Academic literature on the topic 'Sex crimes – Liberia'

Em artigo publicado na “Revista do Serviço Público” de abril de 1953 e que foi posteriormente transcrito no Boletim das Caixas Econômicas, tivemoso ensejo de assinalar a indiferença dos tribunais em relação ao crime de emissão de cheques sem fundos e a interpretação excessivamente liberal e injustificada que era dada ao artigo 171 do Código Penal no inciso referente aos cheques.

The purpose of the current study was to explore the relationships between Israeli gender role stereotypes, rape myths toward male and female victims, and social distance from sex crime victims and sex offenders, according to the observer?s sex and sexual orientation (gay men, lesbian women, and heterosexual men and women). The data was collected during the end of 2016 and included 401 Israeli participants. A multivariate analysis of variance, as well as series of Pearson analyses, were used to examine the differences between groups as well as to examine the correlations between research variables. Results broadly conformed to predictions, with men generally more negative than women. However, people with a same-sex orientation endorse more liberal gender role attitudes than heterosexuals. In addition, overall, participants expressed greater willingness to maintain social contacts with victims than with offenders. Nonetheless, only among heterosexuals significant negative correlations between rape myths and willingness to maintain social contacts with victims were found.

AbstractThe Liberal International Order is in crisis. While the symptoms are clear to many, the deep roots of this crisis remain obscured. We propose that the Liberal International Order is in tension with the older Sovereign Territorial Order, which is founded on territoriality and borders to create group identities, the territorial state, and the modern international system. The Liberal International Order, in contrast, privileges universality at the expense of groups and group rights. A recognition of this fundamental tension makes it possible to see that some crises that were thought to be unconnected have a common cause: the neglect of the coordinating power of borders. We sketch out new research agendas to show how this tension manifests itself in a broad range of phenomena of interest.

Abstract The recent “liberal international order” (LIO) debate has been vague about the institutions and issue areas that constitute the order. This is likely driven by competing views of “liberal” and, perhaps more importantly, by security scholars dominating the debate. From the perspective of scholars who explore the elements of the global monetary order (reserve currencies, international financial institutions, and central banks), the picture is different. Where security scholars point to a decline in US influence, scholars of global monetary politics see continued US dominance. Moreover, monetary prominence has been a precondition for the viability of great power projects of order building more generally. This symposium offers such a counter narrative. While the security challenges are real, the crises of the last decade have actually reinforced the centrality of the US dollar and American financial power in the international system.

The massive loss of manufacturing jobs in the United States even as manufacturing output continued to increase has been a source of debate between those who see this primarily as a result of globalization and trade, on one hand, and those for whom the dynamics of capitalism with its economic turbulence, job-displacing technology and productivity increases is the major cause, on the other. It is a debate with political implications. In the United States, those who see trade imbalances as the major cause of job loss compose a broad spectrum including many liberal economists, trade union leaders, related think tanks and the Trump Administration who place the blame on a foreign ‘other’ rather than multinational capital. Supporting this analysis are a series of recent academic articles that largely ignore economic crises and reject productivity, in particular, as reasons for declining manufacturing employment. This article will critically analyse their arguments and propose a different explanation rooted in the turbulence, competition and class conflict inherent in capitalism as these have unfolded in the United States during the neoliberal era.

This article explores the role that ‘habit’ played in discourses on crime in the 18th century, a subject which forms an important part of the history of ‘the social’. It seeks to bridge the division between ‘liberal’ positions which see crime as a product of social circumstance, and the conservative position which stresses the role of will and individual responsibility, by drawing attention to the role habit played in uniting these conceptions in the 18th century. It argues that the Lockean idea that the mind was a tabula rasa, and that the character was thereby formed through impression and habit, was used as a device to explain the ways in which certain individuals rather than others happened to fall into a life of crime, a temptation to which all were susceptible. This allowed commentators to define individuals as responsible for their actions, while accepting the significance of environmental factors in their transgressions. Further, the notion that the character was formed through habit enabled reformers to promote the idea that crime could be combated through mechanisms of prevention and reformation, which both targeted the individual criminal and sought more generally to reduce the likelihood of crime.

This paper will focus on how support services for victims of crime have developed in England and Wales since the advent of the 2010 coalition government of the United Kingdom. In particular, the discussion will centre around the development of a framework of locally commissioned victim service providers effectively replacing a previous model of central funding aimed largely at a single national organisation, the charity Victim Support. Both the conception and the implementation of this strategy by government and local actors – notably regional Police and Crime Commissioners – will be critically assessed in order to test government claims concerning the utility of such a system for victims of crime themselves. In so doing, it will be argued that in practice it has been difficult to discern how specific local needs can be identified or catered for under these new arrangements. The paper will also demonstrate a great deal of variance in the ways Police and Crime Commissioners have approached these tasks. Ultimately, it will be suggested that what is often touted as a general sea-change in favour of crime victims as a whole may in fact be grounded more in a neo- liberal, market ideology. Local commissioning also, it is argued, represents a continuing prioritisation of certain victims of crime for attention by central government whilst keeping the support needs of the vast majority of ‘more typical’ victims of crime at arm’s length.

Nordic Noir’s progenitor The Man on the Balcony from 1967 critiques social democracy from a Marxist viewpoint. The novel’s 1993 film adaptation, however, reuses the same crime to challenge neo-liberal globalization. From a story perspective, this is a drastic deviation from ideological fidelity. But a systems perspective shows that the adaptation adheres to functional fidelity for crime fiction as a medium for social discourse. By examining how the two works engage their respective eras’ contemporary issues, we see how Nordic Noir has become a mediator of error correction for Sweden as a social system. Adaptations are therefore expected to show greater fidelity to format than to content, which a systems approach can help facilitate. This perspective also suggests that our nation states – as we lose shared arenas for cultural discourse – will adapt less effectively to changes because it becomes harder to agree on what is real and what is fake.

A number of authors have remarked upon growing similarities between the criminal justice systems of western industrialized countries, and in particular, the apparent spread of penal policies associated with the USA to other liberal democracies (Christie, 2000; Nellis, 2000; Garland, 2001; Jones and Newburn, 2002a). Two general approaches to describing and explaining such developments can be identified in the literature, which may be termed `structuralist' and `agency-led' respectively. The former approach links similar developments in crime control policy and discourse in different jurisdictions to deeper cultural and structural changes being experienced in all `late modern' capitalist societies. By contrast, the latter approach focuses more directly upon the arena of political decision making, and the incidence of policy transfer and imitation. This article argues that both these approaches would gain much from a more complex consideration of what `policy' is, and, in particular, where it comes from. More detailed empirical studies of the process of penal policy formation in different countries are a vital precondition to better understanding of how changes in social routines and cultural sensibilities are reflected in key political decisions. This is illustrated by consideration of three high-profile examples of British penal policy developments in recent years, all of which have been associated with similar changes in the USA. These are privatized corrections, `zero tolerance' policing strategies and the registration of sex offenders. We argue that these examples highlight the need for both broad generalizing studies of the structural and cultural preconditions for certain policy developments, and detailed studies of the process of criminal justice policy making.

The function and structure of Sicilian institutions provide an historical lesson in how and why the Mafia flourished to the extent that attempts to imprison its leadership have threatened the stability of the very government that is tolling its death knell. Extrapolating from that experience, the work of Follain, Jousten, Varese and others provide the authors with a theoretical framework for understanding the dependency between the liberal democratic system being introduced in Russia today and the current mafia activity in that country. Crime, be it “organized” or not, is not new to Russia. Until ther breakup of the Republics, Western researchers knew little of its nature or its scope. Should the violence associated with Russian crime continue it may overwhelm the entire society or we may see an alliance of wealthy elites and multi-layered criminal conspiracies justaposed but miles apart from the non-criminal, “ordinary” citizens. The authors proffer from their experience in and with Russia several predictions for the future of this new mafia, indeed, for the future of Russian society.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2014.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Sexual violence against women (SVAW) has always been part of armed conflict. However, only recently has international law deemed it a crime against humanity and a genocidal crime, thus finally recognising that it is a strategy and weapon that is used extensively during conflict. SVAW and its consequences, however, also continue in the aftermath of conflict, with both ex-combatants and civilians perpetrating SVAW. The effectiveness of SVAW as a weapon and strategy relies on the existence of gender identities and relations that subjugate women. This gender inequality is instated and perpetuated through hegemonic masculinity and patriarchy, and violence against women is one way in which the imbalance is enforced. Patriarchal beliefs and structures, combined with a form of militarised hypermasculinity, lead to SVAW being used during armed conflict, but also continuing in its aftermath. The consequences for survivors are that they are often stigmatised and discriminated against by their husbands, families and communities, and this contributes to their further marginalisation and exploitation. As the state and international security and peacekeeping bodies fail to adequately address SVAW, civil society organisations (CSOs) tend to fill this void by providing mostly support to women affected. One sector of African civil society, namely African Christian churches, has a good record of effectively filling roles usually associated with the state. Furthermore, African Christian churches have increased tremendously in the last century, function at grassroots-level, and are of the few CSOs that continue functioning during armed conflict. As religious institutions they have authority and impact, for religion has the ability to influence behaviour, facilitate societal change, and provide societal solidarity and cohesion. Thus, for the marginalised in Africa, religion is a powerful resource. This leads one to assume that churches can be effective in addressing SVAW. This supposition was tested by studying how churches address SVAW in three different areas affected by armed conflict, namely the Democratic Republic of Congo, Rwanda and Liberia, by using a qualitative, multiple-case case study approach. In two sites in each country, one urban and one rural, structured interview questionnaires, semi-structured interviews, and nominal groups were done, focusing on the causes and consequences of SVAW and how it is being addressed, specifically by churches. The findings showed that SVAW in areas affected by armed conflict are due to patriarchal structures and beliefs, and the military hypermasculinity that has infused civilian masculinities. Patriarchy is also the indirect cause of the most severe consequences of SVAW. These are physical, psychological, social and economic, but the impact of the stigmatisation and discrimination that survivors experience is what they find most debilitating. Unfortunately, neither government nor civil society is addressing SVAW to any great extent and where they do, their actions are reactive not proactive in terms of prevention. This was no different in terms of the role and influence of the churches. While people believe in the ability of churches to be important actors in addressing SVAW, churches are not doing so, for they, too, are patriarchal institutions. Their ability to address injustice is limited when the cause of the injustice are practices and beliefs that lie at the heart of the religion and the churches, especially if these practices and beliefs are upholding the power of those currently in power. By perpetuating patriarchy, churches are actually contributing to SVAW being used as a weapon and strategy of warfare.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Seksuele geweld teen vroue (SGTV) was nog altyd deel van gewapende konflik. Dis egter eers onlangs wat internasionale wetgewing bepaal het dat dit ‘n misdaad teen die mensdom en van volksmoord is, en sodoende uiteindelik erken dat dit ‘n veelgebruikte konflikstrategie en -wapen is. SGTV en die gevolge daarvan hou egter aan ná konflik, met beide gewese vegters en burgerlikes wat SGTV pleeg. Die doeltreffendheid van SGTV as 'n wapen en strategie berus op geslagsidentiteite en -verhoudings wat vroue onderwerp. Hierdie geslagsongelykheid word ingestel en voortgesit deur hegemoniese manlikheid en patriargie, en geweld teen vroue is een manier waarop die wanbalans afgedwing word. Patriargale oortuigings en strukture, gekombineer met 'n vorm van militêre hipermanlikheid, lei daartoe dat SGTV nie net tydens gewapende konflik plaasvind nie, maar ook daarna. Die oorlewendes word dikwels gestigmatiseer en teen gediskrimineer deur hulle mans, families en gemeenskappe, en dit dra by tot hulle verdere marginalisering en uitbuiting. Aangesien die staat en internasionale veiligheids- en vredesliggame versuim om SGTV voldoende aan te spreek, is burgerlike organisasies (BOs) geneig om hierdie leemte te vul deur die verskaffing van meesal steun aan vroue wat deur SGTV geaffekteer word. Een sektor van Afrika se burgerlike samelewing, naamlik Afrika Christelike kerke, het 'n goeie rekord as dit kom by die vervulling van rolle wat gewoonlik geassosieer word met die staat. Verder het Afrika Christelike kerke geweldig toegeneem in die laaste eeu, funksioneer hulle op voetsoolvlak, en is hulle van die min BOs wat aanhou funksioneer tydens gewapende konflik. As godsdienstige instellings het hulle gesag en invloed, aangesien godsdiens die vermoë het om gedrag te beïnvloed, gemeenskapsverandering te fasiliteer, en solidariteit en samehorigheid aan ‘n gemeenskap te verskaf. Dus, vir gemarginaliseerdes in Afrika, is godsdiens 'n kragtige hulpbron. Dus neem ‘n mens aan dat kerke effektief kan wees in die aanspreek van SGTV. Hierdie veronderstelling is getoets deur te kyk na hoe kerke SGTV aanspreek in drie areas wat geraak word deur gewapende konflik, naamlik die Demokratiese Republiek van die Kongo, Rwanda en Liberië, deur die gebruik van 'n kwalitatiewe, meervoudige-geval gevallestudie benadering. In twee gemeenskappe in elke land, een stedelike en een landelike, is gestruktureerde onderhoudvraelyste, semi-gestruktureerde onderhoude, en nominale groepe gedoen, met ‘n fokus op die oorsake en gevolge van SGTV en hoe dit aangespreek word, spesifiek deur kerke. Die bevindinge het getoon dat SGTV in gebiede geraak deur gewapende konflik, te wyte is aan patriargale strukture en oortuigings, en die militêre hipermanlikheid wat verweef geraak het met burgerlike manlikheid. Patriargie is ook die indirekte oorsaak van die mees ernstige gevolge van SGTV. Hierdie gevolge is fisies, sielkundig, maatskaplik en ekonomies, maar die impak van die stigmatisering en diskriminasie wat oorlewendes ervaar affekteer hulle die ergste. Ongelukkig spreek nie die regering óf burgerlike samelewing werklik SGTV aan nie, en waar hulle dit doen is hulle optrede reaktief en nie proaktief in terme van voorkoming nie. Dit was dieselfde met die rol en invloed van kerke. Terwyl mense glo in die vermoë van kerke om ‘n kernrol te speel in die aanspreek van SGTV, doen kerke dit nie, want hulle is óók patriargale instellings. Hulle vermoë om onreg aan te spreek is beperk wanneer die oorsaak van die onreg praktyke en oortuigings is wat aan die hart lê van die godsdiens en die kerke, veral as hierdie praktyke en oortuigings verseker dat dié in beheer hulle mag behou. Deur hulle voortsetting van patriargie, dra kerke by daartoe dat SGTV gebruik word as 'n wapen en strategie van oorlogvoering.

Aquest treball aborda l'estudi de les conseqüències jurídiques aplicables als menors que cometen delictes contra la llibertat i indemnitat sexual, amb la finalitat de poder reflexionar sobre la necessitat, idoneïtat i efectes que aquestes provoquen, així com assolir els coneixements necessaris que ens habilitin a formular propostes de millora dels mecanismes jurídics. Amb aquesta finalitat, es considera necessari analitzar en primer lloc el coneixement científic actual sobre les conductes sexuals entre menors d'edat, a fi de determinar si els mecanismes disposats a la legislació espanyola per fer front a la delinqüència sexual s'adeqüen a la realitat social i son proporcionals amb la delinqüència d'aquesta naturalesa comesa per menors. Complert l'anterior objectiu, es realitza un anàlisis jurídic de les regulacions contemplades tant en la legislació penal con en la legislació de protecció a la infància i l'adolescència aplicables als menors d'edat que cometen il·lícits de naturalesa sexual. Atès que Espanya no ha estat un país pioner en la implementació d'aquests tipus de mesures, es considera necessari conèixer la realitat juridíca comparada en alguns països europeus del nostre entorn i països occidentals que han promulgat disposicions específiques aplicables als delinqüents sexuals. Finalment, es proposen aquelles reformes legislatives que es consideren necessàries per adequar l'actual regulació promulgada per combatre la delinqüència sexual a les especials circumstàncies i característiques dels menors que cometen aquest tipus de conductes.
El presente trabajo aborda el estudio de las consecuencias jurídicas aplicables a los menores que cometen delitos contra la libertad e indemnidad sexual, con la finalidad de poder reflexionar sobre la necesidad, idoneidad y efectos que provocan las mismas, así como adquirir los conocimientos necesarios que nos habiliten a formular propuestas de mejora de los mecanismos jurídicos. Con este fin, se considera necesario analizar en primer lugar el conocimiento científico actual sobre las conductas sexuales entre menores de edad, para determinar así si los mecanismos dispuestos en la legislación española para hacer frente a la delincuencia sexual se adecúan a la realidad social y son proporcionales con la delincuencia de esta naturaleza cometida por menores. Cumpliendo el anterior objetivo, se realiza un análisis jurídico de las regulaciones contempladas tanto en la legislación penal como en la legislación de protección a la infancia y la adolescencia aplicables a los menores que cometen ilícitos de naturaleza sexual. Dado que España no ha sido un país pionero en la implementación de este tipo de medidas, se considera necesario conocer la realidad jurídica comparada de algunos países europeos del entorno y países occidentales que han promulgado disposiciones específicas aplicables a los delincuentes sexuales. Finalmente, se proponen aquellas reformas legislastivas que se consideran necesarias para adecuar la actual regulación en la materia a las especiales circunstancias y características de los menores que cometen este tipo de conductas.
This doctoral thesis presents the study of the legal consequences that apply to juvenile sex offenders, in order to rhink about the necessary, appropriateness and the effects that they produce, as well as acquire the necessary knowledge to make proposals for improving the legal instruments. Fot that purpose, first is necessary to consider the scientific knowledge about sexual contact between minors with the aim to know if the mechanisms set out in the Spanish legislation to face the sexual delinquency reflects the current reality of our society and are proportionate to this kind of youth delinquency. Once the above goal, a legal analysis of the criminal legislation and the protection of children and young people legislation applicable to juvenile sex offenders is done. Since Spain has not been a pioneer in the implementation of such measures, it is also necessary to know the legal situation compared to some european countries in our environment and other western countries who have enacted specific legislation for sexual offenders. Finally, legislative reforms are proposed to adapt the current regulation to the minor's circumstances and characteristics.

RAMOS, Jeannette Filomeno Pouchain. Projeto educativo e político-pedagógico da escola De ensino médio: tradições e contradições na gestão e na formação para o trabalho. 2009. 245f. Tese (Doutorado em Educação) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Faculdade de Educação, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Educação Brasileira, Fortaleza-CE, 2009.
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The Brazilian education, founded by the logic submission of the educational project from the Jesuits, and the influences from the French, English and Americans, passed on to be considered a national problem with the proclamation of the republic in 1980. The attempt to regulate and to consolidate the social function propaedeutics, which denies the work, the industrialization who demanded the instrumental education for work and the reestablishment of the democracy in the state which reorganized the flexible production and impose the formation of a new type of worker (KUENZER, 1998) presents contradictories movements. In agreement with transformation the scientific technical conception of organization adopted participative democratic mechanism. Recognizing the contradiction in keeping distinct types of logic and the tendency of the liberal logic over the social logic, the challenger of the work management is to reverse this premise. As an alternative to the educational middle class project, the polytechnic education proposes to overcome the dual structure and history by omni lateral formation (SAVIANI, 2003). The elementary and middle school should be guided by the work as an excellent base for education (PISTRAK, 2005). The school, known as the work product of man, should be linked to school life as a social transformation combined with school education with material production and to promote self and social emancipation. In context, the general objective is to analyze the experience of reorganizing the educational work in creation of the politic pedagogic project of middle school, identifying perspectives, limits, possibilities, and resistances. The specifics objectives are to examine the evolution of the educational project in the social politic and economic history of Brazil, highlighting the management of school work and the formation of the young for work; analyze fundamentals, intentions and practices which guide the politic pedagogic project and identify and analyze the limits, possibilities and ways of group resistances in the management project. We choose as a theoretical methodological referential the Critic Theory and the method with materialistic history base. As instruments of qualitative and quantitative data collection we applied questionnaires, semi-structures interviews and focal groups. Among hypothesis should public school follow the educational project of middle class or should it follow the lines of vocational extent, instrumental; to attend to middle class project of the popular sector? The hard format of school has accomplished changes in the lines of directions? The politic pedagogic project working at Liceu do Maracanaú establish four pillars which reorganize the work in the school bearing in mind the full formation of the young. This school thinks, conceives and evaluates opposition to the others schools; it breaks with the traditional format of the work organization. The multiples intelligences are understood as principles, the project of work is the means to transformation of popular knowledge to the scientific knowledge with practice and social application of ideas in development of competencies and abilities, as means an half-yearly organizational and the evaluation as the learning observation. Scientific initiation in middle level education attends the interests of the school, highlighting the talents, improving the indicators and presenting results. This project is contradictory because the fundamentals and practice pedagogic reassures the principles of the traditional format and the process of schooling. This way the study confirms that is possible reorganize the work and this is done by the politic pedagogic project (PPP). Faced with the new demands the schools find themselves in a cross road and their functionality is placed at doubt. As a result of this, we point out the crises of education, formation of young and the society. It is necessary to invest in the contradictions of the system and take possession of them to construct another, the opposite and reverse. It is up to the intellectuals and educators to do their job.
A educação brasileira, permeada pela lógica da submissão do projeto educativo dos jesuítas, das influências francesas, inglesas e dos Estados Unidos da América, passa a ser considerada como problema nacional com a Proclamação da República em 1890. As tentativas de regulamentação e consolidação da função social propedêutica, que nega o trabalho, a industrialização que demandou a educação instrumental para o trabalho e a redemocratização do Estado que reorganizou a produção em flexível e impõe a formação do novo tipo de trabalhador (KUENZER, 1998) apresentam movimentos contraditórios. Em consonância com estas transformações a concepção técnico-científica de organização adota mecanismos democráticos-participativos. Como alternativa ao projeto educativo burguês, a educação politécnica propõe superar a dualidade estrutural e histórica por meio da formação omnilateral (SAVIANI, 2003). A escola fundamental e média deve guiar-se pelo trabalho como base excelente da educação (PISTRAK, 2005), portanto, deve vincular a vida escolar com a transformação social combinando educação escolar com produção material e promover a auto-emancipação e a emancipação social. Neste contexto, o objetivo geral é analisar a experiência de reorganização do trabalho educativo na constituição do projeto político-pedagógico da escola de ensino médio, identificando perspectivas, limites, possibilidades e resistências. Os objetivos específicos são examinar a evolução do projeto educativo na história sociopolítica e econômica do Brasil, destacando a gestão do trabalho escolar e a formação do jovem para o trabalho; analisar os fundamentos, intencionalidades e práticas que norteiam o projeto político-pedagógico e identificar e analisar os limites, possibilidades e formas de resistência coletiva na gestão do projeto. Optamos como referencial teórico-metodológico pela Teoria Crítica e pelo método de base materialista-histórica. Como instrumento de coleta de dados quantitativos e qualitativos foram aplicados questionários, grupos focais e entrevistas semiestruturadas. Entre os questões levantadas destacamos se escola pública deve seguir o projeto educativo da burguesia – propedêutica – ou deve se pautar na dimensão profissionalizante, instrumental, por atender ao projeto burguês para o setor popular? A escola mineralizada tem conseguido ressignificar diretrizes? O projeto político-pedagógico (PPP) em curso no Liceu do Maracanaú estabelece quatro pilares que reorganizam o trabalho na escola tendo em vista a formação integral do jovem. Esta escola pensa concebe e avalia e na contramão da maioria das escolas, rompe com o formato tradicional de organização do trabalho. As inteligências múltiplas são compreendidas como princípio, os projetos de trabalho como meio para a transformação do saber popular para o saber científico com aplicação prática e social dos conteúdos no desenvolvimento de competências e habilidades, a organização semestral como meio e a avaliação como monitoramento da aprendizagem. A iniciação cientifica destaca os talentos, melhora os indicadores e apresenta resultados. Este projeto é contraditório, pois os fundamentos e a prática pedagógica reafirmam os princípios liberais e o processo de escolarização excludente. Deste modo, o estudo confirma que é possível reorganizar o trabalho e este se concretiza por intermédio do PPP. Diante destas novas demandas, as escolas se encontram numa encruzilhada e sua funcionalidade é colocada em dúvida. Como prognóstico, apontamos o aprofundamento da crise da educação, da formação do jovem e da sociedade. Urge investir nas contradições inerentes ao sistema, apropriar-se delas para construção do outro, do contrário. Cabe, portanto, aos intelectuais e educadores cumprirem com a sua tarefa.

Sex trafficking is a crime prohibited by international law. Traffickers not only violate victims’ rights to liberty and security of persons; they also violate victims’ reproductive rights with potentially devastating consequences for their health and reproductive capabilities. Nonetheless, international antitrafficking and refugee law presents obstacles to viewing trafficking victims as refugees and granting them asylum. International law spotlights the crime of trafficking in persons and treats the human rights of victims as an ancillary matter, and domestic laws follow suit. However, a number of precedents in international and domestic law support construing trafficking victims as coming under refugee law and private oppression as included within refugee law. The chapter concludes by outlining arguments from reproductive rights to expand asylum rights to sex trafficking victims.

La crisis socioambiental es una característica de nuestro tiempo, cotidianamente podemos encontrar ejemplos de deterioro ecológico que amenazan la calidad y la dignidad de la vida, tanto en su manifestación humana como no humana. Esto nos exige contar con conocimientos que nos permitan entender cómo se engarzan fenómenos complejos en múltiples esferas. En ese sentido, el feminismo tiene mucho que aportar, pues constituye un cuerpo de pensamiento que ayuda a develar los procesos, las prácticas y los discursos que sostienen un orden patriarcal en el que se subordina todo aquello que no responde a códigos viriles y heteronormativos. Particularmente, el feminismo socioambiental ofrece rutas para imaginar proyectos comunes y emprender prácticas que nos acerquen a acuerdos más justos en clave de igualdad, libertad y sustentabilidad. Tal es el propósito del que parte el presente libro, que se funda en una posición ético-política comprometida con el desarrollo de herramientas teóricas y metodológicas que contribuyan a analizar las problemáticas que enfrentamos en América Latina y a esbozar alternativas que les den respuesta. A lo largo de sus 12 capítulos, se ofrecen claves conceptuales y se abordan problemas emergentes, abriendo un espacio de reflexión y conversación que reenmarca y actualiza el análisis del vínculo entre género y medio ambiente, sumándose a la consolidación de este campo de estudios en la región. En suma, esta obra responde a dos de las agendas más críticas de nuestro tiempo: la feminista y la ambiental, apoyándose en estos referentes nos invita a cuestionar el orden actual y a imaginar caminos hacia la justicia socioambiental.

La crisis socioambiental es una característica de nuestro tiempo, cotidianamente podemos encontrar ejemplos de deterioro ecológico que amenazan la calidad y la dignidad de la vida, tanto en su manifestación humana como no humana. Esto nos exige contar con conocimientos que nos permitan entender cómo se engarzan fenómenos complejos en múltiples esferas. En ese sentido, el feminismo tiene mucho que aportar, pues constituye un cuerpo de pensamiento que ayuda a develar los procesos, las prácticas y los discursos que sostienen un orden patriarcal en el que se subordina todo aquello que no responde a códigos viriles y heteronormativos. Particularmente, el feminismo socioambiental ofrece rutas para imaginar proyectos comunes y emprender prácticas que nos acerquen a acuerdos más justos en clave de igualdad, libertad y sustentabilidad. Tal es el propósito del que parte el presente libro, que se funda en una posición ético-política comprometida con el desarrollo de herramientas teóricas y metodológicas que contribuyan a analizar las problemáticas que enfrentamos en América Latina y a esbozar alternativas que les den respuesta. A lo largo de sus 12 capítulos, se ofrecen claves conceptuales y se abordan problemas emergentes, abriendo un espacio de reflexión y conversación que reenmarca y actualiza el análisis del vínculo entre género y medio ambiente, sumándose a la consolidación de este campo de estudios en la región. En suma, esta obra responde a dos de las agendas más críticas de nuestro tiempo: la feminista y la ambiental, apoyándose en estos referentes nos invita a cuestionar el orden actual y a imaginar caminos hacia la justicia socioambiental.

Este libro sostiene la hipótesis que muchos de los procesos que condujeron a la crisis de 2007-2008, aún continúan presentes en la economía. Los caminos tomados para su resolución, no solamente se ha demostrado que fueron equivocados, sino que conducirán a nuevos episodios de crisis aún más difíciles de enfrentar. Por ello, se hace más necesario reflexionar sobre las alternativas de salida de la crisis y la construcción de una vía o mejor dicho de múltiples vías de desarrollo. Como sostiene José Déniz en este libro, necesitamos combatir las políticas “austeritarias”, cuya austeridad sin límites y selectiva destruyen las conquistas sociales y el estado del bienestar alcanzado y que con su autoritarismo rompen con la democracia, la que se fundamenta en la igualdad, pero también en la libertad y la fraternidad.

The Long Crisis explores the origins and implications of one of the most significant developments across the globe over the last fifty years: the diminished faith in government as capable of solving public problems. Conventional accounts of the shift toward market and private sector governing solutions have focused on the rising influence of conservatives, libertarians, and the business sector. The Long Crisis, however, locates the origins of this transformation in the efforts of city-dwellers to preserve liberal commitments of the postwar period. New York faced an economic crisis beginning in the late 1960s that disrupted long-standing assumptions about the services city government could provide. In response, New Yorkers—organized within block associations, nonprofits, and professional organizations—embraced an ethos of private volunteerism and, eventually, of partnership with private business in order to save their communities from neglect. Local liberal and Democratic officials came over time to see such alliances not as stopgap measures, but as legitimate and ultimately permanent features of modern governance. The ascent of market-based policies was driven less by a political assault of pro-market ideologues than by ordinary New Yorkers experimenting with novel ways to maintain robust public services in the face of the city’s budget woes. Local people and officials, The Long Crisis argues, built neoliberalism from the ground up. These shifts toward the market would both exacerbate old racial and economic inequalities and produce new ones that continue to shape metropolitan areas today.

Criminal justice used to be thought of as a field autonomous from politics and the economy, with the management of crime and punishment being seen as essentially the responsibility of government. However, in recent decades, policies have been adopted which blur the institutional boundaries and functions of the public sector with those of for-profit and civil society interests in many parts of the penal/welfare complex. The impact of these developments on society is contested: Proponents of the ‘neo-liberal penality thesis’ argue economic deregulation, welfare retrenchment, individualised choices – and associated responsibility – may be aligned by market forces into efficient delivery of ‘law and order’. Set against the neo-liberal penal position are arguments that the corporate sector may be no more efficient in delivering criminal justice services than is the public sector, and reliance on the profit motive to deliver criminal justice may lead to perverse incentivisation of NGOs or state agencies. It is to this debate we add our contribution. Criminal justice is an ideal sector in which to consider the implications arising from the differing incentive structures held by different institutions, both private and public, citizens, governments, social enterprise and the corporate sector. All agree on the need for criminal justice, even as they compete in the policy sphere to dictate its form and delivery.

AbstractClimate change threatens development and economic growth in Africa. It increases risks for individuals and governments with unprecedented negative impacts on agriculture. Specifically, climate change presents a major threat to food security in Africa for the long term due to the low adaptive capacity to deal with successive climate shocks. There is a need for greater awareness of the trends of food crisis patterns and adaptive initiatives. The objective of this chapter was to analyze the trends of the food crisis in Africa within the past 10 years and adaptive initiatives. Quantitative data analyzed for food security indicators were obtained from the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) and World Development Indicators (WDI) available at the Environment and Climate Change data portal. Policy and adaptation measures related to climate change were reviewed in 26 countries in Africa, with the view to highlight their integrative nature in enhancing food security. High prevalence of undernourishment was observed in six countries, all in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) including Chad, Liberia, Central African Republic, The Democratic Republic of the Congo, Zambia, and Zimbabwe. Countries with a high land acreage under cereal production recorded reduced undernourishment. Niger demonstrated effective adaptation for food security by registering the highest crop production index in extreme climate variability. However, Kenya appears to be the most predisposed by registering both high climate variability and below average crop production index. It is observed that diversification and technology adoption are key strategies applied across the countries for adaptation. However, the uptake of technology by smallholder farmers is still low across many countries in SSA.

AbstractClimate change threatens development and economic growth in Africa. It increases risks for individuals and governments with unprecedented negative impacts on agriculture. Specifically, climate change presents a major threat to food security in Africa for the long term due to the low adaptive capacity to deal with successive climate shocks. There is a need for greater awareness of the trends of food crisis patterns and adaptive initiatives. The objective of this chapter was to analyze the trends of the food crisis in Africa within the past 10 years and adaptive initiatives. Quantitative data analyzed for food security indicators were obtained from the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) and World Development Indicators (WDI) available at the Environment and Climate Change data portal. Policy and adaptation measures related to climate change were reviewed in 26 countries in Africa, with the view to highlight their integrative nature in enhancing food security. High prevalence of undernourishment was observed in six countries, all in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) including Chad, Liberia, Central African Republic, The Democratic Republic of the Congo, Zambia, and Zimbabwe. Countries with a high land acreage under cereal production recorded reduced undernourishment. Niger demonstrated effective adaptation for food security by registering the highest crop production index in extreme climate variability. However, Kenya appears to be the most predisposed by registering both high climate variability and below average crop production index. It is observed that diversification and technology adoption are key strategies applied across the countries for adaptation. However, the uptake of technology by smallholder farmers is still low across many countries in SSA.

AbstractThis contribution deals with the current European rule of law crisis. It does so by analyzing the recent CJEU’s judgment in re LM and by considering its possible ramifications for the future of the rule of law in the EU. In particular, it is argued that, as a result of this judgment, the European rule of law as provided for by Art. 2 TEU has become a legally enforceable value. The CJEU has indeed made clear that this value features a set of minimum standards that the Member States cannot bluntly disregard. In the present context, which is characterized by the inaction of the supranational and national political institutions, a prominent role in safeguarding a liberal understanding of the European rule of law is played by the entire European judiciary (the so-called ‘Gerichtsverbund’), including national courts and tribunals.

Abstract This volume contributes to research on migration from Latvia, a country in Central Eastern Europe (CEE), following the fall of the Iron Curtain in 1991. The experience of independent Latvia with borders opening up to the world and more specifically to the West has turned out to be both a rewarding and wounding experience for communities in the country. On the rewarding side, individuals have gained liberty – an ability to travel the world freely, to see and live in the countries which were beyond the closed doors of the Soviet Union just some decades ago. This freedom, however, has also brought the sense of cost to the society – people are going abroad as if dissolving into other worlds, away from their small homeland. The context of decreasing birth rates and ageing in the country seems to amplify a feeling of loss which is supported by hard evidence. Research shows a worrying 17% decline in Latvia’s population between 2000 and 2013. One third of this is due to declining birth rates and two-thirds is caused by emigration (Hazans 2016). This situation has turned out to be hurtful experience for communities in Latvia causing a heightened sense of grief especially during the Great Recession which shook the country at the end of the first decade of the twenty-first century. By 2013 the feeling of crises even larger than the economic downturn came to a head in Latvian society, pushing the government for the first time in the history of independent Latvia to recognise the migration of the country’s nationals and to acknowledge diaspora politics as an important item on the national policy agenda.

This chapter examines initiatives to organize the global fight against international crime, which emerged in Central and Eastern Europe in the 1920s and which by the 1930s posed an alternative to the imperial and liberal internationalist programmes pursued by many Western Europeans and Americans. Police, especially from Austria, sought to internationalize policing through the International Criminal Police Commission (today Interpol). At the same time, jurists from the region sought to unify norms for fighting international crimes as a first step towards a broader project of founding a body of international criminal law. Both programmes responded to the particular social and demographic problems engulfing the region after the collapse of Europe’s great land empires. By the 1930s, these post-imperial and often illiberal programmes increasingly set the agenda at the League of Nations on a range of international offences, notably the drug trade and sex trafficking.

Focusing on Im Sang-soo’s The Taste of Money (2012), this chapter explores the interplay between gender, corporate corruption, age, nationhood and footwear. The film directly references a series of social and cultural debates that have taken place inside South Korea in the last decades, highlighting the sexual, class and ethnic tensions that exist inside the state. The chapter also examines the filmmaker’s 2010 film The Housemaid. Both films show how women are trapped between the neo-liberal agenda of defining the self and the desire/need to maintain a more traditional female narrative.

This chapter focuses on the integrative force of resilient liberal practices. It acknowledges that liberal order is in crisis, but asserts that liberal internationalism's permanent crisis is a source of renewal and transformation in liberal order. A definition of liberal internationalism is put forward that carefully avoids constructing reified notions of liberal internationalism associated with American power. The chapter points to the need to focus on social practices to see the potential of liberal order's adaptation and renewal, and suggests that, although the decline of American power indeed may be seen from a narrow perspective to threaten liberal order, from a wider and deeper conceptual historical perspective, liberal practices may be why the order has not yet been replaced.

Este trabajo analiza los componentes teóricos del Estado a partir de una revisión de la teoría de la crisis de Thomas Kunt (1971), aplicada a la política y a la dogmática jurídica del Estado. Kunt (1971) propone que la revolución científica es el remplazo de un paradigma por otro, cuando el primero no resuelve las problemáticas para lo cual fue concebido y entra en crisis frente a su propio mundo, generando el cambio en un nuevo paradigma; en ese sentido, si el Estado entra en crisis debería desaparecer por un nuevo paradigma (Bakunin, 1985), pero en vez de surgir un paradigma anárquico de las relaciones sociales, el contraste empírico nos muestra una mutabilidad del Estado en responder a cada desafío para perpetuar su existencia, transformándose en diversas facetas, que algunos estadistas han clasificado en razón del nivel democrático de sus instituciones, por ejemplo, estamental; absolutista; liberal; totalitario; autoritario; socialista y el Estado Social de Derecho (Olano y Olano, 2000, p 101 y s.s).

The Long Crisis explores the origins and implications of one of the most significant developments across the globe over the last fifty years: the diminished faith in government as capable of solving public problems. The origins of this transformation are found in city-dwellers’ efforts to preserve liberal commitments of the postwar period. New York faced an economic crisis beginning in the late 1960s that disrupted long-standing assumptions about the services city government could provide. In response, New Yorkers—organized within block associations, nonprofits, and professional organizations—embraced an ethos of private volunteerism and, eventually, of partnership with private business in order to save their communities from neglect. Local liberal and Democratic officials came over time to see such alliances not as stopgap measures but as legitimate and ultimately permanent features of modern governance. Local people and officials, this book argues, built neoliberalism from the ground up.

Global economy, especially after 1990 have had a liberal approach to structural transformation and reveal the effectiveness of "liberalization" is defined as the process. Together with the global financial crisis started to be discussed this process with a more intense competition and the growing importance of the concept of expanding the size of the country in terms of a systematic policy of competition policy with all the other words are required. Within the general framework of the so-called Eurasia in the Turkic World in this transformation to create new institutional structures and market mechanisms are working. Decades of an ongoing economic system and a complex new system into the market place, this transformation is absolutely raises a number of structural problems. Yet even liberal economies have experienced economic crises at the regional and global environment is taken into account, and ideally a fully functioning market institutions does not occur. In this context, competition policy and sub-elements should be defined. Rationalized in terms of market economy should be set to the required qualifications. As for this purpose, work on the first section describes the conceptual background and will be shaped. In the following section, Turkic World Economies mainly as provided in the development process of market reforms and competition policies are introduced, which arise in the functioning of a market economy, or "market failures" will be discussed.

El presente trabajo trata de mostrar la repercusión y difusión de las ilustraciones políticas del caricaturista norteamericano Ben Garrison en Internet como ejemplo de un activismo de derechas realizado desde una técnica tradicional, la caricatura editorial, en un medio actual, Internet. Con todo esto, el objetivo es demostrar, desde este caso concreto, los beneficios y perjuicios de la libertad de expresión en la red, así como el poder de la metaforización de las emociones para construir comunidades virtuales. A la hora de abordar este trabajo, en primer lugar, se explican las motivaciones de su inicio como caricaturista político independiente durante la crisis económica de 2008. Es a partir de su frustración ante el rescate financiero del Congreso a los grandes bancos cuando decide publicar, en su blog personal, dibujos que denuncian la corrupción de la Reserva Federal por parte de una élite mundial. En segundo lugar, se establecen las razones de la viralización de su obra: la controversia de sus imágenes contra lo «políticamente correcto», el poder de difusión en Internet y su libertad de expresión frente a la limitaciones materiales e ideológicas de la prensa escrita. Finalmente, se compara la recepción de su obra desde dos flancos. Por una parte, la reproducción y admiración de su obra desde el movimiento «alt-right» en redes sociales y periódicos digitales. Sus dibujos, que incitan al odio contra lo «políticamente correcto» y el miedo hacia el poder de una supuesta élite mundial, han ayudado a consolidar el imaginario político de la «alt-right» mediante la metaforización de dichas emociones. Por otra parte, lo «políticamente incorrecto» de su obra es criticado y rechazado por los sectores progresistas norteamericanos; además, sus dibujos son manipulados anónimamente desde, principalmente, los foros «4chan» y «8chan» en pro del racismo para perjudicar la imagen del caricaturista y reforzar los discursos ultraderechistas norteamericanos. Como consecuencia de esta situación, Ben Garrison ha declarado pública y reiteradamente ser un liberal conservador, alejado de cualquier ideología extremista, y seguidor de Donald Trump; comparándose con él por ir en contra del «establishment» y de la «corrección política», luego, apoyándole y estilizando su figura de líder carismático en sus dibujos.

INTRODUÇÃO: A asma é uma doença caracterizada pela inflamação crônica das vias aéreas e por limitação variável do fluxo expiratório. É uma das maiores causas de hospitalizações durante episódios de crise, a qual é induzida por uma reação de hipersensibilidade imediata, envolvendo células do sistema imunológico. Diante da exposição a fatores precipitantes da crise asmática, como os alérgenos, ocorre uma liberação excessiva de mediadores inflamatórias que acentuam os sintomas, podendo ser graves, necessitando de uma abordagem terapêutica imediata. OBJETIVOS: Avaliar os aspectos imunológicos da hipersensibilidade imediata, decorrentes da exacerbação da asma. MATERIAIS E MÉTODOS: Foi realizada uma revisão da literatura formulada a partir da seleção de artigos indexados no banco de dados da SciElo. RESULTADOS: Os mecanismos do processo inflamatório da crise asmática decorrente da exposição a um alérgeno, envolve a produção de anticorpos IgE específicos ao antígeno. Durante a primeira exposição ao antígeno desencadeador do processo da crise asmática, há uma produção de interleucinas pelo Linfócito Th2, que age nos Linfócitos B, induzindo-o expressar o IgE. Assim, em uma nova exposição ao alérgeno, ocorre uma produção excessiva de IgE, que ao interagir com mastócitos e basófilos, induz sua degranulação e libera mediadores inflamatórios. Essa reação provoca complicações que comprometem a saúde do paciente. Dessa maneira, o manejo adequado do paciente com exacerbação da asma deve basear-se no grau de severidade da sua crise, que pode ser classificado em grave, moderado ou leve. Desse modo, é indispensável o controle da crise, restabelecendo o equilíbrio do sistema imunológico, a fim de reduzir os sintomas e melhorar a qualidade de vida do paciente. CONCLUSÃO: As exacerbações são manifestações de pacientes asmáticos, tornando uma das maiores causas de atendimentos na emergência. As agudizações da asma que decorrem de uma exposição ao alérgeno, levam o paciente a apresentar uma reação de hipersensibilidade imediata, que interfere no sistema imunológico, fazendo-o iniciar uma cascata de reações desencadeadas pelo anticorpo IgE. Assim, devido aos sintomas causados pelo agravamento da asma o atendimento inicial deve ser rápido e objetivo, constituindo estratégias terapêuticas para combater as reações excessivas do sistema imunológico.

Como planteamiento y fundamentación de la argumentación conceptual en la generación del proyecto artístico denominado El paradigma islamofóbico, desarrollado dentro del trabajo final del Máster Universitario en Proyecto e Investigación en Arte, de la Universidad Miguel Hernández de Elche, realicé una serie de lecturas e investigaciones que configuraron una memoria escrita final, a partir de la cuál he diseñado este artículo. Dentro del extenso fenómeno de la globalización podemos observar el surgimiento, encuentro y pugna de diferentes formas de entender la existencia, las cuales se encuentran atravesadas por la hegemónica imposición del mayor de todos los fundamentalismos que configura el sistema mundo actual, marcado por un feroz neoliberalismo financiero-económico, establecido en base a una matriz occidentalocéntrica del poder y del saber que configura el ser, el sentir y la visión de todo aquello que percibimos como ajeno a los valores coloniales de modernidad y civilización. Junto con los actuales movimientos migratorios, el terrorismo internacional, así como diferentes intereses políticos, geoestratégicos y económicos, se ha producido en los últimos años un auge del racismo y la islamofobia (señalado por la Unión Europea a través de su Observatorio Europeo del Racismo y la Xenofobia) que evidencia, como indica la profesora de estudios árabes e islámicos Luz Gómez, que los fundamentos europeos de libertad, igualdad y solidaridad siempre fueron más bien retóricos, o lo que es lo mismo, que la actual crisis europea es, ante todo, una crisis de principios éticos y morales. Esta cosmovisión dominante se ve reforzada por la información y las narrativas discursivas políticas y mediáticas de odio y desprecio, fomentando en su naturalización, un sentimiento de inseguridad anti-islámico que sitúa al islam y a los musulmanes como el chivo expiatorio de todos los problemas sociales, económicos, laborales, identitarios y políticos.http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/ANIAV.2017.4813

Con el análisis de la performance “Viena says…” del artista alemán Nasan Tur pretendemos demostrar como el borrado no sólo es una práctica a la que se llega a través de la sustracción, sino también a través de la adicción. Y cómo esta práctica tiene mucho que ver con la sobreabundancia de las imágenes y la pérdida de la identidad. Este análisis forma parte de un trabajo más extenso que desarrollamos sobre las prácticas antivisuales en la contemporaneidad. Nasan Tur (Alemania,1974). Este artista para su trabajo parte del entorno urbano, la calle, la plaza, el bar, una mezquita, una escalera, un aeropuerto, es decir, donde la gente se cruza temporalmente, donde los caminos y las ideas heterogéneas se enfrentan. Sus intervenciones tienen como objetivo romper con normalidad e investigar las situaciones donde se infringen los acuerdos. En un primer apartado del artículo describimos como el artista explora la interacción del lenguaje y los símbolos en el espacio público. La obra de la imagen superior forma parte de la serie de un trabajo titulado The city says... En esta obra reúne más de cien frases pintadas en graffiti que toma de las paredes de las casas de la ciudad y las pinta con aerosol de nuevo en una pared interior de su estudio, superponiéndolas en un tiempo muy veloz hasta que todos se tornan una superficie roja ilegible. La ilegibilidad y el borrado de la palabra no es un tema nuevo en el arte por eso un segundo apartado del artículo recuerda aquellos ejemplos donde ha estado presente dentro de ciertas prácticas antivisuales. Frente a la imagen omnipresente el borrado continúa siendo un acto de rebeldía y de posicionamiento que sobrepasando el placer estético se convierte en una táctica de cuestionamiento. En este caso la palabra es borrada y con ella la acción performativa adquiere una nueva dimensión. A partir del borrado de frases cortas como un Te quiero, No hay respeto, Libertad para…, etc. y que en realidad adornan miles de fachadas de todo el mundo, lo que se está haciendo presente es el mutismo de una sociedad. En las conclusiones hablaremos de esta crisis del valor comunicativo y cómo la superficie cubierta de pintura en aerosol de este modo se puede leer como una metáfora de las dificultades que acosan a cualquier forma de comunicación. Entre otros trabajos hemos utilizado como referencias los textos de: Meana Martínez, Poéticas de la negación de lo visual; Barbara Heinrich: The Stories behind the Pictures; y Ralph Rugoff: Invisible: Art about the Unseen 1957-2012.http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/ANIAV.2017.5842

Introdução: Estupro marital é um tipo de violência sexual que difere do estupro apenas pelo grau de intimidade de quem o comete. O aborto é considerado crime no Brasil, salvo casos previstos em lei. Uma dessas situações seria a gravidez decorrente de estupro/violência sexual. Objetivos: Relatar experiência de vítima de violência sexual por parte de companheiro, que optou por interrupção da gestação e trazer luz à possibilidade de realização de aborto previsto em lei nesses casos. Materiais e Métodos: Relato de caso clínico baseado em coleta de dados de prontuário de paciente vítima de abuso sexual por agressor íntimo, atendida no ambulatório de vítimas de violência sexual e submetida a procedimento para interrupção de gravidez previsto em lei, de acordo com sua decisão voluntária e consciente. Resultados: M.P.S., 26 anos, primeira consulta no ambulatório de vítimas de violência sexual em 05 de agosto de 2020. Relacionamento com parceiro há três anos. Em 26 de junho, saíram de casa e na volta ele manteve relações sexuais não consentidas com a vítima, que relata embriaguez, não conseguindo pedir ajuda e que não fazia uso de nenhum método contraceptivo. Teme represália, pois parceiro seria membro da milícia. Após atraso menstrual (última menstruação em 12 de junho), em 22 de julho realizou exames, com beta HCG (gonadotrofina coriônica humana) positivo e ultrassonografia, com saco gestacional tópico de 5 semanas. Solicitados ultrassonografia transvaginal, que mostrou embrião com 7 semanas e 5 dias, e laboratório com sorologias não reagentes para doenças sexualmente transmissíveis. Avaliada por equipe multidisciplinar composta de médicos, psicólogos e serviço social, retorna em 12 de agosto e opta por interromper a gestação. Para execução do aborto legal, são necessários: termos de relato circunstanciado, responsabilidade e de consentimento livre e esclarecido, parecer técnico e ata de aprovação de procedimento de interrupção de gravidez. Internada em 14 de agosto, apresentou sorologias não reagentes e ultrassonografia com gestação de 8 semanas. Preparo do colo uterino para interrupção da gestação com misoprostol 800 microgramas dose única, por via vaginal, às 19 h. Em 15 de agosto, apresentava colo uterino amolecido, entreaberto e saída de coágulos. Submetida a procedimento de aspiração manual intrauterina, sem intercorrências. Alta em 16 de agosto com orientações e retorno. Revisão em 26 de agosto: exame físico normal, toque vaginal com discreta secreção em borra de café. Em uso de contraceptivo por conta própria. Refere estar se mudando para a Paraíba, após separação. Orientada e liberada. Conclusão: O caso mostra a importância da discussão sobre violência sexual por parceiros, que continua pouco visualizada e/ou minimizada pela sociedade e envolve muita vergonha e medo por parte das vítimas. Gestações resultantes podem trazer enorme carga emocional. Nesses casos, é fundamental a orientação sobre direitos e possibilidades disponíveis, sendo uma dessas, a interrupção.