Books on the topic 'Sex crimes – Liberia'

Sex trafficking is a crime prohibited by international law. Traffickers not only violate victims’ rights to liberty and security of persons; they also violate victims’ reproductive rights with potentially devastating consequences for their health and reproductive capabilities. Nonetheless, international antitrafficking and refugee law presents obstacles to viewing trafficking victims as refugees and granting them asylum. International law spotlights the crime of trafficking in persons and treats the human rights of victims as an ancillary matter, and domestic laws follow suit. However, a number of precedents in international and domestic law support construing trafficking victims as coming under refugee law and private oppression as included within refugee law. The chapter concludes by outlining arguments from reproductive rights to expand asylum rights to sex trafficking victims.

La crisis socioambiental es una característica de nuestro tiempo, cotidianamente podemos encontrar ejemplos de deterioro ecológico que amenazan la calidad y la dignidad de la vida, tanto en su manifestación humana como no humana. Esto nos exige contar con conocimientos que nos permitan entender cómo se engarzan fenómenos complejos en múltiples esferas. En ese sentido, el feminismo tiene mucho que aportar, pues constituye un cuerpo de pensamiento que ayuda a develar los procesos, las prácticas y los discursos que sostienen un orden patriarcal en el que se subordina todo aquello que no responde a códigos viriles y heteronormativos. Particularmente, el feminismo socioambiental ofrece rutas para imaginar proyectos comunes y emprender prácticas que nos acerquen a acuerdos más justos en clave de igualdad, libertad y sustentabilidad. Tal es el propósito del que parte el presente libro, que se funda en una posición ético-política comprometida con el desarrollo de herramientas teóricas y metodológicas que contribuyan a analizar las problemáticas que enfrentamos en América Latina y a esbozar alternativas que les den respuesta. A lo largo de sus 12 capítulos, se ofrecen claves conceptuales y se abordan problemas emergentes, abriendo un espacio de reflexión y conversación que reenmarca y actualiza el análisis del vínculo entre género y medio ambiente, sumándose a la consolidación de este campo de estudios en la región. En suma, esta obra responde a dos de las agendas más críticas de nuestro tiempo: la feminista y la ambiental, apoyándose en estos referentes nos invita a cuestionar el orden actual y a imaginar caminos hacia la justicia socioambiental.

La crisis socioambiental es una característica de nuestro tiempo, cotidianamente podemos encontrar ejemplos de deterioro ecológico que amenazan la calidad y la dignidad de la vida, tanto en su manifestación humana como no humana. Esto nos exige contar con conocimientos que nos permitan entender cómo se engarzan fenómenos complejos en múltiples esferas. En ese sentido, el feminismo tiene mucho que aportar, pues constituye un cuerpo de pensamiento que ayuda a develar los procesos, las prácticas y los discursos que sostienen un orden patriarcal en el que se subordina todo aquello que no responde a códigos viriles y heteronormativos. Particularmente, el feminismo socioambiental ofrece rutas para imaginar proyectos comunes y emprender prácticas que nos acerquen a acuerdos más justos en clave de igualdad, libertad y sustentabilidad. Tal es el propósito del que parte el presente libro, que se funda en una posición ético-política comprometida con el desarrollo de herramientas teóricas y metodológicas que contribuyan a analizar las problemáticas que enfrentamos en América Latina y a esbozar alternativas que les den respuesta. A lo largo de sus 12 capítulos, se ofrecen claves conceptuales y se abordan problemas emergentes, abriendo un espacio de reflexión y conversación que reenmarca y actualiza el análisis del vínculo entre género y medio ambiente, sumándose a la consolidación de este campo de estudios en la región. En suma, esta obra responde a dos de las agendas más críticas de nuestro tiempo: la feminista y la ambiental, apoyándose en estos referentes nos invita a cuestionar el orden actual y a imaginar caminos hacia la justicia socioambiental.

Este libro sostiene la hipótesis que muchos de los procesos que condujeron a la crisis de 2007-2008, aún continúan presentes en la economía. Los caminos tomados para su resolución, no solamente se ha demostrado que fueron equivocados, sino que conducirán a nuevos episodios de crisis aún más difíciles de enfrentar. Por ello, se hace más necesario reflexionar sobre las alternativas de salida de la crisis y la construcción de una vía o mejor dicho de múltiples vías de desarrollo. Como sostiene José Déniz en este libro, necesitamos combatir las políticas “austeritarias”, cuya austeridad sin límites y selectiva destruyen las conquistas sociales y el estado del bienestar alcanzado y que con su autoritarismo rompen con la democracia, la que se fundamenta en la igualdad, pero también en la libertad y la fraternidad.

The Long Crisis explores the origins and implications of one of the most significant developments across the globe over the last fifty years: the diminished faith in government as capable of solving public problems. Conventional accounts of the shift toward market and private sector governing solutions have focused on the rising influence of conservatives, libertarians, and the business sector. The Long Crisis, however, locates the origins of this transformation in the efforts of city-dwellers to preserve liberal commitments of the postwar period. New York faced an economic crisis beginning in the late 1960s that disrupted long-standing assumptions about the services city government could provide. In response, New Yorkers—organized within block associations, nonprofits, and professional organizations—embraced an ethos of private volunteerism and, eventually, of partnership with private business in order to save their communities from neglect. Local liberal and Democratic officials came over time to see such alliances not as stopgap measures, but as legitimate and ultimately permanent features of modern governance. The ascent of market-based policies was driven less by a political assault of pro-market ideologues than by ordinary New Yorkers experimenting with novel ways to maintain robust public services in the face of the city’s budget woes. Local people and officials, The Long Crisis argues, built neoliberalism from the ground up. These shifts toward the market would both exacerbate old racial and economic inequalities and produce new ones that continue to shape metropolitan areas today.

Criminal justice used to be thought of as a field autonomous from politics and the economy, with the management of crime and punishment being seen as essentially the responsibility of government. However, in recent decades, policies have been adopted which blur the institutional boundaries and functions of the public sector with those of for-profit and civil society interests in many parts of the penal/welfare complex. The impact of these developments on society is contested: Proponents of the ‘neo-liberal penality thesis’ argue economic deregulation, welfare retrenchment, individualised choices – and associated responsibility – may be aligned by market forces into efficient delivery of ‘law and order’. Set against the neo-liberal penal position are arguments that the corporate sector may be no more efficient in delivering criminal justice services than is the public sector, and reliance on the profit motive to deliver criminal justice may lead to perverse incentivisation of NGOs or state agencies. It is to this debate we add our contribution. Criminal justice is an ideal sector in which to consider the implications arising from the differing incentive structures held by different institutions, both private and public, citizens, governments, social enterprise and the corporate sector. All agree on the need for criminal justice, even as they compete in the policy sphere to dictate its form and delivery.

Night Raiders: Burglary and the Making of Modern Urban Life in London, 1860–1968 is the first history of burglary in modern Britain. Until 1968, burglary was defined in law as occurring only between the ‘night-time’ hours of nine p.m. and six a.m. in residential buildings. Time and space gave burglary a unique cloak of terror, since burglars’ victims were likely to be in the bedroom, asleep and unawares, when the intruder crept in, prowling near them in the darkness. Yet fear sometimes gave way to sexual fantasy. Eroticized visions of handsome young thieves sneaking around the boudoirs of beautiful, lonely heiresses emerged alongside tales of violence and loss in popular culture, confounding social commentators by casting the burglar as criminal hero. Night Raiders charts how burglary lay historically at the heart of national debates over the meanings of ‘home’, experiences of urban life, and social inequality. This book explores intimate stories of the devastation caused by burglars’ presence in the most private domains, showing how they are deeply embedded within broader histories of capitalism and liberal democracy. The fear and fascination towards burglary were mobilized by media, state, and market to sell insurance and security technologies, whilst also popularizing the crime in fiction, theatre, and film. Cat burglars’ rooftop adventures transformed ideas about the architecture and policing of the city, and post-war ‘spy-burglars’ theft of information illuminated Cold War skirmishes across the capital. More than any other crime, burglary shaped the everyday rhythms, purchases, and perceptions of modern urban life.

El libro es una invitación para pensar las democracias situadas en tiempo y contexto. Varias de las contribuciones que integran este texto confirman la profundidad de la crisis de la democracia representativa, cuyas mínimas reglas —elecciones libres y limpias— no se cumplen por prácticas violatorias que cruzan transversalmente una normatividad que se definió como “procedimental”. En los casos estudiados se confirma que partidos y gobernantes normalizan estas prácticas con gran cinismo, escudándose en el hecho de que la democracia política es hoy un bien global de mercado, sujeto al dinero y al poder mediático. En un esfuerzo analítico por mostrar otro camino viable, un bloque de trabajos de esta obra se encamina a recuperar las experiencias que intentan producir una separación con respecto a la democracia electoral, para crear lo posible mismo. Constituyen experiencias plurales, creativas, exitosas y erráticas, portadoras de luces intermitentes en un contexto de oscuridad política que las condena, pero cuyo sentido colectivo deliberado e intersubjetivo resignifica la política y lo democrático. Desde esta impugnación política, que es también epistemológica, un emergente paradigma fundamentado en las democracias “otras” desdobla el determinismo dominante de la democracia liberal representativa. Una apertura hacia nuevos debates y tensiones desde la heterogeneidad y la multiplicidad vislumbran los complejos horizontes políticos del sur de México y Centroamérica.

Con el estallido de la crisis de la violencia, que ha cobrado entre las mujeres una dimensión especialmente cruel, es legítimo preguntarse si la justicia penal puede ofrecer una solución efectiva. Para responder a esta pregunta, Lucía Núñez empieza por señalar la parcialidad del sistema penal, así como el hecho de que se basa en una lógica patriarcal y excluyente que se ejerce de manera masiva y sistemática contra los sectores más marginados de la población. En este libro, Núñez analiza una serie de leyes especialmente relevantes para las mujeres desde una perspectiva histórica y de género, demostrando la desigualdad estructural del sistema penal desde su concepción misma. En este sentido, hace una crítica al feminismo jurídico "punitivo", es decir, aquel que cree poder usar el derecho, y en general la justicia penal, para contrarrestar el daño y la violencia que sufren las mujeres. Expone su insuficiencia teórica y política y lo aborda como una ilusión peligrosa: si bien se obtiene el reconocimiento de los delitos contra las mujeres como crímenes, la mayoría de las veces esto conlleva la reducción de las mujeres a víctimas necesitadas de la protección del Estado. Ante este complejo problema, se propone el enfoque del minimalismo penal, que se basa en la convicción de que la garantía de la libertad no se encuentra en el ensanchamiento de un sistema punitivo desigual y sexista, sino en su limitación y en la efectividad de los derechos fundamentales.

Nearly three decades after the fall of the Berlin Wall, early hopes for the integration of the post-Soviet states into a “Europe whole and free” seem to have been decisively dashed. Europe itself is in the midst of a multifaceted crisis that threatens the considerable gains of the postwar liberal European experiment. This book provides a panoramic view of the process of “Europeanization” in Russia and all fourteen of the other former Soviet republics since 1989, in a study that is both theoretically grounded (with five chapters that discuss the historical and contemporary meanings of “Europe” in its cultural-civilizational, political, and security guises) and empirically rich (with case studies that examine the question of Europeanization in Russia and each of the other fourteen ex-Soviet republics). It argues that deeply rooted ideas about Europe’s cultural-civilizational primacy and about who “belongs” in Europe, and who doesn’t—and who might be able to “become European” someday, and who definitely cannot—to influence both internal politics in contemporary Europe and the processes of Europeanization in Russia and the former Soviet Union. From the “European dreams” of people in Ukraine and Georgia, who continue to see Europe as a beacon of liberal values, democratic institutions, and economic prosperity, to Russia’s efforts to weaken the postwar European order by presenting an alternative, more ethnonationalist, realist, and revanchist view of “Europe,” it demonstrates the necessity and utility of viewing contemporary Eurasian politics as a struggle over the meaning and practices of “Europeanness.”

Esta edición de In Focus sobre El estado de la democracia en el mundo es una reflexión preliminar que el IDEA Internacional ofrece como insumo para la reflexión respecto al impacto de la pandemia de la COVID-19, a 10 meses de su aparición, sobre la democracia en América Latina y el Caribe. Principales hechos y hallazgos • En materia democrática, la región también padecía, ya antes de la pandemia, de serias debilidades. Algunos países sufrían procesos de erosión y retroceso democrático, y otros de fragilidad y debilidad democrática. En general, la confianza en la democracia había venido disminuyendo de manera constante durante la década anterior al inicio de la pandemia. El descontento ciudadano con la democracia culminó con una ola de protestas en varios países de la región a finales de 2019. • La pandemia de la COVID-19 ha golpeado severamente a América Latina y el Caribe (ALC), una región asediada por problemas estructurales no resueltos, tales como una alta tasa de delincuencia y violencia, fragmentación y polarización política, pobreza y desigualdad, corrupción y debilidad de los Estados. • Reformas políticas y socioeconómicas, largamente pospuestas en la región, han agravado las crisis económicas y de salud pública provocadas por la pandemia. Esta situación, junto con la implementación de medidas restrictivas a los derechos fundamentales para contener la propagación del coronavirus, han incrementado el riesgo de afianzar o exacerbar aún más las preocupantes tendencias que presentaba la democracia en la región antes de la pandemia de la COVID-19. • Los desafíos para la democracia en la región durante la pandemia incluyen: el aplazamiento de procesos electorales; uso excesivo de la fuerza policial para hacer cumplir medidas de restricción con el fin de contener la pandemia; uso de las fuerzas armadas para llevar a cabo tareas civiles; delincuencia y violencia persistentes; nuevos peligros para el derecho a la privacidad; aumentos en la desigualdad de género y la violencia doméstica; nuevos riesgos para los grupos vulnerables; acceso limitado a la justicia; restricciones a la libertad de expresión; abuso de los poderes ejecutivos; supervisión parlamentaria reducida; polarización política y enfrentamientos entre instituciones democráticas; nuevas oportunidades para la corrupción; y una ciudadanía descontenta y socialmente movilizada que rechaza las formas tradicionales de representación política. • A pesar de los desafíos, la crisis actual ofrece una oportunidad histórica para redefinir los términos de los contratos sociales en la región y para que los gobiernos piensen de manera innovadora sobre cómo abrir espacios de diálogo y participación ciudadana para construir sociedades más inclusivas, sostenibles e interconectadas, así como sistemas democráticos de gobierno más responsables, transparentes y eficientes. Por su parte, la revisión del estado de la democracia durante la pandemia de la COVID-19 en el 2020 se organiza a lo largo de los cinco atributos de democracia antes mencionados y utiliza un análisis cualitativo y datos sobre eventos y tendencias recopilados en la región a través del Monitor global del impacto de la COVID-19 sobre la democracia y los derechos humanos de IDEA Internacional, una iniciativa cofinanciada por la Unión Europea.

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.