiczne oblicze USA. Jednym z najważniejszych punktów spornych w dyskursie aksjologiczno-prawnym w Stanach Zjednoczonych w ciągu ostatnich dekad była kwestia konstytucyjnego prawa/roszczenia osób o orientacji homoseksualnej do równego traktowania. Artykuł analizuje w tym kontekście trzy orzeczenia SN, to jest Bowers vs. Hardwick uprawomocnienie penalizacji konsensualnej aktywności seksualnej, Lawrence vs. Texas refutacja poprzedniego rozstrzygnięcia oraz Obergefell vs. Hodges konstytucjonalizacja prawa osób tej samej płci do zawierania związków małżeńskich. Autor formułuje zarazem — na podstawie powyższej analizy — generalne hipotezy dotyczące związku pomiędzy rzeczywistością społeczną czy też polityczną a interpretacjami ustaw zasadniczych werbalizowanymi przez sądy konstytucyjne. Between criminalization of homosexual activity and constitutionalization of same-sex marriage — some remarks on the role of the Supreme Court in the United StatesThe Supreme Court of the United States plays a fundamental role in the American political system; its decisions exert a crucial influence on the legal, political, social and economic reality in the United States. One of the most important and contentious points in the legal and axiological discourse in the United States for the past three decades has been the question of the constitutional right/claim of homosexuals to equal treatment and equal protection of laws. The article analyzes in this context three landmark cases, i.e. Bowers v. Hardwick the legitimization of the penalization of consensual sexual activity with respect to homosexuals, Lawrence v. Texas the abolition of the previous decision and Obergefell v. Hodges the constitutionalization of the right to same-sex marraiges. The article formulates — on the basis of this analysis — certain general hypotheses regarding the relations between the social and political reality and interpretations of constitutions issues by constitutional courts.
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Blanton, Robert G., Shannon Lindsey Blanton, and Dursun Peksen. "Confronting human trafficking: The role of state capacity." Conflict Management and Peace Science 37, no. 4 (August 10, 2018): 471–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894218789875.
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While human trafficking occupies a prominent place on the global policy agenda, many aspects of this phenomenon remain empirically underdeveloped. We examine the role of state capacity in these illicit supply chains, positing that trafficking flows may persist because even well-intentioned states might lack the requisite capacity to take effective action. Along those lines, we assess the impact of two facets of state capacity, bureaucratic efficacy and fiscal capacity, upon the probability of a country being a source or destination for the two types of human trafficking, forced labor and prostitution. We find that state capacity, particularly fiscal capacity, is significantly related to reduced labor and sex trafficking at both the source and destination levels.
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Elias, Vicky L., Andrew S. Fullerton, and Joseph M. Simpson. "Long-Term Changes in Attitudes Toward Premarital Sex in the United States: Reexamining the Role of Cohort Replacement." Journal of Sex Research 52, no. 2 (September 2, 2013): 129–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00224499.2013.798610.
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Grigoriev, M. N., I. A. Maksimtsev, and S. A. Uvarov. "Improvement of Supply Chain Management in the United States as a Strategic Direction for the Economic Policy of the Biden-Harris Administration." Economics and Management 27, no. 11 (November 30, 2021): 850–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.35854/1998-1627-2021-11-850-857.
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Aim. The presented study aims to analyze changes in the economic and political systems of the United States associated with the transformation of approaches to supply chain regulation.Tasks. The authors identify the specific aspects of regulating social, economic, political, and other processes in the United States through presidential executive directives; assess the extent to which issues related to supply chain management are reflected in executive directives; analyze the specific features of supply chain management regulation in the United States in the BidenHarris administration.Methods. This study uses general scientific research methods (analysis, synthesis, comparison, generalization, etc.) as well as special methods such as content analysis, economic and political analysis, and scenario modeling.Results. The study makes it evident that in the United States great attention is paid to supply chain management issues at the national level, and this is reflected in presidential executive directives. Activity in this area has increased significantly in the Biden-Harris administration. All key ministries are becoming involved in supply chain management, with an emphasis on ensuring national and economic security and maintaining the political, military, and economic leadership of the United States in the world.Conclusions. The economy and politics of the United States continue to play an important role in the development of mankind. Investigation of the emerging specific trends in these areas helps to adequately respond to future changes. The executive directives of the US President serve as a meaningful source of information about such trends. Their analysis shows that the Biden-Harris administration seeks to highlight the improvement of supply chain management in the United States as one of the strategic directions of the implemented policy.
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Stark, Evan. "Reconsidering State Intervention in Domestic Violence Cases." Social Policy and Society 5, no. 1 (January 2006): 149–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746405002824.
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This review assesses a law and criminal justice based approach to domestic violence from the vantage of recent reports from the advocacy movement in the United States (DasGupta, ‘Safety and justice for all’) and Amnesty International (It's in your hands: stop violence against women) and the work of legal scholar Linda Mills. The US movement is hardly alone in wrestling with how to reconcile the state's indispensable role in securing safety, support and liberty for victims with its equally undeniable role in perpetuating the patterns of sex, race and class inequality and privilege from which woman abuse stems and from which it continues to derive legitimacy.
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Stephan, Paul. "The US Context of the Restatement of the Law (Fourth): The Foreign Relations Law of the United States." European Journal of International Law 32, no. 4 (November 1, 2021): 1415–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ejil/chab091.
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Abstract This article describes the creation and development of the Restatement of the Law (Fourth): The Foreign Relations Law of the United States from the perspective of its coordinating reporter. The article first describes how the American Law Institute goes about creating restatements of the law, emphasizing aspects of the process that a European audience might find unfamiliar. It looks at aspects of the US legal system, especially the significant role of the judiciary as authors of law, and explains how this role shapes a document that has US judges as one of its significant audiences. It then discusses how conflict over the content of foreign relations law and the role of international law in US domestic law affects the Restatement and how the reporters seek to navigate these troubled waters. Finally, it explores the areas where the new Restatement (Fourth) parts company with its famous predecessor, the Restatement (Third), supervised by the late professor Louis Henkin. The article argues that the changes represent two things: a transformation of the world of foreign relations in the 35 years since the earlier work and a corresponding move towards modesty on the part of the professors who made this Restatement.
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Haynes, John Earl. "The Cold War Debate Continues: A Traditionalist View of Historical Writing on Domestic Communism and Anti-Communism." Journal of Cold War Studies 2, no. 1 (January 2000): 76–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/15203970051032381.
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This article reviews the huge Cold War-era and post-Cold War literature on American Communism and anti-Communism in the United States. These issues have long been the subject of heated scholarly debate. The recent opening of archives in Russia and other former Communist countries and the release of translated Venona documents in the United States have shed new light on key aspects of the American Communist Party that were previously unknown or undocumented. The new evidence has underscored the Soviet Union's tight control of the party and the crucial role that American Communists played in Soviet espionage. The release of all this documentation has been an unwelcome development for scholars who have long been sympathetic to the Communist movement.
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Wilson, Henrietta. "Preventing the Proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction: What Role for Arms Control? A German-American Dialogue - Oliver Thränert (ed.) Bonn: Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, 1999, 154 pp. ISBN:3-86077-833-1. Friedrick-Ebert-Stiftung, Hiroshimastraße 17, D-10785 Berlin, Germany." Politics and the Life Sciences 19, no. 1 (March 2000): 117–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0730938400009011.
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The geopolitical positions currently occupied by the United States and Germany should be of interest to students of international arms control regimes. The former enters the twenty-first century empowered by its political, military, and economic weight, yet unable to respond to the global responsibilities entailed by this. In contrast, Germany has come to represent the less militaristic aspects of modern Western sensibilities, and has had to face the political problems of post-cold-war Europe more directly than other Western states.
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Cawkwell, Thomas W. "Narrative Misdirection? UK Strategic Communication for Afghanistan and Beyond." Critical Sociology 45, no. 3 (March 2, 2018): 379–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920517748455.
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Britain’s war in Afghanistan – specifically its latter stages, where the UK’s role and casualties sustained in the conflict rose dramatically – coincided with the institutional emergence of Ministry of Defence-led ‘Strategic Communication’. This article examines the circumstances through which domestic strategic communication developed within the UK state and the manner in which the ‘narratives’ supporting Britain’s role in Afghanistan were altered, streamlined and ‘securitised’. I argue that securitising the Afghanistan narrative was undertaken with the intention of misdirecting an increasingly sceptical UK public from the failure of certain aspects of UK counter-insurgency strategy – specifically its counter-narcotics and stabilisation efforts – by focusing on counter-terrorism, and of avoiding difficult questions about the UK’s transnational foreign and defence policy outlook vis-à-vis the United States by asserting that Afghanistan was primarily a ‘national security’ issue. I conclude this article by arguing that the UK’s domestic strategic communication approach of emphasising ‘national security interests’ may have created the conditions for institutionalised confusion by reinforcing a narrow, self-interested narrative of Britain’s role in the world that runs counter to its ongoing, ‘transnationalised’ commitments to collective security through the United States and NATO.
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Mora, G. Cristina. "POLITICAL PARTIES, IMMIGRATION, AND PANETHNICITY." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 14, no. 2 (2017): 665–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x17000157.
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AbstractMost studies on panethnicity have focused on the United States, leaving researchers with little understanding of how it becomes institutionalized in areas with different racial politics and histories. Drawing on fifty-two in-depth interviews with Latin American immigrant leaders, political party operatives, and bureaucrats, in addition to fourteen weeks of participant observation, I examine the establishment of panethnic Latino coalitions in the Barcelona, Spain, which has witnessed a sharp increase in Latin American migration. I argue that unlike in the United States, in Spain political parties play a critical role in establishing panethnic coalitions. They do so by enabling the development of panethnic civic organizations that they hope will be politically loyal to them. Latin American immigrant leaders respond to these efforts by cooperating with parties while also resisting political pressure. Specifically, immigrant leaders forge networks with one another that cross party lines, use media to promote the nonpartisan aspects of panethnicity, and construct cultural and instrumental narratives about panethnic unity. These strategies help immigrant leaders weather political shifts and make panethnicity seem to have arisen organically. Panethnicity is forged as a strategic, cultural, and experiential form of community identification precisely through this interaction between parties, immigrant leaders, and media. Implications for understanding how panethnicity becomes institutionalized and avenues for further international research on panethnicity are discussed.
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Avey, Paul C. "Confronting Soviet Power: U.S. Policy during the Early Cold War." International Security 36, no. 4 (April 2012): 151–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00079.
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Many self-identified realist, liberal, and constructivist scholars contend that ideology played a critical role in generating and shaping the United States' decision to confront the Soviet Union in the early Cold War. A close look at the history reveals that these ideological arguments fail to explain key aspects of U.S. policy. Contrary to ideological explanations, the United States initially sought to cooperate with the Soviet Union, did not initially pressure communist groups outside the Soviet orbit, and later sought to engage communist groups that promised to undermine Soviet power. The U.S. decision to confront the Soviets stemmed instead from the distribution of power. U.S. policy shifted toward a confrontational approach as the balance of power in Eurasia tilted in favor of the Soviet Union. In addition, U.S. leaders tended to think and act in a manner consistent with balance of power logic. The primacy of power over ideology in U.S. policymaking—given the strong liberal tradition in the United States and the large differences between U.S. and Soviet ideology—suggests that relative power concerns are the most important factors in generating and shaping confrontational foreign policies.
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Fletcher, Jamie, and Jane Marriott. "Beyond the Market: The Role of Constitutions in Health Care System Convergence in the United States of America and the United Kingdom." Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 42, no. 4 (2014): 455–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jlme.12168.
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Two narratives have emerged to describe recent health care reforms in the United States of America (US) and the United Kingdom (UK). One narrative speaks of revolution, that the adoptions of the Affordable Care Act 2010 (ACA) in the US, and the Health and Social Care Act 2012 (HSCA) in the UK, have resulted in fundamental, large-scale philosophical, political and legal change in the jurisdictions’ respective health care systems. The other narrative evokes evolution, identifying each new legislative scheme as a natural development of existing governance structures. Policymakers in both the US and UK face the problem of a health care system which, as traditionally envisaged, cannot offer universal access to health care at a reasonable, or politically acceptable, price
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Slee, Phillip T., and Darryl G. Gross. "Children's and Adolescents' Fears and the Threat of Nuclear War: an Australian Study." Children Australia 13, no. 1 (1988): 15–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0312897000001764.
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As adults, it is tempting to dismiss children's fears of such things as animals, the supernatural and physical events as vivid aspects of their imagination and to reassure ourselves that such fears are relatively minor or of limited concern. To this extent adults fail to realise children's fears reflect something of their understanding of the world and their place in it. To date, there has been very little research conducted in Australia on the nature and extent of children's fears. However, research conducted in the United States and Europe has identified a number of features of fears including sex differences and age trends.
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Hocking, Brian, and Donna Lee. "The Diplomacy of Proximity and Specialness: Enhancing Canada's Representation in the United States." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 1, no. 1 (2006): 29–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187119006x101889.
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AbstractDiplomatic representation, both as a concept and in terms of its structures and processes, does not receive the attention that it deserves. This is surprising given that it forms a central concern for both analysts and practitioners of diplomacy, with the latter confronting multiple challenges in adapting modes of representation to changes in their international and domestic political environments. One facet of this can be identified in responses to factors that have assumed a significant place in the development of diplomacy — namely distance and proximity. To the growth of proximity in both spatial and issue-oriented terms, the challenge of the 'special relationship' is added in specific contexts. Both factors come together in the case of Canada's attempts to manage its policies towards the United States. Here, strategies have moved through distinct phases responding to domestic and international changes. The latest phase, which is associated with substantial rethinking of the role and structure of Foreign Affairs Canada, assumes the form of what has been labelled the Enhanced Representation Initiative (ERI). The ERI is interesting not only in the Canadian-US context, but because it reveals more general problems for governments seeking to manage the pressures of proximity and a growing number of relationships that assume aspects of 'specialness'.
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Pring-Mill, Robert. "The roles of revolutionary song – a Nicaraguan assessment." Popular Music 6, no. 2 (May 1987): 179–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143000005973.
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The term ‘protest song’, which became so familiar in the context of the anti-war movement in the United States during the 1960s, has been widely applied to the songs of socio-political commitment which have developed out of traditional folksong in most of the countries of Latin America over the past twenty years (see Pring-Mill 1983 and forthcoming). Yet it is misleading insofar as it might seem to imply that all such songs are ‘anti’ something: denouncing some negative abuse rather than promoting something positive to put in its place. A more helpful designation is that of ‘songs of hope and struggle’, enshrined in the titles of two Spanish American anthologies (C. W. 1967 and Gac Artigas 1973), which nicely stresses both their ‘combative’ and their ‘constructive’ aspects, while one of the best of their singers – the Uruguayan Daniel Viglietti – describes his own songs as being ‘in some measure both de protesta and de propuesta’ (i.e. as much ‘proposing’ as they are ‘protesting’). The document with which this article is chiefly concerned uses the term ‘revolutionary song’, which clearly covers both those aspects, but such songs may be seen to perform a far more complex range of tasks than any of those labels might suggest, as soon as their functions are examined ‘on the ground’ within the immediate context of the predominantly oral cultures of Latin America to which they are addressed: cultures in which traditional folksong has retained its power and currency largely undiminished by the changes of the twentieth century, and in which the oral nature of song (with the message of its lyrics reinforced by music) helps it to gain a wider popular diffusion than the more ‘literary’ but unsung texts which make up the greater part of the genre of so-called ‘committed poetry’ (‘poesía de compromiso’) to which the lyrics of such songs clearly belong (see Pring-Mill 1978, 1979).
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Hamzawy, Hamed Hassan. "Abdalla Al-Nadeem, Pioneer of Patriotism and Civilization in the Modern Egyptian Thought." RUDN Journal of Philosophy 25, no. 2 (December 15, 2021): 213–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2302-2021-25-2-213-223.
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Abdullah Al-Nadim (1842-1896) is one of the most important intellectual and political figures in modern Egyptian history. He played a major role in all significant stages of the Egypt nineteenth century. He was called "the orator of the revolution." He left his mark on various aspects of Arab social, political, and cultural life and awareness. So now it is very important to study and analyze his intellectual legacy, especially in contemporary circumstances, in which we see the rise of the new barbarism of various primitive religious Salafism. Abdullah Al-Nadim was one of the fine examples of the free intellectual. He committed to issues of society, national Idea, freedom, and progress. This study aims to trace the emergence and development of political, social, and literary ideas of Abdullah Al-Nadim. In their outcome, these ideas were the outcome of the Egyptian social, political, and national struggle against Ottoman despotism and its ruined remnants in the historical existence at that time. In his research and positions, critical and satirical ideas, precise clarity, depth, and loyalty to the truth and the nation's supreme interests are united. His creativity was a model for critical vision and mockery of the remnants of a collapsing world. He sought in all his works for alternatives to development and social progress, calling for modern civilization and freedom. His defense of women, their rights, and freedom was among the most dramatic at that time. Abdullah Al-Nadim sacrificed himself for these endeavors and goals. But at the same time, he revealed the possibility of synthesizing the poetic spirit and truth in theoretical and practical creativity. They are the issues and aspects that form the focus of this research.
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Burda, Mikhail A., and Ekaterina S. Shevchenko. "POLITICAL ASPECTS OF IMPLEMENTATION OF INTERNATIONAL LAW IN NATIONAL LEGISLATION OF THE UNITED STATES: FROM THEORY TO PRACTICE." RUDN Journal of Political Science 21, no. 2 (December 15, 2019): 254–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2019-21-2-254-267.
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One of the big-league participants in major international processes, the US government defines the current agenda of the modern world order, steers the vector of international relations development and affects the distribution of power on the global political arena. A supporter of the Non-Institutionalized Global Governance concept and the idea of Rule of Law, American administration demonstrates its own, specific understanding of the goals and course of action of modern international legislation. It seems to have its own insight on the nature and order of international organizations in regards to formulation and adoption of international law, the US role in determining the key features of global law enforcement, as well as the standards and principles of implementation of international law in the US federal legislation. Despite the recent tendency of the US government to roll back from participation in IO projects and revision of a number of agreements within the framework of interstate cooperation, the United States not only succeeds, one way or another, in guiding the trends of global political development, but also continues to have an impact on the interpretation and application of international law. The given article looks at the status of international law in the American legal system, focuses on the participation of the United States in proposition, discussion and adoption of conventions, declarations, agreements and other documents within the framework of the UN, and determines the main directions, according to which American jurisdiction implements international legal doctrines. The current research also brings a focus on specific issues, problems, relations, and contacts regulated at the international level but not implemented by the US federal legislation. The article analyzes political aspects of formulation and adoption of legal rules by American public administration, which are meant to supplement and specify the dominant principles of international sources of law.
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Long, Toby, Clare Westerman, and Nadia Ferranti. "Children with Disabilities Attending Montessori Programs in the United States." Journal of Montessori Research 8, no. 2 (December 19, 2022): 16–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.17161/jomr.v8i2.18639.
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Early childhood education plays a critical role in establishing positive social-emotional behaviors and promoting the development of skills needed to succeed in elementary school. Although inclusion of children with disabilities (CWD) in early childhood classrooms is increasing throughout the world, numerous social, logistical, and political factors continue to present challenges to full inclusion. The Montessori educational approach, established at the beginning of the 20th century and now applied widely throughout Europe and the United States, may present a highly suitable learning context for CWD, particularly given its historical basis in efforts to meet the needs of underprivileged and cognitively delayed children. On a theoretical level, the inclusion of CWD should be an accepted practice for Montessori programs yet reports of the number and characteristics of CWD attending Montessori programs are scarce. This paper reports upon the findings of a survey of U.S. Montessori early childhood programs’ current enrollment of CWD. The survey indicated that CWD represent 3.75% of the infant and toddler (0–3 years) population and 8.49% of the preschool/early childhood (3–6 years) population at responding institutions. Additionally, although school directors indicate that their teachers generally feel confident and competent including CWD in their classrooms, they expressed a need for ongoing professional development and additional support from special education experts to further empower the inclusion of CWD in all aspects of Montessori education.
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Parchao, Danny Bryan. "The role of social media in politics: on the public argumentation around the debate on guns in the United States." Cahiers du Centre de Linguistique et des Sciences du Langage, no. 59 (June 1, 2019): 103–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.26034/la.cdclsl.2019.53.
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The debate on gun control in the United States has been heated recently. In the public space, this debate has an important place in getting everyone involved. The development of social media and other technologies helped the construction of specific argumentative strategies related to what we call “digital communication”. The debate around gun control can be divided into two different aspects which also are the two research questions of this article: a) Which argumentative strategies are used and why they specifically fit in this new communicational environment that is the web? b) How do these strategies compare with the more “classic” aspect of the legislative debate around gun control (the interpretation of the second amendment). The quick analysis of “communicational elements” such as banners and pictures used in social media shows that strategies of digital communication are often weaker and more “populist” than in the place of a classic political debate centered around legislative aspects. The relative instability of social media partly explains this.
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Kelly, Dominic. "Rice, Oil and the Atom: A Study of the Role of Key Material Resources in the Security and Development of Japan." Government and Opposition 40, no. 2 (2005): 278–327. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2005.00153.x.
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AbstractThis article examines the impact on Japan's political economy and foreign policy of its lack of natural resources. Applying the concept of Japan as a ‘reactive’ state to linked case studies of rice, oil and atomic power it explores aspects of the relationship between culture, institutions and political processes in domestic politics and foreign policy. In so doing it argues that Japan's poor resource endowments have driven it to engage (re)actively – and often unwisely – in international affairs, an engagement both facilitated and constrained by its close alliance with the United States. This mediated engagement will continue into the foreseeable future.
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Morris, Virginia, and M. Christiane Bourloyannis-Vrailas. "The Work of the Sixth Committee at the Forty-eighth Session of the UN General Assembly." American Journal of International Law 88, no. 2 (April 1994): 343–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2204106.
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At the forty-eighth session of the General Assembly, the Sixth (Legal) Committee reviewed the annual reports of the International Law Commission (ILC), the United Nations Commission on International Trade Law (UNCITRAL), the Special Committee on the Charter of the United Nations and on the Strengthening of the Role of the Organization (Special Committee), and the Committee on Relations with the Host Country (Host Country Committee). The Sixth Committee also considered proposals for two new legal instruments relating to (1) the jurisdictional immunities of states and their property, and (2) the safety and security of United Nations personnel. Other items covered by the committee included a proposal to request an advisory opinion from the International Court of Justice on questions regarding extraterritorial jurisdiction, as well as topics concerning international terrorism, economic relations, procedural aspects of the United Nations Administrative Tribunal and the United Nations Decade of International Law (Decade).
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Krzymowski, Adam. "THE BALTIC STATES OF THE THREE SEAS INITIATIVE: ESTONIA, LATVIA AND LITHUANIA IN CREATIVE RELATIONS WITH THE UNITED ARAB EMIRATES." Creativity Studies 15, no. 1 (January 10, 2022): 40–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/cs.2022.13867.
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The presented manuscript deals with three Baltic states (Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania) that are part of the Three Seas Initiative in the context of cooperation with the United Arab Emirates. The research’s goal is analysis the larger dimension of Three Seas Initiative and its creative role and importance in the international arena, including the Middle East. In this sense, this paper asks a research question of whether the relations between Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, and the United Arab Emirates have the potential for deeper and broader creative dynamics of their cooperation. The presented article is the first research work of this type. Thus, it fills a gap in the literature and analyses concerning relations between the Baltic states and the United Arab Emirates. This work is primarily base on empirical research conducted for ten years. In addition, the author used his own creative experience, including as an Ambassador to the United Arab Emirates (2011–2015) or Senior advisor at Expo 2020 (2016–2018), responsible for strategies and creative development of relations the United Arab Emirates with all the Three Seas Initiative countries, including Baltic states. As a result of the research, the author argues that Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania, as a part of the Three Seas Initiative, should make this concept more creative in its external dimension, with the United Arab Emirates. Expo 2020 (1 October, 2021–31 March, 2022) provides an opportunity for creative diplomacy. This event is an occasion to demonstrate joint projects, also in global aspects.
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Simons, Greg. "Hard and Soft Power Approaches to Armed Conflicts: The United States in Iraq and Russia in Syria." Russia in Global Affairs 19, no. 2 (2021): 86–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.31278/1810-6374-2021-19-2-86-110.
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Armed conflicts are generally associated with the use of hard power for coercing and forcing an opponent to do something against its will in a situation where war is an extension of politics. However, there are many scholarly observations about the important role of soft power in armed conflicts, the interaction between hard and soft power, and the effects on one another within the framework of an armed conflict. This paper explores two specific armed conflicts, the 2003 U.S.-led military intervention in Iraq and the 2015 Russian intervention in Syria. Various aspects of hard and soft power approaches are discussed, and the outcome of military operations for the national soft power potential is analyzed. The results of the study show that whereas the Iraq War came as a disaster for the U.S., the military operation in Syria—despite dire predictions—created strengths and opportunities for Russia in international relations.
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Shreffler, Karina M., Stacy Tiemeyer, Zachary Giano, Kami L. Gallus, Ronald B. Cox, and Michael J. Merten. "Trauma and Early Adolescent Perceptions About Sex and Parenthood: The Mediating Role of Anger Regulation." Youth & Society 52, no. 8 (November 23, 2018): 1414–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0044118x18814051.
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Using a population-based sample of 1,311 seventh graders in an urban school district in the South Central United States, we examined the associations between early-life trauma, anger regulation, and early adolescent perceptions about sex and parenthood. Girls and boys with more trauma exposure were more likely to perceive adolescent parenthood as ideal for them (odds ratio [OR] = 1.29, p < .01 and OR = 1.24, p < .01, respectively). Childhood trauma was also associated with increased perceived pressure to have sex for both girls and boys (OR = 1.23, p < .001 and OR = 1.22, p < .001) and to have a baby (OR = 1.51, p < .001 and OR = 1.46, p < .001). Anger regulation mediated the association between childhood trauma and perceiving teen parenthood as ideal for both girls and boys, but not of felt pressures. Our results suggest that anger regulation skills may offer insight for trauma-informed adolescent pregnancy prevention efforts and these efforts need to begin early, before adolescents start engaging in risky behaviors.
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Shah, Kriti M. "The Pashtuns, the Taliban, and America’s Longest War." Asian Survey 57, no. 6 (November 2017): 981–1007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2017.57.6.981.
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As the United States’ war in Afghanistan enters its 16th year, the Taliban insurgency shows no signs of waning; therefore it is worth deliberating aspects of the movement that have been ignored or forgotten by the West. Pashtuns, many of whom are loyal Taliban members, are an integral part of the instability that has wracked Afghanistan for generations. This paper seeks to understand the Pashtuns in Afghanistan and Pakistan, exploring their role in any resolution to the war.
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Hajizada, Fatima Elshan. "SOCIOCULTURAL, LINGUISTIC, AND LEXICAL ASPECTS OF AMERICAN ENGLISH." Scientific Bulletin 1 (2022): 17–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.54414/zgrk6258.
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Purpose - An analysis of the sociocultural, linguistic and lexical aspects of the American English language, an assessment of the importance of the role of exponential and political-economic factors in its formation, and a study of changes in the field of science about the modern language. Design/method/approach - systematic approach, retrospective analysis, scientific logic and comparative analysis. Findings (Results) - Based on the analysis of the sociocultural, linguistic and lexical aspects of American English in the context of retrospective and modern realities, the role and importance of the influence of the increase in the political and economic influence of the USA in the formation of this language version, as well as its purposeful policy in this direction, arising from the improving globalization trends, has been evaluated. In the context of language transformation, it is substantiated that, as a result of the modification of true English words, creating paronyms, they acquired a fundamentally new lexical and orthographic meaning, and longoutdated English acharisms and with the development of the United States, new neologisms of American English actively entered the speech circulation. In the general scientific context, disclosure of the scientific and methodological potential of the American English language characterizing the content, sociocultural, linguistic, and lexical aspects of the neological fields.
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Mikhalskiy, Igor, and Bohdan Toroptsev. "Kissinger's „shuttle diplomacy” as an active implementation of S. Cohen's concept." Bulletin of Luhansk Taras Shevchenko National University, no. 9 (347) (2021): 157–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.12958/2227-2844-2021-9(347)-157-168.
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Foreign policy of the USA is one of the topical areas in contemporary historical and geopolitical research. The interest of scientists in this topic is due to the fact that the United States is the leader of the world community at the present stage, both in economic and geopolitical aspects. The state continues to actively develop economically and technologically, increases its military potential, actively spreads its culture all over the world, that determines its global role. The phenomenon of the world leadership of the USA, as well as the historical factors that have determined this status, are the subject of research of scientists in the historical, geopolitical, politological, sociological, cultural, and other scientific fields. A particularly topical issue in the history of the United States in the second half of the twentieth century is the concept and specificity of American „shuttle diplomacy” and its effectiveness in the foreign policy of the state. The purpose of the study is to analyze the concept of the American geographer S. Cohen, as well as the peculiarities of its implementation in the political activities of R. Nixon and H. Kissinger. It has been proved that S. Cohen's geostrategic concept played an important role in the foreign policy of the United States in the 1970s. Its principles were implemented in the policy of H. Kissinger and R. Nixon, the important results of which were the establishment of United States-China relations and the softening of relations with the Soviet Union.
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Buultjens, Ralph. "The Ethics of Excess and Indian Intervention in South Asia." Ethics & International Affairs 3 (March 1989): 73–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.1989.tb00213.x.
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This article examines four interlinked historical aspects of intervention from a philosophic and ethical perspective. What are the dimensions of intervention and how is it managed? What conditions govern intervention? How can intervention be evaluated? What are the moral issues in intervention? India, the world's largest democracy, has promoted its power through intervention in neighboring countries under the cloak of morality. The United States, Great Britain, and Russia have nonetheless tacitly endorsed India's role as the policing force in the region. Does this recognition justify India's actions toward its weaker and smaller neighbors?
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Kammerer, Edward F., and Neenah Estrella-Luna. "Law and Public Policy: A Gap Between Theory and Teaching?" PS: Political Science & Politics 53, no. 2 (January 28, 2020): 292–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096519002178.
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ABSTRACTThe realization that policy and law are tightly intertwined dates at least to de Tocqueville’s observation that, in the United States, political questions often become judicial questions. Scholars have shown consistently that courts, both federal and state, play a role in public policy decision making. This is observed in social policy (e.g., same-sex marriage and abortion), environmental policy (e.g., Environmental Protection Agency regulations), economic policy (e.g., New Deal Era decisions), and more. Too often, however, graduate programs in public policy fail to prepare students for the role of the courts in the policy process. This study examines the requirements and core competencies from Masters of Public Policy programs to determine to what extent, if any, judicial policy making is taught. We find that there is a significant gap between the theory about the role of courts in the public policy process and what public policy programs teach their students. We conclude with recommendations for possible changes to curricula to close this gap.