Journal articles: 'Seventeenth-century Spanish America'

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A.X. and Rebecca Earle. "Letters and Love in Colonial Spanish America." Americas 62, no. 01 (July 2005): 17–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500063331.

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Is love a modern invention? This question is perhaps not quite as ludicrous as it might appear. For nearly three decades scholars have been exploring whether contemporary ideas about love are in fact as ancient as we might believe. As a result of these investigations, some historians have concluded that our current attitudes towards love date from no earlier than the seventeenth century. This opinion was expressed most forcefully by Lawrence Stone in his 1977 The Family, Sex and Marriage in England, 1500-1800. In this path-breaking study Stone argued that recognizably modern ideas about marriage did not emerge in England until the seventeenth century. Only then did what he called “companionate marriage” develop. “Companionate marriage,” as described by Stone, was characterized by certain distinguishing features.

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A.X. and Rebecca Earle. "Letters and Love in Colonial Spanish America." Americas 62, no. 1 (July 2005): 17–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2005.0120.

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Is love a modern invention? This question is perhaps not quite as ludicrous as it might appear. For nearly three decades scholars have been exploring whether contemporary ideas about love are in fact as ancient as we might believe. As a result of these investigations, some historians have concluded that our current attitudes towards love date from no earlier than the seventeenth century. This opinion was expressed most forcefully by Lawrence Stone in his 1977The Family, Sex and Marriage in England, 1500-1800.In this path-breaking study Stone argued that recognizably modern ideas about marriage did not emerge in England until the seventeenth century. Only then did what he called “companionate marriage” develop. “Companionate marriage,” as described by Stone, was characterized by certain distinguishing features.

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Adorno, Rolena. "Reconsidering Colonial Discourse for Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-Century Spanish America." Latin American Research Review 28, no. 3 (1993): 135–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002387910001699x.

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Schmidt-Nowara, Christopher. "The Specter of Las Casas: José Antonio Saco and the Persistence of Spanish Colonialism in Cuba." Itinerario 25, no. 2 (July 2001): 93–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300008846.

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The empire of absolutist Spain haunted the debates over the empire of liberal Spain. To take one example, José Arias y Miranda, an unemployed civil servant who would later work as the librarian for the Ministerio de Ultramar (Overseas Ministry), responded to the Real Academia de la Historia's query on the effects of the American empire on Spain's economy and society in words that would have been familiar to a seventeenth-century arbitrista. After reviewing America's drain on the sparse Spanish population and the corrupting effects of gold, silver, and land on Spanish work habits, Arias y Miranda concluded ‘that America was […] the determining cause of Spain's decadence’.

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Klein, Herbert S., and Jacques A. Barbier. "Recent Trends in the Study of Spanish American Colonial Public Finance." Latin American Research Review 23, no. 1 (1988): 35–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100034701.

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Fiscal history has become one of the most active new fields of research on colonial Spanish America. This trend has resulted from a number of recent breakthroughs, most notably the reconstruction of colonial treasury records and the appearance of the first revisionist studies based on the new data. These works are challenging traditional views, particularly the general understanding of the colonial economic experience and the evolution of imperial ties. Indeed, the fiscal series now being made available, if properly supported by qualitative research and regional studies, may affect seventeenth- and eighteenth-century historiography as notably as the demographic works of the Berkeley school affected sixteenth- and seventeenth-century historiography.

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Newson, Linda A., and Susie Minchin. "Diets, Food Supplies and the African Slave Trade in Early Seventeenth-Century Spanish America." Americas 63, no. 4 (April 2007): 517–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2007.0080.

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Much has been written about the spread of Old World crops and livestock in the Americas. However, very little is known, except in very general terms, about the availability of different foods, diets and nutrition, particularly among the common people, in different regions of Spanish America in the early colonial period. This derives in part from the shortage of evidence, but it also reflects the difficulties of researching these complex issues, where environmental conditions, access to land and labor, income distribution, regulation of food supplies and prices, as well as food traditions, all interact.

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Franco, Juan Carlos. "Supervivencia y adaptación de la vihuela de arco entre las sociedades shuar, achuar, shiwiar y kichwas del Pastaza de la Alta Amazonía." Anthropos 117, no. 1 (2022): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0257-9774-2022-1-1.

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The vihuela de arco, a musical instrument with a remote background in fourteenth-century Spain and frequently used in Renaissance music, was introduced to America and the Upper Amazon after the Spanish invasion. In Europe it stopped playing at the beginning of the seventeenth century, but today an adaptation of it subsists in the Upper Amazon, incorporated into the systems of musical thought of the Shuar, Achuar and Shiwiar societies that share cultural and linguistic similarities, as well as in the Kichwa people of Sarayaku, an aspect that configures an important musicological finding of the 21st century.

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Strasser, Ulrike. "A case of empire envy? German Jesuits meet an Asian mystic in Spanish America." Journal of Global History 2, no. 1 (March 2007): 23–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022807002021.

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This essay deals with the hagiographic afterlife of Catarina de San Juan, the seventeenth-century slave from Asia who became a renowned mystic in colonial Mexico, in writings by German Jesuits, notably Joseph Stöcklein’s popular Welt-Bott. Why and how was Catarina de San Juan’s story told for a German-speaking audience in Central Europe? The specific German appropriations of her vita suggest that missionary writings could serve as a transmission belt for ‘colonial fantasies’, linking the early modern period when the Holy Roman Empire did not have colonies to the modern period when the German Nation acquired colonial holdings in the Pacific.

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Lazzari, Matteo. "“A Bad Race of Infected Blood” The Atlantic Profile of Gaspar Riveros Vasconcelos and the Question of Race in 1650 New Spain." Journal of Early American History 11, no. 1 (April 28, 2021): 3–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18770703-11010008.

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Abstract Based on manuscripts from the Mexican National Archive recording a 1650 Inquisition trial for astrology, this article will present a reconstruction of the story of Gaspar Riveros Vasconcelos, a “mulatto” born in Tangier, a descendant of a Portuguese father and Angolan mother. He travelled the Atlantic commercial routes – visiting Angola, Pernambuco, Cartagena de Indias, La Havana – and got involved in political discussions with Spaniards residing in mid-seventeenth century Mexico City. This period was particularly tough for Portuguese people in Spanish America, given the 1640 breach of the dynastic union of Spain and Portugal, which had been formerly achieved in 1581 by King Philipp ii. Vasconcelos’ story allows us to reflect on identity formation in time, on the concept of race, as well as on the ways in which “a persona miserable de color pardo” could deploy his agency as Afro-Portuguese in colonial Mexico society. As such, this paper aims to reconsider the relevance of individual narratives which can generate a growing awareness of the importance that Afro-descendants had in the Ibero-American world and how they could influence the process of racialization in the local context of seventeenth century New Spain.

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Billing, Samantha R. "Indios, Sambos, Mestizos, and the Social Construction of Racial Identity in Colonial Central America." Ethnohistory 68, no. 2 (April 1, 2021): 269–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00141801-8801876.

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Abstract The Miskitu, a group indigenous to the Caribbean Coast of Central America, have long been recognized for their racial diversity. In the mid-seventeenth century, a ship of African slaves wrecked on the Mosquito Coast and subsequently intermarried with the Miskitu population. Since then, there have been two groups of Miskitu: the “pure” indios and the racially mixed sambos. This article argues against this neat divide. Race during the colonial period was not fixed and could be influenced by a number of factors that included not only one’s ancestry but also their behavior. When Spanish writers assigned a racial category to the Miskitu, the context of the encounter often shaped perceived racial origin. When Miskitu-Spanish relations were hostile, Spaniards more often chose the racial label sambo. During times of peace, indio was more common, and mestizo was sometimes used to refer to Miskitu rulers. By focusing on the complexity and malleability of colonial racial rhetoric, this article argues that Spanish officials strategically selected racial labels for the Miskitu depending on the colonial policy they were trying to promote.

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WHEAT, DAVID. "THE FIRST GREAT WAVES: AFRICAN PROVENANCE ZONES FOR THE TRANSATLANTIC SLAVE TRADE TO CARTAGENA DE INDIAS, 1570–1640." Journal of African History 52, no. 1 (March 2011): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853711000119.

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ABSTRACTDrawing on port entry records for 487 ships disembarking nearly 80,000 captives in Cartagena de Indias, the primary slaving port in early colonial Spanish America, this article provides a new assessment of the relative importance of major African provenance zones for the sixteenth- and seventeenth-century transatlantic slave trade. Upper Guinea and Angola furnished roughly equal shares of forced migrants to Cartagena between 1570 and 1640, with a smaller wave of captives from Lower Guinea. While Angola eventually replaced Upper Guinea as the main source of slave traffic to Cartagena, the shift was more gradual than scholars have previously believed.

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Benton, Lauren. "Making Order Out of Trouble: Jurisdictional Politics in the Spanish Colonial Borderlands." Law & Social Inquiry 26, no. 02 (2001): 373–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.2001.tb00182.x.

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Jurisdictional fluidity was a central feature of early modem Iberian law, and jurisdictional tensions were exacerbated by overseas conquest and colonization. Contests over the legal status of conquered peoples featured both jurisdictional jockeying among colonial factions and widespread preoccupation with the symbols and rituals marking cultural and legal difference. This article examines the dynamics of jurisdictional politics in seventeenth-century New Mexico, where church and state officials carried on a bitter feud over legal authority during most of the century. Rather than viewing this contest as either transparently political or a mask for deeper processes defining hegemony, the article argues that seemingly dry legal distinctions were the focus of passionate and persistent struggle precisely because they merged institutional and cultural concerns of missionaries, settler elites, and Indians. The analysis leads to broader, more speculative claims about the role of jurisdictional fluidity in creating an “orderly disorder” that spanned diverse regions within Spanish America and, more broadly, across colonial regimes in the early modern world.

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Roldán-Figueroa, Rady. "Spiritualité, Spirituality, and Espiritualidad." Church History and Religious Culture 101, no. 4 (October 26, 2021): 496–525. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712428-bja10020.

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Abstract This article offers a corrective to the widely held idea that the modern concept of spirituality is traceable to the seventeenth century French notion of spiritualité. Instead, the argument is made that the sixteenth and seventeenth century Spanish terms spiritual and spiritualidad are earlier expressions of the modern concept of spirituality. The article opens with an examination of the place of spirituality in the academic study of religion and proceeds to a discussion of the premises of conceptual history and modern lexicography. In the closing section, the author analyses a plethora of lexicographical and other primary source material from the medieval to the early modern periods that demonstrate the usage of the terms spirital and espiritualidad in Spain as well as in colonial Latin America. Among the sources examined are Sebastián de Covarrubias Orozco, Tesoro de la lengua castellana (Madrid: Luis Sánchez, 1611); Fernando de Valverde, Vida de Jesu Christo nuestro señor (Lima: Luis de Lyra, 1657); and Diccionario de la lengua castellana (Madrid: En la imprenta de Francisco del Hierro, 1726–1739).

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Van Valen, Gary, and Caesar E. Farah. "An Arab's Journey to Colonial Spanish America: The Travels of Elias al-Mûsili in the Seventeenth Century." Sixteenth Century Journal 36, no. 4 (December 1, 2005): 1216. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20477671.

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Miller, Joseph C. "From Capture to Sale: The Portuguese Slave Trade to Spanish South America in the Early Seventeenth Century." Slavery & Abolition 30, no. 3 (September 2009): 479–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01440390903098128.

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Bechtloff, Dagmar. "From Capture to Sale: The Portuguese Slave Trade to Spanish South America in the Early Seventeenth Century." Hispanic American Historical Review 88, no. 4 (November 1, 2008): 730–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2008-037.

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Pike, Ruth. "Black Rebels: The Cimarrons of Sixteenth-Century Panama." Americas 64, no. 2 (October 2007): 243–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2007.0161.

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The strategic location of the Isthmus of Panama within the commercial network of the Spanish Empire and the need to defend it has greatly influenced historical writing on sixteenth-and seventeenth-century Panama. Most studies have emphasized military and economic history and with few exceptions, have shown little interest in other aspects of Panamanian life. An excellent review of the historical literature on colonial Panama can be found in Christopher Ward, Imperial Panama: Commerce and Conflict in Isthmian America, 1550-1800 (Albuquerque, 1993). Despite a continuing emphasis on the usual themes of trade and defense, there is a growing trend to focus on other topics such as population movements and social classes. One of the areas still awaiting further investigation and study is the history of the cimarrons of Panama. The two principal primary sources for the role of the cimarrons are the collections of documents from the Archivo General de Indias in Seville published by Irene Wright and Carol F. Jopling, respectively. Wright's Documents Concerning the English Voyages to the Spanish Main, 1569-1580 (London, 1932) contains the correspondence of Spanish officials on the Isthmus to the king relating to the activities of the English pirates and their alliance with the cimarrons.

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Eissa-Barroso, Francisco A. "“OF EXPERIENCE, ZEAL, AND SELFLESSNESS”: Military Officers as Viceroys in Early Eighteenth Century Spanish America." Americas 68, no. 03 (January 2012): 317–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500001267.

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On February 18, 1724, field marshal Antonio Manso Maldonado arrived in New Granada as the president, governor, and captain-general of the New Kingdom. He had been appointed to this position on December 4, 1723, because both the crown and die Chamber of the Indies thought it would be best executed by a military officer. Manso Maldonado could boast more than 30 years of military service, proven loyalty, and administrative experience, much of it during the first reign of Felipe V. After joining the royal armies as a private, Manso Maldonado rose steadily through the ranks, fighting the Moors in Ceuta and the French in the wars of die late seventeenth century. During the War of the Spanish Succession, he served at the orders of the militant bishop of Murcia and last viceroy of Valencia, Luis Belluga, who praised Manso's valor directly to the king. Most important perhaps, at the end of die War of the Spanish Succession and upon the occupation of Catalonia by Bourbon forces, Manso Maldonado had served as teniente de rey in Gerona (1716-1719) and Barcelona (1719-1723), witnessing first-hand the implementation of the Nueva Planta and the enforcement of royal authority over the rebellious principality.

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Eissa-Barroso, Francisco A. "“Of Experience, Zeal, and Selflessness”: Military Officers as Viceroys in Early Eighteenth Century Spanish America." Americas 68, no. 03 (January 2012): 317–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500006489.

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On February 18, 1724, field marshal Antonio Manso Maldonado arrived in New Granada as the president, governor, and captain-general of the New Kingdom. He had been appointed to this position on December 4, 1723, because both the crown and the Chamber of the Indies thought it would be best executed by a military officer. Manso Maldonado could boast more than 30 years of military service, proven loyalty, and administrative experience, much of it during the first reign of Felipe V. After joining the royal armies as a private, Manso Maldonado rose steadily through the ranks, fighting the Moors in Ceuta and the French in the wars of the late seventeenth century. During the War of the Spanish Succession, he served at the orders of the militant bishop of Murcia and last viceroy of Valencia, Luis Belluga, who praised Manso's valor directly to the king. Most important perhaps, at the end of the War of the Spanish Succession and upon the occupation of Catalonia by Bourbon forces, Manso Maldonado had served as teniente de rey in Gerona (1716-1719) and Barcelona (1719-1723), witnessing first-hand the implementation of the Nueva Planta and the enforcement of royal authority over the rebellious principality.

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Eissa-Barroso, Francisco A. "“Of Experience, Zeal, and Selflessness”: Military Officers as Viceroys in Early Eighteenth Century Spanish America." Americas 68, no. 3 (January 2012): 317–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2012.0022.

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On February 18, 1724, field marshal Antonio Manso Maldonado arrived in New Granada as the president, governor, and captain-general of the New Kingdom. He had been appointed to this position on December 4, 1723, because both the crown and the Chamber of the Indies thought it would be best executed by a military officer. Manso Maldonado could boast more than 30 years of military service, proven loyalty, and administrative experience, much of it during the first reign of Felipe V. After joining the royal armies as a private, Manso Maldonado rose steadily through the ranks, fighting the Moors in Ceuta and the French in the wars of the late seventeenth century. During the War of the Spanish Succession, he served at the orders of the militant bishop of Murcia and last viceroy of Valencia, Luis Belluga, who praised Manso's valor directly to the king. Most important perhaps, at the end of the War of the Spanish Succession and upon the occupation of Catalonia by Bourbon forces, Manso Maldonado had served as teniente de rey in Gerona (1716-1719) and Barcelona (1719-1723), witnessing first-hand the implementation of the Nueva Planta and the enforcement of royal authority over the rebellious principality.

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ÁVILA, Nydia PINEDA DE, and Thomás A. S. HADDAD. "Writing the History of the New World into Universal History: Colonial Chronologies and Astral Knowledge in Late-Seventeenth Century Spanish America." Varia Historia 38, no. 78 (December 2022): 659–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0104-87752022000300003.

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Abstract In this article, we study historical and astronomical works published between 1680 and 1690 by Diego Andrés Rocha, oidor of the Royal Audience of Lima, and the Creole intellectual Carlos de Sigüenza y Góngora, viceregal cosmographer of New Spain. We contend that for these Spanish American colonial authors, history writing and the knowledge of celestial phenomena were inextricably linked within a shared epistemic framework. Astronomy and astrology provided them with a foundation for reasoning, judging the weight of disparate evidence, and establishing the legitimacy of competing claims related to the chronology of the New World, especially regarding theories about the ancient origins of the Indians. We show how the mobilization of astral knowledge in the establishment of local chronologies offered an answer to politically charged questions about the place of the Americas in the universal history of empire and Christian redemption, as well as the authors’ own place in their respective colonial societies.

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Oropesa, Salvador A. "Obscuritas and the Closet: Queer Neobaroque in Mexico." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 124, no. 1 (January 2009): 172–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2009.124.1.172.

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During the Baroque period, Luis De GÓngora y Argote (1561–1627) wrote the first Spanish-language closeted literature. Some three hundred years later, the challenging originality of his closet verse, openly studied and appreciated by a cultured, intellectual elite, played a pivotal role in the development of homosexual literature in the early-twentieth-century avant-garde movements of Spain and Latin America. This essay will briefly explore how twentieth-century Mexican avant-garde writers expressed the closet using baroque models. The thesis is that the rhetorical strategies of obscuritas provided Góngora an ideal instrument for representing the closet, which in literature is defined as a symbolic space that allows writers to represent and readers to recognize homosexuality in a heterosexual context. The pertinent OED definition of closet as an adjective reads, “secret, covert, used esp. with reference to homosexuality” (“Closet”). This recognized use of obscuritas is validated further in the observations of the Peruvian colonial writer Espinosa Medrano, one of Góngora's seventeenth-century commentators, who epitomizes the consolidation of baroque aesthetics in Hispanic America by the criollo elite. The final chapter in this tour of the baroque closet will examine how the Mexican avant-garde became aware of obscuritas through Federico García Lorca's Gongorine lectures and poetry.

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Nazzari, Muriel. "Vanishing Indians: The Social Construction of Race in Colonial São Paulo." Americas 57, no. 4 (April 2001): 497–524. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2001.0040.

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Much has been written about race and race stereotyping in Brazil in relation to African-Brazilians and their mixed African-European descendants. The situation of Indians and their mixed-blood descendants has been studied much less. In fact, the word mestizo as it is used in Spanish America does not translate well into Portuguese, for in Portuguese a mestiço can be any mixture. In the case of Brazil, it can mean either a descendant of Indian-European parents or of African-European parents.This paper studies racial classifications in seventeenth, eighteenth, and early nineteenth-century São Paulo. São Paulo was a unique region in colonial Brazil and, because of its unique history, these findings cannot be automatically extrapolated to all other parts of Brazil. São Paul was very poor, especially if compared to the northeast, and later to Minas Gerais, the center of the gold and diamond mining region. Though the town was founded in 1554, it lacked exportable natural resources until the late eighteenth century, so that the economy was partly based on the raising of a few cattle and crops for subsistence or for sale locally or to other regions of Brazil. The labor needs of Paulistas (inhabitants of São Paulo) were met through exploratory and slaving expeditions called bandeiras that replenished their Indian labor force or else provided captives to be sold to other parts of Brazil. Though there were a few African slaves in São Paulo in the seventeenth century, the settlers could not afford them in substantial numbers until the second half of the eighteenth century.

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Gharala, Norah L. A. "‘From Mozambique in Indies of Portugal’." Journal of Global Slavery 7, no. 3 (October 6, 2022): 243–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2405836x-00703001.

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Abstract Between the mid-sixteenth and late-seventeenth centuries, a minority of enslaved people in Spanish America came from the western Indian Ocean world. Europeans trafficked “Mozambiques” into central Mexico as early as the 1540s, but the terms connecting people to Eastern Africa remained nebulous to imperial authorities. Changeable and malleable, terms like “mozambique” or “cafre de pasa” circulated widely and developed layers of meaning as enslaved people moved among the port cities of the Iberian empires. These vocabularies of difference associated Blackness with the Indo-Pacific in Mexican historical documents. Tracing the experiences of enslaved people of East African origins in Mexico complicates the conflation of Blackness, slavery, and Atlantic Africa. Before the eighteenth century, historical sources point to an overlapping of categories denoting Africanness and Asianness in Mexico.

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Fradkin, Jeremy. "Protestant Unity and Anti-Catholicism: The Irenicism and Philo-Semitism of John Dury in Context." Journal of British Studies 56, no. 2 (March 31, 2017): 273–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2017.2.

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AbstractThis article examines the religious and political worldview of the Scottish minister John Dury during the English Revolution of the mid-seventeenth century. It argues that Dury's activities as an irenicist and philo-semite must be understood as interrelated aspects of an expansionist Protestant cause that included Britain, Ireland, continental Europe, and the Atlantic world. Dury sought to imitate and counter what he perceived to be the principal strengths of early modern Catholicism: confessional unity, imperial expansion, and the coordination of global missionary efforts. The 1640s and 1650s saw the scope of Dury's long-standing vision grow to encompass colonial expansion in Ireland and America, where English and continental Protestants might work together to fortify their position against Spain and its growing Catholic empire. Both Portuguese Jews and American Indians appear in this vision as victims of Spanish Catholicism in desperate need of Protestant help. This article thus offers new perspectives on several aspects of Dury's career, including his relationship with displaced Anglo-Irish Protestants in London, his proposal to establish a college for the study of Jewish learning and “Oriental” languages, his speculation regarding the Lost Tribes of Israel in America, and his cautious advocacy for the toleration of Jews in England.

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Solana, Ana Crespo. "Reflections on Monopolies and Free Trade at the End of the Eighteenth Century: A Tobacco Trading Company between Puerto Rico and Amsterdam in 1784." Itinerario 29, no. 2 (July 2005): 73–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300023639.

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Even after the passing of the ‘Free Trade’ acts in Europe and America between 1765 and 1803, colonisation still meant trade for European mercantile and maritime powers which were beginning to think of themselves as liberal in the politico-economic sense. As before, the only suitable way of obtaining profits appeared to be economic exploitation, albeit within a politico-institutional structure. This ideal had inspired the inflexible system that had dominated the relations of both Spain and Portugal with their respective transatlantic colonies. Likewise, ever since their first incursions into the New World, northern Europeans had encouraged the creation of commercial companies dedicated to monopolising any of the goods that colonies might possibly have to offer. Dutch, English and French merchants developed farreaching private and state programmes designed to direct trade and colonisation and to encourage the populating of the new lands. During the seventeenth century, some of these companies achieved considerable success. They were able to settle, with or without permission from the Spanish monarchy, in territories formally under Spanish control, such as Puerto Rico, Santo Domingo, coastal Venezuela or Guiana, regarded as areas eminently suited to business projects.

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Lokken, Paul. "From the “Kingdoms of Angola” to Santiago de Guatemala: The Portuguese Asientos and Spanish Central America, 1595–1640." Hispanic American Historical Review 93, no. 2 (May 1, 2013): 171–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2077126.

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Abstract The evidence presented in this article establishes the era of the major Portuguese asientos (1595–1640) as a key moment in the history of African migration to Spanish Central America. Between 1607 and 1628 alone, Portuguese slave traders made at least 15 voyages from Angola to the Caribbean coast of Central America, landing in most cases “by accident” at the Honduran port of Trujillo while allegedly en route to Veracruz. Many of the West Central Africans carried on these voyages were subsequently marched inland by the same Portuguese merchants to be sold in Santiago de Guatemala, capital of the Audiencia of Guatemala. Their final destinations were often rural properties located in or near the Pacific lowlands of modern-day Guatemala and El Salvador, where the largest sugar and indigo plantations counted dozens of Angolans among their enslaved workers. A decided majority of these involuntary migrants were young men, most no doubt having departed from Luanda following misfortune in the wars that, with a good deal of Portuguese encouragement, wracked their homelands after 1575. Their migration experiences testify to a significant shift in the point of origin of Africans brought to Central America away from Senegambia and neighboring regions of West Africa, birthplace of the majority of Africans transported to Central America prior to 1595. The later-arriving and larger West Central African workforce played a more important role than heretofore understood in satisfying the demands for labor that arose in the early seventeenth century as commercial agriculture briefly boomed amid persistent indigenous population decline.

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Busquets Alemany, Anna. "Dictionary, Translation and Chinese Language in Domingo Fernández de Navarrete." Sinología hispánica 1, no. 8 (June 15, 2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.18002/sin.v1i8.5923.

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One of the essential elements of the much-admired accommodation of the Jesuits was their dedication to the study of the Chinese language. However, this orientation is not exclusively to the Jesuits. The other religious orders also showed the same orientation from the first moment. Although following the imperial guidelines of Nebrija evangelization should be done in Spanish, the friars who left for America and Asia were focused from the first moment to learn the local languages. Following the line of sixteenthcentury Mexican dictionaries and languages, the translation of texts between Spanish and Chinese already had a clear representation in the Philippine Islands with the work of Juan Cobo. Throughout the XVII several vocabularies, grammars and language arts would appear while the work of the Dominican Domingo Fernández de Navarrete would include a very brief dictionary. This interest of mendicants by the local languages would culminate in the work of the Dominican Francisco Varo. Starting from the original sources —manuscripts and printed— of the seventeenth century, this communication will analyze in detail the linguistic accommodation of the mendicant orders with special emphasis on the Franciscans and the Dominicans.

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Ciaramitaro, Fernando, and Loris De Nardi. "El régimen fiscal de los donativos en las Indias como alternativa a las asambleas estamentarias europeas: una reinterpretación del imperio (siglos XVI y XVII)." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 35, no. 3 (2019): 300–326. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2019.35.3.300.

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El donativo fue una institución fundamental en la organización imperial de la monarquía hispánica, tanto en el Mediterráneo como en las Indias. La Corona, sin haber creado un sistema directo de representatividad política en América, puso en práctica una metodología de recaudación alternativa a las asambleas representativas y centrada en los donativos voluntarios. Así, inauguró en el Nuevo Mundo un proceso extraordinario para la recaudación de recursos necesarios en la gestión imperial de sus intereses. En la primera mitad del siglo xvii un gobernador de Filipinas y un presidente de la Audiencia guatemalteca pidieron donativos voluntarios a los titulares de oficios sujetos a sus respectivas jurisdicciones, reforzando así el régimen fiscal del donativo en las Américas. Donation systems were fundamental in the imperial organization of the Spanish monarchy, both in the Mediterranean and the Indies. The Crown, without creating a direct system of political representation in America, implemented fundraising systems emphasizing voluntary donations as an alternative to representative assemblies. Thus commenced an extraordinary process in the New World of fundraising the resources necessary to manage its imperial interests. During the first half of the seventeenth century, a governor in the Philippines and a presiding governor of the Guatemalan Audience each requested voluntary donations from acting officials under their respective jurisdictions. This reinforced the donation-based funding system in the Americas.

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Irving, T. B. "King Zumbi and the Male Movement in Brazil." American Journal of Islam and Society 9, no. 3 (October 1, 1992): 397–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v9i3.2577.

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Three great regions of America deserve a Muslim's attedon because oftheir Islamic past: Brazil in South America; the Caribbean, which scarcely hasbeen explored in this tespect; and the United States. Over 12 percent of theUnited States' population, and even more in the Caribbean, is of African origin,whereas Brazil has a similar or greater proportion of African descent.The enslavement and transportation of Africans to the New World continuedfor another three or four centuries after the region's indigenous Indianpopulations had either been killed off or driven into the plains and wooc1s.While knowledge of the original African Muslims in Notth America is vaguely acknowledged, teseatch is still required on the West Indies. Brazil's case,however, is clearer due to its proud history of the Palmares republic, whichalmost achieved its freedom in the seventeenth century, and the clearly Islamicnineteenth-century Male movement. As a postscript, the Canudos movement in 1897 also contained some Islamic features.In the Spanish colonies, the decline of the indigenous Indian populationsbegan quickly. To offset this development, Bartolome de Las Casas (1474-1566), Bishop of Chiapas, Mexico, suggested the importation of enslavedAfricans to the new colonies, whete they could then be converted to Christianity.Few persons have exercised such a baneful effect on society as thisman, who is often called the "Apostle of the Indies." However, othes knewhim as the "Enslaver of Africans," especially the Muslims, who he called"Moots." These facts of African slavery apply to almost all of the Atlanticcoast of the Americas, from Maryland and Virginia to Argentina, as well asto some countries along the Pacific coast such as Ecuador and Peru. If thisaspect of Muslim history and the Islamic heritage is to be preserved for humanhistory, we need to devote more study to it.This tragedy began in the sixteenth century and, after mote than four hundredyears, its effects are still apparent. If those Africans caught and sold intoslavery were educated, as many of them were, they were generally Muslimsand wrote in Arabic. Thus, many educated and literate slaves kept the recordsfor their sometimes illiterate plantation masters, who often could not read ormake any mathematical calculations, let alone handle formal bookkeeping.In 1532, the first permanent European settlement was established in Brazil,a country which since that date has never been wholly cut off from WestAfrica: even today trade is carried on with the Guinea coast. Yoruba influencefrom Nigeria and Benin has been almost as pervasive in some regions of ...

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Faü, Jean-François Yazdani. "De la sainteté de Kaleb Ǝlla Aṣbǝḥa dans l’iconographie baroque portugaise." Aethiopica 18 (July 7, 2016): 7–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.18.1.782.

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The holiness of Kaleb Ǝlla Aṣbǝḥa in Portuguese baroque iconography reveals the trajectory of a major actor of the triumph of Christianity in the south of the Arabic peninsula. This Christian sovereign, who defeated the Jewish king of Ḥimyar, Ḏū Nuwās, in 525 CE, became one of the most popular figures of Catholic devotion in South America. Pedro Páez, a Spanish Jesuit who lived in Ethiopia at the beginning of the seventeenth century, mentions him in his História da Etiópia. Later, benefiting from the progressive recognition of the holiness of African saints, this iconographical subject was popularized by the Catholic Church, thus breaking with the figure of the other, that of Jew or Moor, that of the enemy. This pillar of the Ethiopian church, refashioned according to western criteria, was presented as a unifying element of the devotion of black people in Brazil and Portugal, among whom he acquired an increasing visibility. La sainteté de Kaleb Ǝlla Aṣbǝḥa dans l’iconographie baroque portugaise révèle le parcours d’une des figures du triomphe du christianisme dans le sud de la Péninsule arabique. Ce souverain chrétien, vainqueur en 525 du judaïsme ḥimyarite, représenté par Ḏū Nuwās, devînt une des figures les plus populaires de la dévotion catholique du Nouveau monde. Pedro Páez, un Jésuite espagnol ayant vécu en Éthiopie au début du XVIIème siècle, mentionne le souverain dans sa História da Etiópia. Puis, au-delà du cheminement de la reconnaissance sacrée de saints africains, ce thème iconographique fut popularisé par l’Église catholique, rompant ainsi avec la figure de l’autre, celle du Juif ou du Maure, celle de l’ennemi. Remodelé sur des critères occidentaux, ce pilier de l’Église éthiopienne fut présenté comme un des éléments fédérateurs de la religiosité noire d’Amérique lusophone, au sein de laquelle il tendait à prendre une visibilité de plus en plus importante.

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Edwards, Gwynne. "Theatre Workshop's Translations of Three Spanish Plays." New Theatre Quarterly 25, no. 1 (February 2009): 52–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x09000050.

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In 1936 Joan Littlewood staged Lope de Vega's seventeenth-century play, Fuente Ovejuna (The Sheep Well); in 1945 Lorca's The Love of Don Perlimplín for Belisa in His Garden; and in 1958 Fernando de Rojas's sixteenth-century La Celestina. There were also plans to produce Lorca's Blood Wedding in 1948. The English versions of Fuente Ovejuna, Don Perlimplín, and Blood Wedding have been preserved in the Theatre Workshop archive at Littlewood's former base, the Theatre Royal, Stratford East, and in the following article Gwynne Edwards compares these translations with the original Spanish plays, considers the changes which were introduced in the process of adaptation, and assesses the merits of each. Gwynne Edwards is a specialist in Spanish theatre. Eleven of his translations of the plays of Lorca, as well as translations of seventeenth-century Spanish and modern Latin American plays, have been published by Methuen, and many have been given professional productions. He has recently completed the libretto of an opera on the last days of Dylan Thomas.

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Sessarego, Sandro. "Afro-Peruvian Spanish in the context of Spanish Creole Genesis." Spanish in Context 11, no. 3 (December 8, 2014): 381–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sic.11.3.04ses.

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This study presents linguistic and sociohistorical data on Afro-Peruvian Spanish (APS), an Afro-Hispanic dialect spoken in the province of Chincha (coastal Peru) by the descendants of the slaves taken to this region to work on sugarcane plantations in the seventeenth century. The present work provides new information on the origin of APS. In so doing, it casts new light on the genesis and evolution of Afro-Hispanic languages in the Americas and shows that, in light of recent works on the nature of Venezuelan, Ecuadorian and Bolivian slavery (Díaz-Campos & Clements 2008; Sessarego 2013a, 2014), colonial coastal Peru did not represent a “canonical breeding ground” (McWhorter 2000,7) for a creole language to form.

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Hendrickson, D. Scott. "Early Guaraní Printing: Nieremberg’s De la diferencia and the Global Dissemination of Seventeenth-Century Spanish Asceticism." Journal of Jesuit Studies 5, no. 4 (November 15, 2018): 586–609. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22141332-00504006.

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This article examines both how and why the Spanish Jesuit Juan Eusebio Nieremberg’s (1595–1658) once famous treatise De la diferencia entre lo temporal y eterno (1640) came to be translated and printed in the Paraguay reductions in 1705, the significance it holds in the transmission of Iberian asceticism to the American missions and how Juan Yaparí and other Guaraní craftsmen participated in its printing and enhanced its illustration. It situates the Guaraní imprint within the context of early modern mission practices and the book-trade of Counter-Reformation Europe, and seeks to show how—in what some scholars consider to be a collaborative enterprise between missionaries of the Society of Jesus and the tribal peoples—the Guaraní edition of the treatise sheds light on the vast global network the Jesuits established in their transmission of faith and knowledge between Europe, Asia, and the Americas.

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Jesús López-Peláez Casellas. "Fashioning Identities and Building an Empire: Thomas Gage’s The English-American (1648) and English Puritan Proto-colonialism." Miscelánea: A Journal of English and American Studies 56 (December 20, 2017): 91–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.26754/ojs_misc/mj.20176790.

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Thomas Gage, a seventeenth century English priest, traveler, and scholar was the first non-Spanish person to settle in, and travel extensively through, the Spanish Main. After his twelve-year experience as a Dominican in, mostly, Mexico and Guatemala, he returned to England and, after recanting, published his very popular The English-American, his Travail by Sea and Land, or, A New Survey of the West-India’s (1648).The success of this book (which rapidly went through several editions and translations) was mostly due to its coincidence, both in aim and content, with early seventeenth century English colonial ambitions —especially as devised by Oliver Cromwell in his so-called Western Design of 1655— to which it actively contributed. Gage’s successful retrospective construction of himself gained him a relatively influential position in Cromwell’s failed project to replace the Spaniards in the New World. In this paper I will examine how Gage’s insufficiently studied narrative influenced Cromwell’s military project, and will also focus on how this and similar writing produced a number of precarious and self-cancelling identities from which he tried to profit.

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Manuel, Peter. "From Scarlatti to “Guantanamera”: Dual Tonicity in Spanish and Latin American Musics." Journal of the American Musicological Society 55, no. 2 (2002): 311–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jams.2002.55.2.311.

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Abstract This essay explores the sense of dual tonicity evident in a set of interrelated Spanish and Latin American music genres. These genres include seventeenth-century Spanish keyboard and vihuela fandangos, and diverse folk genres of the Hispanic Caribbean Basin, including the Venezuelan galerón and the Cuban punto, zapateo, and guajira. Songs in these genres oscillate between apparent “tonic” and “dominant” chords, yet conclude on the latter chord and bear internal features that render such terminology inapplicable. Rather, such ostinatos should be understood as oscillating in a pendular fashion between two tonal centers of relatively equal stability. The ambiguous tonicity is related to the Moorish-influenced modal harmony of flamenco and Andalusian folk music; it can also be seen to have informed the modern Cuban son and the music of twentieth-century Cuban composer Amadeo Roldán.

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Roitman, Jessica Vance. "Economics, Empire, Eschatology: The Global Context of Jewish Settlement in the Americas, 1650–70." Itinerario 40, no. 2 (August 2016): 293–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115316000371.

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The Dutch and English offered Spanish and Portuguese Jews inducements such as liberties unheard of in Europe until the mid-nineteenth century in order to lure them to their New World colonies. As compelling as the economic and military rationales for Jewish settlement were, there were also “spiritual” reasons to encourage Jewish settlement – and for Jews, themselves, to venture to the colonies. The mid-seventeenth century was a time of eschatological fervor in both Christian and the Jewish communities and millenarianism and messianism formed the backdrops against which Jewish colonization in the New World occurred. The seventeenth century saw an increasingly acute expectation of apocalyptic events by Christians and Jews, and was marked by an outpouring of messianic prophecy all over Europe and the Mediterranean. This article will discuss whether the English and/or the Dutch encouraged Jewish settlement in the New World with the idea that it could help in ushering in the much yearned for second coming. It will also discuss whether Jews may have been tempted to go to the colonies with the idea that they were helping to bring about the dispersion described in Daniel 12:7 – a scattering that was necessary before the prophesized “Second Coming”.

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38

Burkholder, Mark A., and James Muldoon. "The Americas in the Spanish World Order: The Justification for Conquest in the Seventeenth Century." Sixteenth Century Journal 27, no. 2 (1996): 626. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2544243.

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TePaske, John Jay, and James Muldoon. "The Americas in the Spanish World Order: The Justification for Conquest in the Seventeenth Century." American Historical Review 101, no. 1 (February 1996): 149. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2169233.

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Ruiz, Teofilo F., and James Muldoon. "The Americas in the Spanish World Order: The Justification for Conquest in the Seventeenth Century." Hispanic American Historical Review 75, no. 3 (August 1995): 463. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2517248.

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Ruiz, Teofilo F. "The Americas in the Spanish World Order: The Justification for Conquest in the Seventeenth Century." Hispanic American Historical Review 75, no. 3 (August 1, 1995): 463–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-75.3.463.

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42

Adams, Julia. "Trading States, Trading Places: The Role of Patrimonialism in Early Modern Dutch Development." Comparative Studies in Society and History 36, no. 2 (April 1994): 319–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500019071.

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The decline of Iberia in the sixteenth century shook the foundations of world trade and politics, undermining Spain's Asian and American trade monopolies and creating the international opening that spurred other European states and merchants in the contest for overseas markets. After the waves had subsided in the seventeenth century, the world system had been reconfigured. The United Provinces of the Netherlands had become the first truly global commercial power—the first hegemon. The rise of the Netherlands to the position of world hegemony is at first glance startling. The seven provinces had a relatively small population (some 1.5 million inhabitants in 1600, compared to 10 million in Spain and Portugal, and 16 to 20 million in neighboring France), and had formed part of the Low Countries, an uneasily aggregated group of seigneuries, cities, and provinces under Spanish rule until the 1570s.

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43

Kania, Sonia. "The Use of the Future Subjunctive in Colonial Spanish Texts: Evidence of Vitality or Demise?" Languages 6, no. 4 (September 29, 2021): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/languages6040157.

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This article examines the use of the future subjunctive in two corpora of colonial Mexican texts. The first corpus consists of 255 documents dated 1561–1646 pertaining primarily to the historical area of New Galicia and dealing with matters of the Real Audiencia of Guadalajara. The second consists of 191 documents dated 1681–1816 written in the altiplano central of Mexico, which covers a large geographical area from Mexico City to Zacatecas. After describing the syntactic distribution of the future subjunctive in Medieval Spanish, we examine the evidence of its patterns of usage in Peninsular Spanish in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. From there, we analyze the quantitative and qualitative data related to the 428 tokens of -re forms found in our corpora and the syntactic structures in which they appear. The data support findings that the future subjunctive first fell out of use in temporal adverbial clauses, while exhibiting the most apparent productivity in relative clauses. However, the corpora examined provide no evidence that the paradigm survived longer in Latin American Spanish than in Peninsular Spanish, as has been argued. Rather, this study suggests that by the eighteenth century, the future subjunctive was a highly stylized marker of formality or politeness in written Spanish.

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Edwards, Gwynne. "Theatre Workshop and the Spanish Drama." New Theatre Quarterly 23, no. 4 (November 2007): 304–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x0700022x.

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In the course of her long career as a director with Theatre Union and Theatre Workshop, Joan Littlewood staged some twenty foreign-language plays, of which three were Spanish: Lope de Vega's Fuente Ovejuna, Lorca's The Love of Don Perlimplín for Belisa in His Garden, and Fernando de Rojas's La Celestina, while there were also plans to perform Lorca's Blood Wedding. Gwynne Edwards argues in this article that Littlewood's attraction to the Spanish plays was sometimes political but always due to a similarity in performance style which, influenced by the methods of leading European theatre practitioners, sought to integrate the elements of speech, stage design, movement, music, and lighting into a harmonious whole. Indeed, even though Lorca and Littlewood worked independently of each other, their ideas on the nature and function of theatre were very similar, while Lorca's touring company, La Barraca, employed methods very close to those of Theatre Union and Theatre Workshop. Gwynne Edwards was until recently Professor of Spanish at the University of Wales, Aberystwyth, and is a specialist in Spanish theatre. Eleven of his translations of the plays of Lorca have been published by Methuen Drama, as well as translations of seventeenth-century Spanish and modern Latin American plays. Many of these have also had professional productions.

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Patch, Robert W. "The Americas in the Spanish World Order: The Justification for Conquest in the Seventeenth Century. James Muldoon." Journal of Modern History 68, no. 3 (September 1996): 720–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/245379.

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Keen, Benjamin. "The Americas in the Spanish World Order: The Justification for Conquest in the Seventeenth Century by James Muldoon." Catholic Historical Review 82, no. 1 (1996): 109–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.1996.0139.

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Rappaport, Joanne. "“Asi Lo Paresçe Por Su Aspeto”: Physiognomy and the Construction of Difference in Colonial Bogotá." Hispanic American Historical Review 91, no. 4 (November 1, 2011): 601–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-1416648.

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Abstract My objective in this article is to examine the relationship between perception and classification in the sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Andes, focusing in particular on the Nuevo Reino de Granada (today, Colombia). During the first century of colonization, the visual identification of members of ethnoracial categories — indios, mestizos, mulattos, negros, and Spaniards — transformed over time and space in the Atlantic context. I argue in this article that we may be confining ourselves to a conceptual straitjacket if we limit our interpretation of terms like “indio” or “mulato” to their ethnic or racial dimensions as part of a self-enclosed system of classification, because such usages were embedded in broader schemes of perception and categorization that both antedated the Spanish invasion of the Americas and continued to be employed on the Iberian Peninsula. In particular, ethnoracial categories interacted in a complex relationship with the ways that observers reacted to the physiognomy of the individuals who bore these labels, so that the fluidity of classification can be seen as deriving in part from the interpretation of visual cues.

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Weindl, Andrea. "Grotius's Mare Liberum in the Political Practice of Early-Modern Europe." Grotiana 30, no. 1 (2009): 131–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/016738309x12537002674402.

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AbstractIn this article Mare liberum is placed within the context of seventeenth-century European politics. It focuses on the development of conventional relations between European States regarding their interests outside of Europe and their importance concerning the status of Asian and African 'actors'. It turns out that in spite of Mare liberum's high-sounding proclamation of equality of non-European sovereigns with European States, Grotius's position as well as Dutch policy was inspired by self-interest and was essentially opportunistic. The Dutch Republic – as well as other European States – used the 'liberal' principles of Freedom of trade and the Universality of the Law of Nations to attack the Portuguese/Spanish claims of monopoly. However, as the Dutch Republic, Great Britain and France developed their own 'Spheres of Interest' in Asia, Africa and the Americas, they effectively excluded would-be competitors. Indeed, in the eighteenth century the 'pacte colonial' constituted a distinctive characteristic of the conventional and customary 'European Law of Nations'. As non-European political actors in the eighteenth century relatively lost military and political power, the European States finally relegated them to an inferior position, beyond the charmed circle of full 'subjects of Public International Law'. The article also is a contribution to the ongoing discussion about the relation between European imperialism and the development of the doctrine of European International Law.

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Poska, Allyson M. "James Muldoon. The Americas in the Spanish World Order: The Justification for Conquest in the Seventeenth Century. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1994. xii + 239 pp. $32.95." Renaissance Quarterly 49, no. 3 (1996): 629–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2863376.

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Watts, Pauline Moffitt. "Imagining the World: Mythical Belief versus Reality in Global Encounters, and: The Americas in the Spanish World Order: The Justification for Conquest in the Seventeenth Century (review)." Journal of World History 8, no. 2 (1997): 329–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jwh.2005.0074.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Seventeenth-century Spanish America'

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